Final act of the electoral farce
TWO THIRDS OF DEPUTIES
FOR A THIRD OF THE VOTES
As expected, Özal's Motherland
Party (ANAP), largely thanks to the "double barrier" electoral system,
swept back to office on November 29, 1987, with an absolute
parliamentary majority. Although its actual share of the popular vote
fell from %45.1 in 1983 to % 36.3 Özal's party has won 292 seats in the
450-member National Assembly, that is to say 64.9 per cent, while the
opposition parties, despite the 63.3 per cent of the vote, were obliged
to be contented with 158 deputies, that is 35.1 per cent of the seats.
Out of 26,340,265 registered
electors 23,964,472 cast a valid vote. While %66.3 of the vote were
going to five right-wing parties and %33,3 to left-wing parties, %0,4
were cast for independent candidates.
Of the seven parties running for
elections, only three can be represented in the new National Assembly.
Four others have been eliminated from the parliamentary scene.
Against Özal's ANAP, Professor
Erdal Inönü's Social Democrat Populist Party (SHP) was confirmed as the
main opposition grouping. With %24.8 of the vote, the party has picked
up 99 seats, enough to give it a strong parliamentary
As to former social-democrat
premier Ecevit, having failed to cross the 10 per cent barrier required
for representation of his Democratic Left Party (DSP), immediately
announced his decision to retire from politics. He was accused by
left-wing forces of refusing all unity or alliance proposals coming
from the SHP and allowing the ANAP to obtain carte blanche in
Parliament. In fact, in the case of an electoral alliance between SHP
and DSP, the ANAP would have been only a few percentage points ahead of
Süleyman Demirel, who like Ecevit
has just been released from a political ban, won his return to
parliamentary life with his Correct Way Party (DYP)'s %19 of the vote
and 59 seats in the National Assembly.
As for the three other right-wing
parties, the Islamic fundamentalist Welfare Party (RP) of Necmeddin
Erbakan, another islamic party, Reformist Democracy Party (IDP) of
Aykut Edibali, and the neo-fascist Nationalist Labour Party (MCP) of
Alparslan Türkes too have failed to cross the barrier.
Opposition leaders, after the
election results are announced, denounced the electoral system which
eliminated all the smaller parties and relegated the two main
opposition parties with nearly half the national vote to relative
impotence. As commented by the Financial Times of December 1st, "the
size of Ozal's majority means that the opposition will have virtually
no influence and Parliament will play a mainly formal role." However,
such a chronic distortion no doubt will erode Özal's moral authority.
After taking over the government
in 1980, the military arrested Demirel, Ecevit, Erbakan and Turkes and
banned them from politics. The generals also made Özal deputy premier
and put him in charge of applying drastic economic measures imposed by
The generals ruled for three
years and stepped down after supervising an elections in 1983 involving
only those parties and candidates that they approved.
Although Ozal was the winner of
the 1983 elections with the 45 per cent of the vote, Turkish as well as
European democratic forces did not consider Ozal's "victory"
legitimate, because former leading politicians were not allowed to
In September, when Turkey's 26
million voters agreed by a razor-thin majority to allow the banned
politicians back into politics, Ozal immediately called new elections,
apparently confident that he could prevail over the former politicians,
largely thanks to the "double barrier" electoral system that he imposed.
However, it is not possible to
say that the elections were open to the participation of all political
currents in Turkey. While the neo-fascist MCP and fundamentalist RP and
IDP were being allowed to run, the working class and Kurdish community
parties were still outlawed and banned from participating in election.
Moreover, two officials of the United Communist Party of Turkey (TBKP)
in exile were arrested at the moment of their arrival to Turkey and put
under arrest while the neo-fascist and fundamentalist chiefs were
freely addressing to voters on the State Radio-TV.
If this system continues
unmodified, it will probably eliminate all the small parties from the
parliamentary scene and lead to the establishment of a strong, albeit
unrepresentative, two-party system. Özal already hinted that he might
try to win over some deputies from the opposition parties to give him
the 300 seats necessary to amend the constitution without a referendum.
He said that he expected the DYP of Demirel to quickly disintegrate
There are also rumors that, if he
can secure a 300-seat majority thanks to possible defections from the
DYP, Ozal will impose a "presidential system" by modifying the
Constitution and replace General Kenan Evren of whom the 7-year term
will end in 1989.
Nevertheless, the years ahead
will be full of many difficulties for the ANAP. First of all, just
after the e-lectoral victory, Özal's Government put in practices new
drastic economic measures hitting working masses.
Last elections show that the two
parliamentary opposition parties have a strong electoral support in
popular masses: the social democrat SHP among the wage-earners of the
big cities and the right-wing DYP among the peasants of Anatolia.
The future legislative elections,
normally to be held in 1992 if the circumstances do not impose an early
election, no doubt will erode the votes of the ANAP, and the
social-democrat SHP, if it can carry out a successful opposition, can
come to power with a %10 increase of its votes, thanks to this
electoral system and the disintegration of the rival social-democrat
ÖZAL GOVERNMENT'S 18 BLACK SPOTS
Mr. Süleyman Demirel, former
Prime Minister and present chairman of the Correct Way Party (DYP),
during his electoral campaign, put in evidence 18 black spots of Ozal's
Anarchy and Terror: In the
South-eastern Anatolia about one thousand citizens have been victim of
political violence. The number of the fallen officers, soldiers and
policemen is the highest of the history of the Republic.
Democratic rights and freedoms:
They are still extremely restricted.
Inflation: Prices have increased
by 300% in four years.
Impoverishment: Working people
have been impoverished and poor people get poorer and poorer.
Purchasing power: The share of
workers, public servants, peasants, retired people, widows and orphans
in the national income has fallen from 50% down to 37.5%.
Devaluation of Lira: While Dollar
was 280 TL in 1983, its price has climbed up to 1,000 TL in 1987.
Unemployment: The number of
jobless people has considerably increased and the government declared
that it is no more obliged to find jobs for them.
Distribution of income: Turkey
has climbed to the 10th rank among the countries of which the
distribution of income is most unjust.
Exploitation of resources:
Priorities in this field have been completely such as to create new
Delay of payments: State can no
more pay in time the prices of the commodities it buys from producers.
Debts: The internal and external
debts of the State have been doubled and even tripled.
Social State: The State has
lost its characteristic of social state. The share of national
education in the state budget has fallen down to 8.63% in 1987 while it
was 11.2% in 1983.
Injustice of Taxing: The
principle to tax those wealthier which had been in force since the 19th
Century has been suppressed.
Agriculture: While Turkey was one
of the countries which do not import alimentation, she has now to spend
each year 1,000 million Dollars for the supply of food.
Energy: The government has given
up to develop the exploitation of the resources of energy and Turkey
has become dependent on foreign countries.
Underdevelopment: 55% of the
population still work in agricultural sector and get only 19% of the
national income. The per capita GNP of the country is still under the
level of 1,000 Dollars though it should have climbed to more than 2,500
Living standards: Fuel,
electricity and telephone have been turned to the means of collecting
more taxes. Poor people can no more use them.
Waste and Corruption: They have
been daily practices in public services and the Government does not
take any measure to prevent them.
ARRESTS DURING ELECTORAL CAMPAIGN
During the electoral campaign,
all political actions other than those of the seven running parties
were not tolerated by security forces.
While the two officials of the
outlawed TKP and TIP were being arrested at the moment when they came
to Ankara from exile, the electoral campaign of the socialist
candidates who independently participated in elections were very often
interrupted or banned by the police.
On November 26, five workers
distributing leaflets for calling the people to a rally of independent
socialist candidates were taken into custody. The same day, Mr. Yalcin
Büyükdagli, spokesman of the committee for founding a socialist party,
was taken to the State Security Court.
All of them are accused of
contravening Articles 141 and 142 of the Penal Code banning
"organization and propaganda on the social class basis."
Furthermore, police announced on
November 28 that about a hundred left-wing people had been arrested
during the electoral campaign on the suspicion that they might cause
some incidents during the voting.
On September 30, 1987, in
Istanbul, police ambushed two alleged Dev-Sol militants and captured
one of them after shooting dead the other.
Besides, the press has reported
the following arrests during the last three months:
7.9, in Istanbul, 10 alleged
13.9, in Istanbul, 8 alleged
15.9, in Ankara, 10 alleged
members of different left-wing organizations.
20.9, in Izmir, 18 alleged TKP
28.10, in Ankara, 16 alleged
29.10, in Agri, five alleged PKK
30.10, in Istanbul, 8 alleged DHB
31.10, in Siirt, 20 people
accused of helping PKK guerillas.
4.11, in Mersin, a 58-year-old
peasant and his two children on the same charge.
9.11, in Hakkari, 18 alleged PKK
10.11, in Kars, 11 alleged PKK
14.11, in Istanbul, 18 alleged
20.11, in Diyarbakir, 37 people
accused of giving help to PKK.
On the other hand, while the
government was claiming during the electoral campaign that the
"separatist movement" was crushed in the Eastern Anatolia, armed
confrontations between the Kurdish Guerilla and pro-governmental forces
have very often taken place in the front pages of the Turkish press:
12.10, about a hundred Kurdish
militants raid the village of Cobandere in Siirt and shot dead 13
27.10, in Midyat (Mardin), a
Kurdish guerilla group kidnaps and shoot dead a policeman.
28.10, in Sirnak, a skirmish
between Kurdish guerillas and security forces ends in the killing of a
soldier and a militant.
3.11, in Cizre (Mardin), security
forces shoot dead seven Kurdish militants and but lose a lieutenant.
14.11, in Sirnak, Kurdish
guerillas, raiding two villages, shoot dead a teacher and kidnap 9
DETENTION OF TWO TOP OFFICIALS OF THE UNITED COMMUNIST PARTY OF TURKEY
Nabi Yagci (alias Haydar Kutlu),
secretary general of the Communist Party of Turkey (TKP) in exile, and
Nihat Sargin, secretary general of the outlawed Workers' Party of
Turkey (TIP), were detained by police when they arrived at Ankara
airport on November 16, 1987, with some European communist politicians
and journalists after seven years' self-imposed exile in Europe.
They were whisked away by police
shortly after their Lufthansa flight from West Germany landed and taken
to police headquarters in the capital.
A state security official said
both men, who fled Turkey at the time of the 1980 military coup, could
face up to 15 years in jail if charged and convicted. The Public
Prosecutor declared that they have, as leaders of two outlawed
organizations, violated several articles of the Turkish Penal Code that
prohibits communist propaganda and the formation of a communist party.
Yagci and Sargin said recently
they planned to return to Turkey, where communism has been banned since
the mid-1920s, to merge their two groups into a united communist party.
Shortly before they arrived, "President of the Republic" Kenan Evren
said: "The present situation in Turkey is not suitable for the
establishment of either a communist party or a party based on religion."
European communist politicians
accompanying Yagci and Sargin said that they came to ensure democratic
freedoms in Turkey through the acceptance of the legal activities of
the two Communists.
Last September, a national
referendum lifted, by the narrowest of margins, bans imposed by the
military on about 100 political opponents. Public funerals of two
left-wing exiles were allowed, although the organizations they
represented are banned. Despite this sign of tolerance, Mr. Ozal's
response to the return of the two Communists has been uncompromising. A
statement from his office blamed Communists for terrorist actions and
said the two men would be arrested as soon as they arrived.
On these arrests, the European
Parliament, following a proposal from the Communist Group, on November
19, adopted by 123 votes against 76 and 4 abstentions the following
"The European Parliament,
"A. Whereas Turkey is linked to
the EEC by an association agreement,
"B. having regard to the Turkish
Government's decision to hold elections on 29 November,
"C. having regard to its decision
to send a delegation of observers to these elections,
"D. having regard to the return
to Turkey of Mr. Nihat Sargin and Mr. Haydar Kutlu, the
Secretary-General of the Turkish Workers' Party and the Turkish
"E. Whereas a number of national
and European parliamentarians decided to accompany Mr. Nihat Sargin and
Mr. Haydar Kutlu on their return to Ankara;
"1. Expresses its concern at the
fact that Mr. Nihat Sargin and Mr. Haydar Kutlu were arrested on
arrival in Ankara, abruptly separated from the parliamentarians
accompanying them and placed in solitary confinement in the city's
"2. Demands the immediate release
of these two people and calls for guarantees that in future they will
enjoy freedom of political activity in Turkey with a view to
contributing to the establishment of democracy in that country;
"3. Calls on the Foreign
Ministers meeting in European Political Cooperation to make urgent
representations to the Turkish Government;
"4. Instructs its President to
make similar representations to the Turkish authorities;
"5. Instructs its President to
forward this resolution to the Foreign Ministers meeting in European
Political Cooperation, the governments of the Member States, the
Turkish Government and the Turkish Grand National Assembly."
Nevertheless, a few days later,
on November 23, the Committee on External Economic Relations of the
European Parliament adopted the Protocol to the Association Agreement
with Turkey and the Supplementary Protocol which accompanies it
(seeking to maintain traditional Turkish exports of fresh lemons and
table grapes), in spite of the opposition of the Communist deputy, Mr.
Pierre-Benjamin Pranchère, who urged the Committee to delay a vote in
the light of the Parliament's resolution on the arrest of communist
officials in Ankara.
MASS TRIALS AND CONDEMNATIONS
Despite the claim of return to
democracy, both martial law tribunals and state security courts
continue to judge and condemn political prisoners.
10.9, the public prosecutor
claims prison terms up to 15 years for 101 defendants of the trial of
TKKKO (Liberation Army of Northern Kurdistan) at the State Security
Court of Istanbul.
6.10, the military prosecutor
claims capital punishment for 580 defendants of the Dev-Sol
(Revolu-tionary Left) trial carried on at the martial law court of
Istanbul since 1980. As for 623 other defendants, they all face
different prison terms.
7.10, the martial law court of
Ankara condemns a member of the TDY (Way of Turkish Revolution) to
capital punishment and another to life-prison.
11.10, two defendants of the DHB
(Revolutionary Union of People) Trial are condemned to life-prison and
two others to 16-year prison terms each by the Martial Law Court of
25.10, the Military Court of
Cassation approves four capital punishments, three
life-imprisonments and 51 different prison terms for the
defendants of the TKP/ML Trial.
27.10, the trial of 722 alleged
members of Dev-Yol (Revolutionary Path) enters its sixth year at the
Martial Law Court No.1 of Ankara. 236 of the defendants face capital
punishment. Lawyers estimate that the trial, with the procedure applied
by the military justice, cannot end before 1989.
29.10, the Military Court of
Cassation approves the prison terms up to 16 years and 8 months for 104
defendants of the TKP Trial. The condemnation of 100 other defendants
5.11, the military prosecutor
claims 30 capital punishments at the TKP/ML Trial at Martial Law Court
of Istanbul. 163 other defendants the same trial face prison terms up
to 15 years.
13.11, four women are brought
before the State Security Court of Istanbul on the charge of adhering
to the TKP. They face 10-year prison term each.
26.11, the Military Court of
Cassation approves seven capital punishments and 16 different prison
terms for the far-right MHP activists.
TORTURE AND ILL-TREATMENT
The daily Cumhuriyet of October
18, 1987, reported that Ibrahim Oztürk, detained in Istanbul on October
10, died after being brutally beaten at police center during his
On November 5, 1987, Mrs. Seviye
Köprü, defendant of the TKP Trial in Izmir, said at the State Security
Court that she had been violated by policemen during her interrogation
at police center.
It was reported on November 10,
1987, by the press that Aziz Biltekin died after his interrogation at a
police center in Izmit.
In Ankara, during a political
trial at the State Security Court on November 8, 1987, defendants
alleged that they had been tortured during their police interrogation.
On this declaration, the chief judge of the court, Mr. Ekrem Celenk
said: "We are sick of listening to torture allegations for eight years.
Do not abuse your right to defense for voicing your claims." Defendant
Senal Sarihan countered: "Yes, everybody is sick of talking of torture,
but torturers do not!"
PRICE OF BEING TORTURED
A Criminal Court in Aydin, at the
trial of three political detainees on October 2, 1987, agreeing that
the defendants had been tortured by police during their interrogation,
adjudged that the State should pay to each of them 125,000 TL (125
dollars) as indemnity. However, the defendants declared that the sum is
ridiculous and they would appeal to the Court of Cassation.
PROTEST ACTIONS FOR AND BY PRISONERS
Protesting against the
ill-treatment, 19 political detainees in Adana and 39 in Mersin special
prisons of Type E went on hunger-strike, respectively on 5 and 7
November 1987. They complain of the restriction on their parents'
visits, unrespect to hygienic conditions, ban on the introduction of
some publications into prison. They said that when they are talking
with their parents during visits, at least three or four prison guards
listen to their conversations.
On the other hand, on November
19, 1987, in Istanbul, seven political prisoners, in a protest against
being taken handcuffed and chained to the he State Security Court,
undressed themselves before the judges. On this action, they were
brutally beaten by police.
On November 25, the State
Security Court sentenced 11 other detainees to prison terms up to 5
months for having resorted earlier to protest actions of same kind.
On November 21, the Association
for Solidarity with the Parents of Arrested and Convicted People
(TAYAD) organized an evening entitled "Freedom in Our Hands". But the
evening was banned at the last moment by the order of the Governor of
The campaign for a general
amnesty and lifting of capital punishment launched on October 4, 1987,
by the Human Rights Association of Turkey (IHD) has been extended over
all the country and to the foreign countries. Thousands of people
participate in collecting of signature in favour of general amnesty and
lifting of capital punishment.
At the beginning of the campaign,
the IHD announced that at least 250,000 people have been detained and
many of them tortured since the proclamation of martial law in 1979.
According to a report issued by
the Council of Europe, Turkey keeps the first rank among the 21 member
countries as regards the number of prisoners. Out of 52,718 prisoners
42.6 percent are the people who are not yet condemned and attend the
SUPPRESSION OF THE RIGHT TO WORK
The General Staff Headquarters
announced on October 21, 1987, that 4,891 civil servants, considered
"suspects", had been fired from their posts between 1980-83. Although
the ban on 3,406 of them has been lifted later on, 1,485 are still
According to the press reports of
October 28, the practice of security investigation hit thousands of
candidates for civil services. For example, the National Education
Ministry (MEB) has engaged 11,444 new teachers for primary and
secondary schools. But, only 865 of them have been allowed to take post
by the Intelligence Unit of the Ministry while the security
investigation is still going on as regards 10.579 other candidates. Due
to this repressive practice, many primary and secondary schools cannot
start their educational programme.
The daily Hürriyet of November 2,
1987, reports that the intelligence units consider "inadmissible" for
public posts even those who have non-political relations with left
PRESSURE ON INTELLECTUAL LIFE
8.11, Hasan Selim Acan,
responsible editor of political review Halkin Kurtulusu, is condemned
once more, so the total prison term to which he has sentenced up to now
rises to 331 years. Moreover, he still faces 100-year prison for some
other press trials. Of the same review, three other responsible
editors, Veli Yilmaz, Osman Tas and Mustafa Yildirimtürk have been
condemned respectively to 748, 660 and 155 years prison terms.
9.11, Dr. Arslan Yüzgün's book,
Women with Blue Identity Cards, is confiscated on the pretext of being
harmful to public moral.
11.11, 30 students of the Middle
East Technical University (ODTÜ) are tried before the State Security
Court of Ankara for having organized without authorization a rally to
protest against new rules of student dormitories. They face prison
terms of up to three years.
21.11, the student associations
of the Aegean University in Izmir claim at a press conference that
political police very often proposes to some students to be informer in
return of some advantages. One of those students attempted to commit
suicide as a result of a nervous breakdown caused by this proposal.
24.11, the publisher of the youth
review Ogrenci Postasi, Serhat Simsek, the correspondent of the youth
review Yarin, Zekeriya Aytemur, and two other students are arrested by
police for voicing some democratic demands of the youth.
25.11, Mrs. Fatma Yazici,
responsible editor of the weekly 2000'e Dogru, is condemned to one-year
prison term by a criminal court in Istanbul for having published an
article which is considered unrespectful to Prophet Mohammed. The same
journalist is also tried before the State security Court of Istanbul
for having published Atatürk's words on the Kurdish Question.
26.11, in Ankara, the
Administrative Court begins to deal with the case opened by Mr.
Süleyman Ege, publisher of the Bilim ve Sosyalizm Yayinlari, against
the Prime Ministry. 133,607 books of this publication house were
destroyed in 1982 by the Izmit Paper Mill on the order of Ankara
Martial Law Command. Reminding that there was not any court decision
for the destruction of the books, Ege requests an indemnity of 240,000
Dollars. The defence lawyer of the Prime Ministry claims that martial
law commanders had the authority to have any book destroyed even if it
is not object of any legal proceeding.
27.11, the National Educational
Ministry orders all public schools to exclude Molière's Le Bourgeois
Gentilhomme, Voltaire's Candide and Camus' La Peste from school
libraries on the ground that they contain some anti-Turkish and
29.11, daily Günaydin's copies
are confiscated throughout the country on grounds that it contravenes
PROSECUTION OF RELIGIOUS ACTIVISTS
Amnesty International issued on
November 10, 1987 a detailed report on the prosecution of religious
activists in Turkey.
The number of people prosecuted
for their religious activities in Turkey increased substantially during
1987, according to AI.
"At Istanbul State Security Court
alone 44 trials of 128 defendants began during the first seven months
of 1987. Secularity (separation of religion and state affairs) is one
of the founding principles of the Turkish Republic and anti-secular
tendencies have been prosecuted under Article 163 of the Turkish Penal
Code since its introduction in 1926. This article has never been used
to prosecute those using violence and these defendants should not be
confused with members of militant Muslim groups operation in Turkey and
"In 1983 the maximum sentence for
an offence under Article 163 was more than doubled to 15 years'
imprisonment. In February 1987 a draft amendment to the Penal Code
provided for a maximum punishment of life imprisonment.
(According to the daily
Cumhuriyet of July 30, 1987, the State Security Court of Istanbul,
since its foundation in 1984, has, in 7 different cases, sentenced 10
defendants to 32 years' and 11 months' imprisonment, to seven years'
and eleven months' compulsory residence and to 20,380 TL fine in
"Those on trial include
participants in peaceful demonstrations, members of legal political
parties, journalists and writers as well as members of Islamic
brotherhoods. A main target for persecution were leading members of
Islamic associations among Turkish workers abroad, mainly based in the
Federal Republic of Germany. Although these associations are legal
outside Turkey their members are prosecuted once they enter the
"For example, Hasan Damar,
Secretary General the association Milli Görüs (National Vision) in the
FRG until 1982, was arrested when he entered Turkey on October 27, 1986
and sentenced by Ankara Criminal Court to 25 months' imprisonment with
bail set at 500,000 TL ($500). Although the sum was paid, Hasan Damar
was not released because in the meantime Ankara State Security Court
had issued an arrest warrant on similar charges.
"Amnesty International considers
all people imprisoned for the non-violent expression of their beliefs
to be prisoners of conscience.
"Compared to the thousands of
allegations of torture in detention Amnesty International receives from
Turkey, there are relatively few allegations of torture and
ill-treatment of religious activists in police custody. But it has been
alleged that Hüseyin Kurumahmutoglu died in July 1987 after he had been
beaten by a guard in Mamak Military Prison (Ankara) for refusing to
take off his prayer cap.
"Amnesty International has also
received a few reports of court proceedings against Christian
individuals and groups.
"In June and July 1984 thirty-one
adherents of the Jehovah's Witness faith were taken into custody in
Ankara and subsequently charged under Article 163. Eleven of them were
formally arrested. In December 1984, 23 defendants were sentenced; 18
to four years', two months' imprisonment and five to six years', eight
months' imprisonment. The sentences were not confirmed by the Appeal
Court and the defendants, who were released in June 1985, had to be
retried. Finally in April 1987 the Panel of Judges at the Appeal Court
ruled that all the defendants had to be acquitted, thereby
acknowledging that the Jehovah's Witness faith was a legal religious
group of no threat to the secular nature of the State.
"On 27 January 1987 ten people
charged with membership of, and propaganda for, a Protestant group were
taken into police custody in Ankara. After some days they appeared at
Ankara State Security Court and were released. Subsequently the charges
PROSTITUTION INCREASED AT 6,259%
One of the indicators of the
deterioration of living conditions in a country is no doubt the rise of
the number of the prostitutes. According to a survey carried out by the
Sociology Section of the Aegean University, appeared on the daily
Milliyet of November 8, 1987, the number of the registered prostitutes,
with a rise at 6,259%, has climbed up to 338,000 in 1987 while it
was 5,400 in 1980. Many of these women are considered by their families
as a wage-earner and not repudiated as it was before. After their daily
professional activities, they lead a normal family life with their
husbands and children.
The same newspaper reported in
its September 8, 1987 issue that about 20,000 of these women prostitute
as "call girls" and those who have relations with businessmen or rich
foreign tourists get up to 1 million Turkish Liras (1000 US dollars)
for each "affair".
4 MILLION CHILDREN AT THE LABOUR MARKET
A police raid on the Bafra market
place where children below fifteen years old are "hires" to employers
for a period as laborers has drawn attention once more to the fate of
the children of poor families.
The police held eight children
about to be taken away by their employer, and the fathers who had
brought the children to be "hired" in return for amounts of from TL
20,000 ($20) up to TL 40,000 ($40) per month according to their
abilities. The two fathers "caught" said: "Not even grass grows in our
village. What can we give these children to eat if they don't work?"
and added that they had also worked this way when they were children.
"We feel like slaves, the better
the money the harder the work. After the goodbyes with our kin we have
no idea of what will happen to us until the end of the contract," said
14-year-old Ulget Gürcü and 11-year-old Bekir Erol.
According to an article of the
daily Cumhuriyet of September 11, 1987, about 4 million children at the
school age cannot continue their secondary education because of the
poverty of their families and are obliged to work as wage-earner. What
is more, many children have to work as apprentice, shepherd or hawker
even at the age of primary school though the primary education is
obligatory in Turkey.
RECENT DATA ON TURKISH IMMIGRATION
- Turkish workers in the FRG have
sent 48,950 million DM to their country in a 27 years period, since
1960 up to first half of 1987.
- The number of the Turkish
workers who are employed in the FRG is, according to the data issued by
the German National Education Ministry, 499,000. With their
spouses and children, the total Turkish population in the FRG is
1,434,000. As for the Turkish youths following a vocational education
in this country, their number has been 19,717 in 1983, 20,777 in 1984
and 21,664 in 1985. Besides, 256,000 Turkish children are at primary
schools, 18,284 at secondary schools, 13,205 at high schools, 23,500 at
the schools for handicapped children and 6,332 at evening schools.
- In the last four years 3,020
Turkish nationals have been naturalized in the FRG.
- The Daily Telegraph reported
that the FRG, with a view to covering the lack of native soldiers
is planning to recruit immigrant youths for the German Army
(Bundeswehr) and to charge them in a Foreigners Legion to be set up.
- The number of the enterprises
set up by Turkish in the FRG has climbed to 25,000 with a total
investment of 2.04O million dollars in 1987 while it was 22,000 in last
- The number of the mixed
marriages between Turkish women and German men fell to 1,312 in 1985
while it was 3,982 in 1981. The number of the marriages between Turkish
women and men in 1985 is 4.025.
- The number of the births of
Turkish children in the FRG has also shown a decrease by falling to
25,171 in 1984 while it was 43,498 in 1977.
- The application of the system
of inciting jobless immigrant workers to return to their country has
not resulted in success as it was attended. According to the data by
the end of September 1987, only 140 out of 7,342 jobless Turkish
immigrants have applied for benefitting from the premium offered by the
Belgian Government. 25.8 million Belgian Francs have been paid to those
who returned to Turkey. The number of Turkish immigrant workers in
Belgium, including the jobless ones, is 32,500.
RACIST AND XENOPHOBIC ACTS AGAINST TURKS
22.4, in Norheim (FRG),
Skindheads met for celebrating the anniversary of Adolph Hitler's birth
attack a group of Turkish youths. During the quarrel continuing up to
morning twelve people are wounded and police arrest 8 skinheads.
24.4, in Bielefeld (FRG), the
local of Turco-Islamic Cultural Association is set on fire by
25.4, in Gröplingen (FRG), a
Turkish local is put on fire, and a Turkish grocery is bombed on the
4.5, in Oberhausen (FRG),
Skinheads, during a rally that they hold, attack a group of Turkish
workers listening to their speeches. Instead of Skinheads, police take
into custody seven Turks.
5.5, in Hamburg (FRG), a
39-year-old Turkish worker, Musa Eker, is shot dead with four bullets
while he is coming home from mosque. He had three children and his wife
5.5, in Wetzlar (RFG), a Turkish
club is attacked by 20 masked racists. During the raid carried out by
using fire-arms and destroying all furnitures, the club owner is
6.5, the Interior Ministry of the
State of Niedersachsen (FRG) announces that the racist aggressions have
considerably increased in 1986. Police registered 25 acts of aggression
against political refugee campings and foreigners' dwellings in
Hannover, Melle and Gronau.
20.5, in Ingolstadt (FRG), a
building inhabited by seven Turkish families is put on fire for a
second time by unidentified persons.
11.6, in Montargis near Paris
(France), two policemen shot dead a 14-year-old Turkish teenager on
pretext that he drove a stolen car.
15.6, in Langen (FRG), a group of
Neo-nazi FAP members paint racist slogans such as "Foreigners, Out!"
and "Germany to Germans!" on the walls of schools, public buildings and
18.6, in Berlin, a Turkish bakery
is set on fire by unknown people.
3.7, the German weekly Der
Spiegel reports that some floppydisks containing games provoking
anti-Turk feelings are widely distributed and sold. One of these games
is entitled "Feast of Hostility against Turks in the Buchenwald Camp"
and carries the inscription "Copyright: Hitler and Hess" and the
swastika. Another floppydisk contains an "Anti-Turk Test".
6.7, in Berlin, a group of
Skinheads attack Turks during a feast. They wound some of Turks as well
as six policemen. After this aggression, four of the wounded policemen
9.7, according to the daily
Frankfurter Rundschau, neo-nazi groups mail racist tracts to private
addresses of foreigners in the cities of Göttingen and Hamel (FRG).
Signed by Oskar Hinzmann, local chief of the Neo-nazis, the tracts say:
"If you do not leave Germany after having received this tract, nothing
can prevent the disaster you will meet with!"
29.7, in Vienna (Austria), a
Turkish grocery is set on fire on the night by unknown persons.
26.8, in Kiel (FRG), four
Skinheads attack a Turkish group returning from a marriage ceremony and
wound 6 out of eleven. A grievly wounded 50-year old Turkish women,
Elif Yilmaz, is placed in hospital. Police take three Skinheads into
8.9., in Hamburg (FRG), a band of
young Germans raid a Turkish disco and beat eight Turkish youths of
whom two are taken to hospital. In retaliation for this aggression, one
of the beaten Turkish youths wounds a German at the place of incident.
15.9, in Hannover (FRG), a group
of Skinheads raid a Turkish club by shouting "Germany will be grave for
foreigners. There is no place for cannibals in this country!".
23.9, a Turkish mosque in the
city of Herne (FRG) is destroyed by unidentified persons.
27.9, in Hannover (FRG), a group
of Skinheads raids a Turkish club and attacked the clients inside. When
Turkish clients resist against their aggression, they go out and break
into pieces the windows, causing so to a damage of 30,000 DM. They
attack also the policemen trying to halt the confrontation and wound
two of them. Thirteen skinheads carrying arms are taken into custody.
15.10, again in Hannover, another
group of Skinheads attack a Turkish club and provoked a bloody quarrel.
26.10, in Hildesheim (FRG), a
5-year old Turkish girl is found strangled after being violated by