A non-government information service on Turkey
Un service d'information non-gouvernemental sur la Turquie


15th Year - N°170
 December 1990
38 rue des Eburons - 1000 Bruxelles
Tél: (32-2) 215 35 76 - Fax: (32-2) 215 58 60
 Rédacteur en chef: Dogan Özgüden - Editrice responsable: Inci Tugsavul

Özal, more warmonger than Turkish generals, proclaims general
mobilization and seeks European complicity in his abuse of power


    The nation-wide reaction against President Özal's one-man Gulf policy gained a new dimension with the resignation of the Chief of the Turkish General Staff, General Necip Torumtay. Earlier, the ministers of Foreign Affairs and National Defense too resigned from their posts because Özal conducted foreign and military affairs without consulting them.
    Torumtay became the first army chief  to resign from his post because of political differences with the government. He was replaced by General Dogan Güres.
    Torumtay's terse resignation letter said the principles he believed in and his understanding of government did not permit him to continue serving in his post.
    The army chief, in a farewell message to the armed forces, urged them to continue to move in the direction shown by Kemal Atatürk.
    The last official meeting between Özal and Torumtay took place on December 1st, during which recent developments related to the Gulf crisis were discussed. At this meeting Özal underlined the need to send a symbolic military unit to Saudi Arabia , arguing that a symbolic Turkish presence in the Gulf was necessary so that Turkey could have more say in the diplomatic negotiations that would follow. Torumtay opposed the President's plans.
    It is reported that both the Foreign Ministry and the General Staff Headquarters were opposed to involving Turkish troops in the war and to allowing the use of US bases in Incirlik and Pirinclik by US combat troops in case of hostilities began against Iraq.
    Torumtay, at the said meeting, argued that an additional agreement between Ankara and Washington was necessary before the bases could be used against Iraq. Torumtay was also disillusioned with Özal practice of conducting policy through proper channels, without consulting the headquarters of the general staff. The key figure of the President's proper channels is Retired General Kemal Yamak, Secretary General of the Presidential Palace. The Turkish press claims that Özal modified the General Staff's plans according to Yamak's suggestions so as to satisfy the US administration's demands.
    In fact, after General Torumtay's resignation the military concentration in the Iraqi border area has been accelerated. According to Hürriyet of December 8, more troops were sent to the provinces of Hakkari and Siirt, in addition to a 100,000-man force.
    The main opposition leader Erdal Inönü, commenting General Torumtay's resignation, said: "Several cabinet ministers resigned saying they were unable to work with Özal. Now the chief of the general staff has resigned. Özal's personal approach is taking the nation toward war. Top level bureaucrats are resigning one after the other saying that they do not want to get involved in this adventure."
    In a further move, Özal asked the NATO Alliance to send the air component of the Allied Mobile Force (AMF) to Turkish-Iraqi border for guarding the country's south-east against a potential Iraqi attack. This component consists of three squadrons of fighters from Germany, Belgium and Italy.
    Although the Turkish press was informed of this demand on December 19, the letter to the NATO is dated November 30, 1990. It seems that the appeal to the NATO had been made despite the objection of the Chief of General Staff.
    The Turkish press claims that this decision too was taken by Özal himself without a prior discussion at the Council of Ministers.    
    It is also reported by the Turkish press that from the beginning of 1991, a general mobilization will be proclaimed throughout Turkey on the pretext of a potential Iraqi aggression.
    Since Saddam Hussein has never raised any menace against Turkey, such measures are being interpreted as Özal's a new manoeuvre aimed at justifying the utilisation of Turkish airports by the US Air Forces on the one hand, and on the other, at reinforcing his coercive power in the country.
    Turkish and Kurdish opposition groups have recalled once again that any military assistance to Turkey in the South East will be a western contribution to the repression carried out by the Turkish Army against the Kurdish population.
    As a matter of fact, except for the USA, the European members of the NATO have already taken a deliberately cautious line over Özal's request. It seems that the NATO ambassadors could accede to the Turkish request for deployment as a purely political gesture, but would stop short of making the committed aircraft operational. A further NATO decision would thus be needed before the squadrons could be sent into action.


    The public debate on the Counter-guerrilla Organization, Turkish counterpart of the Gladio, developed last month with the interventions of many public figures as well as some former officers. The Turkish Army spokesman confirmed the existence of such an organization, officially named Special War Department.
    Although refused the organization's any link with political terror, the spokesman admitted that the teams of the Counter-guerrilla Organization were still being used in the Southeast against Kurdish guerrillas.
    However, the majority of the National Assembly, taking no heed of public debate, turned down a Social Democratic Populist Party (SHP) proposal to give priority to an inquiry into the activities of the Counter-guerrilla Organization.
    Lieutenant-General Dogan Bayazit, head of the operations division of the general staff, told journalists on December 3 that the Special Warfare Department was not the counter-guerrilla organization the press: "The department was set up to provide resistance to an invasion in the form of guerrilla warfare and underground rescue and kidnap operations."
    Brigadier General Kemal Yilmaz, head of the controversial department, said the organization was set up in September 1952, when Adnan Menderes, an outspoken U.S. ally, was prime minister. The department was established after Turkey became a full member of NATO in February 1952.
    According to Yilmaz, the Special  Warfare Department, which consists of civilians as well as army officials, organized a resistance movement in Cyprus between 1963 and 1974 and was also used in 1980 to rescue hostages held in a Turkish Airlines passenger plane hijacked to Diyarbakir by fundamentalist Moslem terrorists. "The department was still active in security operations against armed members of the Workers' Party of Kurdistan (PKK) in Turkey's southeastern provinces," he said.
    Beyazit responded to Bülent Ecevit's recent claims that he learned about the existence of the department in 1974, as prime minister, when additional funds were requested from him: "In 1974, Ecevit was briefed by the general staff, and those generals who gave the briefing took notes of the prime minister's comments. Ecevit said, 'It is [my] national duty [to provide funds to the department]. I am, in principle, in favour of channeling national funds to meet that need. This will not burden the state, the department could be financed with secret funds. Determine what you need, and hand me the list. If Ecevit says he was not fully informed, this shows he did not read the decrees he signed carefully."
    Bayazit claimed the department was not a clandestine organization but a division of the army. He denied, however, that the department was set up on NATO's initiative. He also said there were no links between the Special Warfare Department and the National Intelligence Organization (MIT).  He admitted, however, that the department cooperated with NATO on technical issues and that, at times, it joined NATO's training programs in Turkey and abroad.
    The organization was not particularly anti-communist, Bayazit maintained. "If Turkey were a country under the threat of invasion only by communists, then the organization would have mainly been set up as a shield against communism. But Turkey is under other threats, ranging from religious fundamentalism to [President] Saddam Hussein and Greece," he said, adding that "the department would also be used against a religious revolution in Turkey"
    Newspapers and former politicians have recently claimed that the department questioned political leaders and prisoners and tortured them at the Ziverbey Mansion, in Istanbul's Erenkoy district, after the March 12,1971 coup when the nation's top generals forced the government of former prime minister Süleyman Demirel to resign by issuing a memorandum. Many left-wing writers, journalists and activists were arrested following the 1971 coup. Writer Ilhan Selçuk and army officers thought to have been involved in plotting against the state were questioned at the mansion. All claimed later they were told during their questioning that the mansion was used by the counter-guerrilla organization.
    At the press conference, Bayazit denied the mansion was used by the department. "The department had not been assigned any undercover activity during the September 12, 1980 military coup, " he said.

General Evren's version of Counter-guerrilla

    The statement by the army headquarters seemed to contradict comments made by Kenan Evren, former president and chief of the military junta of September 12, 1980. Evren wrote in his memoirs published last month that on May 5,1980 then Prime Minister Süleyman Demirel had requested that the department be used to combat terrorism.
    "I refused this request. He (Demirel) insisted by saying that the department was used in 1971 against subversive activities. I turned the request down again. During the time I served at the head of the General Staff Headquarters the department was not used beyond its original purpose," said Evren.
    Evren said although he did not allow the use of this secret organization, "Some people affiliated with it may have been involved in such incidents. I am not in a position to know this. They may have done it without informing me,' he added.
    Evren confirmed that the Special Warfare Department had previously been used for such activity, for example during the killing of nine left-wing militants at Kizildere in northern Anatolia on March 30,1972 .
    On the other hand, Evren, said in an interview published earlier, on November 26, in the daily Hürriyet that civilians affiliated with the undercover paramilitary organization set up by the Special Warfare Department at the Army Headquarters may have been involved in terrorist incidents before 1980 without his knowledge.
    Demirel denied that he had asked Evren to use the department to counter terrorism: "I simply asked him to use his authority. Evren is mixing things up."
    The former prime minister Bülent Ecevit indicated that several incidents that took place in 1977 and 1978 were still unresolved. "Of these, the most important occurred at the 1977 May Day rally in Taksim Square in Istanbul. It led to the deaths of more than 30 people," said Ecevit.  During the rally unidentified persons opened fire on the square which was packed with thousands of people. The gunfire led to panic and a stampede which left 33 people dead. Despite court cases about the incident and a police investigation it is still not known who opened fire.
    Ecevit said that he expressed his suspicions that the civilian arm of the Special Warfare Department might have been behind the May Day incidents to Fahri Korutürk, then Turkey's president, who asked him to submit his concerns to him in writing.
    Ecevit also mentioned an assassination attempt against himself on May 29,1977. During the incident a policeman shot and wounded Mehmet Isvan, an associate of Ecevit, with a special weapon which fired a small missile. "Following the incident it was understood that such a weapon was not officially supposed to exist in the Turkish police force. Our attempts to uncover the origin of this weapon were foiled. We were never able to learn where this weapon came from or who gave it to the policeman who used it" said Ecevit.
    In 1977 Demirel—who was then prime minister—publicly warned Ecevit not to take part in a political rally in Taksim because there was evidence that an attempt would be made on his life.
    "In 1978 when I came to power, I was curious where Demirel got the I information ' Ecevit said. "I asked for the file and studied it. The warning was written on a piece of blank paper with no signature. Neither the police headquarters nor the National Intelligence Organization (MIT) had apparently investigated where the piece of paper came from. This again made me think of the Special Warfare Department," said Ecevit.

An ex-offocer's revelations on counter-guerilla

    Talat Turhan, a retired army officer who wrote three books on the operations of counter-guerrilla groups in Turkey said a counter-guerrilla organization similar to Gladio was established in Turkey soon after it joined NATO in 1952.
    In an interview to the daily Dateline of November 24,  Turhan hinted  a possible connection between the so-called counter-guerrilla organization and recent assassinations, including those of Cetin Emec, former editor-in-chief of the mass-circulation daily Hürriyet, Iawyer Muammer Aksoy, strong advocate of Atatürk's reform principles, theology lecturer and SHP former minister Bahriye Ücok and writer Turan Dursun. "Theoretically, if the murderers cannot be found and if the political assassinations continue, the authors of crime are the security forces and the intelligence agencies. These organizations can act individually or in collaboration. They might act with a foreign intelligence agency. It is up to the government to prove or disprove this theory," he said.
    The present political atmosphere in Turkey, he added, might lead to another military coup. "In today's Turkey, I have the feeling that a film that has been shown twice might be shown for the third time. This is all because of the failure of the government. It cannot find the murderers."
    Recalling the era before the military coup of 1971, Turhan said, "Before the March 12, 1971 coup, individual terrorist activities were widespread. This political atmosphere was followed by a military coup, which was beneficial for the United States, which was against the freedoms provided by the 1961 Constitution. The reason for fueling a military coup was to make necessary amendments in the constitution which would reinstate exploitation by the United States"
    According to Turhan, the September 12, 1980 military coup was created for the same purpose. "Those who want to exploit this country much more than they were doing in the past organized another military coup. Turkey was turned into a blood bath by provocations and assassinations carried out by unknown people. This led to the military coup ' he said. Turhan told Dateline that originally the idea of establishing a resistance group against the Soviet-led invasion of a NATO member country was legitimate. "You cannot blame such an establishment for its operations if it remains within legal grounds. But if it operates under the influence of foreign forces, namely U.S. imperialism, it is very likely to be used for illegal activities. It happened like this in Italy and it happens to be so in Turkey,' he said.
    Turhan, who was highly influential in the army after the military coup in 1960, was accused of involvement in two military coup attempts and was forced to resign from the army in 1964. Following the 1971 military coup led by right-wing officers, Turhan was jailed for subversive activities and for leading a leftist military coup attempt.
    During his trial, Turhan presented various documents to the court including one entitled Counter-guerrilla Operations published by U.S. army as field manual FM-31-16. It was later translated into Turkish and published by the Turkish Army headquarters as publication number ST-31-1S.
    He also presented—as evidence of counter-guerrilla operations in Turkey—a book entitled Counter-insurgency Warfare, by David Galula. The book, published in 1964 by Frederick A. Praeger, Inc., which Turhan claimed is a CIA publishing house, was published in Turkish in 1965 by the Army Headquarters. According to Turhan, these books, namely Counter-guerrilla Operations, were handbooks for the counter-guerrilla organizations in Turkey.
    Counter-guerrilla Operations gives detailed tactical information on ambushes, terrorist activities, sabotage, attacks against police stations and patrolmen, armed robbery and torture. The other book written by Galula on counter-insurgency warfare includes, in the seventh chapter, tactics for influencing local political leaders and for rigging local elections when required.
    "In some local elections, it is possible that all of the elected politicians are useless or it might be impossible to find another candidate in a better condition. This is an unfortunate situation. Under these circumstances nothing can be done but to transfer a better one from a different neighbourhood and to rig the elections" the book claims.
    "I myself whole-heartedly believe in democracy and strongly criticize Turkish Army headquarters for publishing a book that recommends rigging elections. Cevdet Sunay, then chief of the general staff and Süleyman Demirel, who held the political power in those years as former prime minister of the Justice Party government, are responsible for publishing such a book," Turhan added. 


    A 5O-strong human rights team made up of legislators, representatives of political parties, medical associations and human rights groups, concluded on December 4 that government practices in the Southeast have terrorized the populace.
    The group, which included legislators from the main opposition Social Democratic Populist Party (SHP) and independent deputies, visited towns and villages in the provinces of Hakkari and Cizre.
    Mesut Öztaskin, spokesman for the group, said that while Turkey was busy figuring out how to cope with a possible war in the Middle East it was ignoring the war on its own soil in the Southeast.
    Independent Izmir deputy Kemal Anadol accused the government of terrorizing people living in the Southeast instead of bringing peace and stability to the area.
    "Villages in the area were being evacuated by force. People are forced to become village guards. When they refuse to do this their houses are burned down. The Sapaca neighbourhood in Uludere is a concrete example of this practice. Animal husbandry was the only source of livelihood in the area but because of restrictions enforced by the government this form of farming was dying out. In particular, we blame the decline on the banning of shepherds from the mountains, a measure intended to prevent contact with Kurdish separatists. None of the laws of Turkey signed by the president and the prime minister is observed in Southeastern Anatolia" said Anadol.

Cif sutun -Cerceve -iri punto


    Two Info-Türk editors, Dogan Özgüden and Inci Tugsavul, on December 7, appealed to the European Commission of Human Rights for the annulment of the Turkish Government's decision depriving themselves of Turkish nationality.
    Their attorney, Belgian lawyer Catherine Deman, arguing that the Turkish Government's decision contravened Articles 3, 6, 10, 11, 13 and 14 of the European Human Rights Convention and Article 1 of the Additional Protocol, claims annulment of the decision and damages for the loss of their rights in Turkey.


    2.11, famous movie actor Ilyas Salman was indicted by the SSC of Istanbul for making separatist propaganda in a speech he gave in Bursa on August 19. He faces a prison term of up to 10 years.
    3.11, two magazines, fortnightly Mücadele and monthly Emek, were confiscated by the SSC of Istanbul for communist and separatist propaganda.
    6.11, a new book by sociologist Ismail Besikci, The Law of Tunceli and Genocide, as well as two monthly reviews, Emegin Bayragi and Sosyalizm, were confiscated by the Istanbul SSC.   
    8.11, The Ankara representative of the monthly Yeni Demokrasi, Ali Ekber Kaypakkaya, as well as seven contributors were placed under arrest by the Ankara SSC after a 12-day police detention. Another correspondent of the same review, Ismail Atik too was detained in Kars.
    12.11, three journalists from the daily Cumhuriyet, responsible editor Okay Gönensin, columnist Ilhan Selcuk and cartoonist Necdet Sen, were indicted in Istanbul for having insulted the President of the Republic.
    13.11, the weekly Yüzyil was confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for an article about a new coup d'état preparations within the Army.
    14.11, the Erzincan SSC began to try the chief editor of Yüzyil, Dogu Perincek, on charges of making separatist propaganda in a speech he gave in Tunceli.
    16.11, two journalists from the humorist review Limon, responsible editor Tan Cemal Genc and cartoonist Mustafa Bilgin, were indicted for having ridiculing the Turkish judicial system. Each faces a prison term of up to 5 years.
    19.11, the prosecutor of the Ankara SSC issued a warrant for arresting folk singer Bedri Ayseli. He is accused of having sung a Kurdish song at a marriage ceremony which was attended by the Interior Minister and a number of deputies from the government party.
    19.11, two journalists from the daily Sabah, responsible editor Nazim Özdemir and correspondent Kenan Akcay, were tried by a criminal court of Istanbul, for having criticized Turkish judicial system. Each faces a prison term of up to 6 years.
    20.11,  the public prosecutor opened a new legal proceeding against sociologist Ismail Besikci. He is accused of separatist propaganda in his recent book, The Law of Tunceli and Genocide, as well as in an interview he gave to the monthly review Deng.
    22.11, the Istanbul SSC confiscated two new books: Leninist Party and Cadres by Enver Hodja for communist propaganda and Appeal, a collection of Sosyal Ekinci's poems, for separatist propaganda.
    25.11, the responsible editor of the monthly Deng, Kamil Ermis was sentenced by the Istanbul SSC to 6 years and 3 months imprisonment for separatist propaganda.
    25.11, a book by Haydar Isikalan, Senior Memik of Dersim, was confiscated on charges of separatism. The author and his publisher were subjected to a legal proceeding.
    25.11, the first issue of a new political review, Özgün Halk, was confiscated by the Istanbul SSC.
    27.11, the Chief of Turkish Broadcasting of the WDR, Yüksel Pazarkaya, was detained at the Istanbul Airport while he was returning to Germany. Police said that his name takes place in a list of wanted people.
    27.11, Mrs. Rüya Eser Oguzcan's book The Lesbian was confiscated by a criminal court of Istanbul. Same day, the last issue of the monthly Medya Günesi too was subjected to confiscation by the Istanbul SSC.
    28.11, four members of a Dutch TV team were detained in Istanbul as they were passing by the Bayrampasa Prison on suspicion that they might shoot a film there. They were released next day.
    30.11, it was reported that poet and publisher Ugur Kaynar was detained by police.



    Police and soldiers clashed with onlookers and journalists in a State Security Court on December 3, the first day of the trial of N.A., the 16-year-old student charged with membership in an illegal organization.
    Three attorneys were detained, and 62 observers in the court, including the parents and six other relatives of N.A., were also arrested. The lawyers were released Monday night into the custody of Sehmuz Öner, a member of the executive board of the Istanbul Bar Association.
    The student, identified only as N.A. because of a legal stipulation intended to protect minors, was arrested in October and charged with writing anti-war slogans on a wall of her school. The prosecutor has requested that she be sentenced to 20 years in prison for being member of a banned political group and for writing political slogans.
    Three other detainees, Bünyamin Yücel, Saliha Nilüfer Gen and Canan Acar, were charged with the same crime and also face possible 20-year sentences.
    Policemen and soldiers surrounded the State Security Court, and when fighting broke out, the judge postponed the case to December 12.
    Police had begun to clear the court-room by force. Lawyers for the detainees threw their robes down in front of the judge's bench to protest the police intervention. Police assaulted the protesting lawyers. Attorneys Murat Çelik, Elvan Türker and Gülizar Tuncer were detained.
    Turgut Kazan, president of the Istanbul Bar Association, was critical of the violence in the court, calling the incident an affront to law and justice.
    "As members of the Istanbul Bar Association, we are ashamed of this picture of our country. We strongly object to the 'raiders' who violently attacked the observers and lawyers in the court room. In the name of justice, we call this incident brutality" he said.
    Zerrin Sari, also a lawyer for the detainees, told that although N.A. confessed that she was the member of Devrimci Gençlik (Revolutionary Youth), it must be a "strange" political organization because among the activities she confessed to were folk dancing and preparing the school newspaper. "There was nothing illegal about this group. Among their documents was Nokta (weekly magazine), but none are illegal publications,' she said.
    According to Atalay Yörükoglu, a child psychiatrist at Hacettepe University in Ankara, "a 16 year-old is aware of what she is doing and can have political ideas. But this should not be cause to remove her from her school, detain her, and put her in prison. In a Western country detaining a child for writing an anti-war slogan is not possible," he said. "She could confess that she was the member of a political group by force or out of fear. No one knows. After she was arrested she suddenly became a hero"
    Hüseyin Alkan said that he did not want to think about the harm being in prison would do to his daughter. "Her nine days' nightmare in the political section of the Istanbul police department will definitely influence the rest of her life" he said.
    Just after the student's arrest, civil police came to the family home and asked whether the family was against war. "Of course we are. Who in this country can be in favour of war? The police searched the house for political books. There are only a few books, but none of them is forbidden" they said.
    The youngest in the family, N.A. who was born in West Germany, has five sisters.
    None of N.A's family was allowed to see her until her seventh day in custody. Police then allowed N.A's sister to see her for 15 minutes. "We were allowed to send a few short notes. And she (N.A.) wrote that she was alright on the other side of the same paper. She is only 16. She has had to face these complicated things about which she has no idea," said her father.

Prosecution of minors in November

    9.11, in Adana, a 16-year old student, detained along with 18 people for being members of a clandestine organization, said that he had been tortured during his police interrogation.   
    18.11, the SSC of Diyarbakir began to try three minors, H.B. (11-year old), A.Y. (12) and S.G. (14), along with 17 people arrested during a conflict with security forces. The prosecutor claims death sentences for all the defendants including three minors.   
    27.11, the SSC of Malatya began to try 17 year-old A.O. along with five people accused of separatist activities. All defendants, including ther minor one,  face capital punishment.
    29.11, police announced the arrest of a 16-year old youngster in Antalya along with 12 people, all accused of belonging to PKK.


    1.11,  Secretary General of the People's Labour Party (HEP) and Malatya deputy Ibrahim Aksoy faces a five-year imprisonment for a speech he made on July 25 in Diyarbakir. Accusing Aksoy of "separatist propaganda", the prosecutor asked the Ministry of Justice to lift his parliamentary immunity.
    2.11, eight people were arrested in the town of Sarikaya for having shelter to PKK militants.
    3.11, the offices of seven different associations were raided by police and 84 people taken into custody.
    4.11, in Gaziantep, 59 people were detained for their alleged links with certain clandestine organizations.
    6.11, Bülent Ates was indicted by the SSC of Ankara for taking part in the United Communist Party of Turkey (TBKP) activities.
    7.11, in Elazig, 244 students of the Firat University were tried for having participated in a rally on March. Each faces a prison term of up to 3 years.
    8.11, in Ankara, two doctors, Sinan Olcay and Hüseyin Güler, were arrested on the charge of providing some illegal organizations with medical material. They will be tried at a criminal court in Van.
    8.11, the SSC of Izmir sentenced four people to a one year and three months imprisonment each for having participated in an unauthorized May Day rally this year in the same city.
    9.11, in Adana, 19 people were detained for being members of a clandestine organization. One of the detainees who is 16-year old said that he had been tortured during his interrogation.   
    12.11, the Chairwoman of the Association for Solidarity with Prisoners' Families (TAYAD), Gülten Sesen, and the same association's former chairman, Mustafa Eryüksel, were sentenced by the SSC to a 5-year prison term each for the press conference that they had held in Brussels two years ago.
    13.11, in Istanbul, 30 alleged members of the Revolutionary Communist Party of Turkey (TDKP) were detained by police while they were distributing anti-war leaflets.
    14.11, in Gaziantep,17 alleged members of the Revolutionary Left (Dev-Sol) were detained by police.
    15.11, four villagers of Syriac Christian descent were shot dead in Mardin's Bülbül Village by unidentified attackers armed with automatic guns.
    16.11, lawyer Kemal Ilter, secretary of the IHD section in Sakarya, was sentenced to a 3-month imprisonment for having distributed anti-war badges.
    18.11, in Istanbul, 25 workers were detained for having protested against the dismissal of their comrades in a factory.
    18.11, the SSC of Diyarbakir began to try 20 people arrested during a conflict with security forces. The prosecutor claims death sentences for all defendants of whom three are minors: H.B. (11-year old), A.Y. (12) and S.G. (14).
    18.11, the local section of the IHD in Gaziantep was closed down by the provincial governor on pretext of having links with underground organizations.
    20.11, in Istanbul, 19 university students were indicted by the State Security Court for having participated in demonstrations against the Higher Education Board (YÖK). Each faces a prison term from 5 to 8 years.
    21.11, in Adana, a demonstration by university students against capital punishment was dispersed by police using force and 32 students were taken into custody.
    22.11, a demonstrator was shot and 20 people were detained by police during an anti-war demonstration in Istanbul.
    22.11, in Ankara, 50 municipal workers were detained for having sent a petition to the United Nations Good and Agriculture Organization (FAO) asking for food. In their petition they had said that their salaries were insufficient to feed their families.
    22.11, Chairwoman of the Women Association for Democratic Struggle (DEMKAD), Gamze Turan, and four other officials were detained by police.
    22.11, three officials of the IHD Ankara Section were detained by police for having protested against the State Minister's declaration humiliating women.
    23.11, a meeting by the Teachers' Association (Egit-Der) in Ankara was banned by the governor.
    23.11, police raided the student canteen of the Press High School of the Istanbul University and detained six students. The arms of two students were broken during the operation.
    23.11, in Eskisehir, 13 people were detained while they were distributing anti-war leaflets.
    23.11, in Iskenderun, 30 people of Kurdish origin were detained by police on charges of aiding the PKK.
    25.11, in Istanbul, 18 women were detained by police for having carried out a demonstration in protest against the State Minister's declaration humiliating women.
    25.11, in Istanbul, the People's Club of Beykoz and the Human Rights Association (IHD) were raided by police. 57 people were detained during these two operations.
    25.11, an anti-war meeting organized by a group of artists in Istanbul was banned by the governor.
    27.11, the SSC of Malatya began to try six people accused of separatist activities. All defendants, including 17 year-old A.O., face capital punishment. Same day, police announced the arrest of 30 people in Kars and Erzurum on the same accusation.
    27.11, in Ankara, the Association of Higher Education Youth (YÖGD) was banned by the governor. Same day, a cultural association in the quarter of Mamak was raided by police and six people detained.
    28.11, the SSC of Izmir sentenced five members of Dev-Sol to prison terms of up to 9 years and 8 months.
    29.11, police announced the arrest of 15 members of Dev-Sol in Istanbul and 13 PKK members in Antalya. Among the latter is also a 16-year old youngster.
    30.11, the SSC of Izmir sentenced five university students to prison terms of up to 6 years for having distributed leaflets of the Revolutionary Youth (Dev-Genc).
    30.11, the prosecutor of the Ankara SSC opened a legal proceeding against 100 university teachers for a boycott action in protest against the rise of anti-secular movement.


    Turkey was one of the 34 countries which signed the 45-page Paris Charter and the Mutual and Balanced Force Reduction Agreement.
    However, among 34 signatories, Turkey is for the time-being the only country where fundamental human rights are systematically violated.
    Although President Özal, after having signed the Charter, said that Turkey is proud to play an active role in the construction of the new structure in Europe," his government's human rights record is still a shame on Turkey.
    Milliyet's foreign affairs commentator Mehmet Ali Birand, in his article of November 20, said: " The most important change will be the special emphasis put on human rights and democracy. These issues will be the sole measure of a contemporary society. Those who do not recognize these principles will find it impossible to have a place in the world community of nations. Will Turkey be able to take its rightful place in this new world? If we fail to do so we will miss the train, for such opportunities do not appear frequently in the history of the world. We must change our attitude toward democracy and human rights and end all the restrictions in this field."
    Özal, addressing the Paris Conference, said the question of minorities in Europe could only be settled in a satisfactory way "within democratic principles." As the Kurds of Turkey are still being subjected to inhuman pressures and deprived of their national and cultural rights, such a declaration is a new proof of Özal's usual hypocrisy.

cift sutuna acilacak


    Tens of thousands of miners and their families, union leaders, opposition politicians and store owners supporting the miners took to the streets of Zonguldak turning the coal mine strike, which began on November 30, into a non-stop anti-government demonstration.
    After the miners' union failed to reach an agreement with the government , 48,000 coal miners employed in the government-run mines went on strike.
    Large groups of miners gathered at the entrances to the pits on December 2 and marched from different points to Zonguldak city centre. A big rally in which miners' wives and children took part was held in front of the union building. The demonstrators chanted anti-government slogans calling on Özal to resign. They protested against the actions of the ruling Motherland Party (ANAP) as they marched in front of its local offices. In a reference to the ANAP emblem, which is a bee, the strikers shouted, "It should be a wasp not a bee!"
    Anti-riot police squads reinforced by army troops stationed in Zonguldak did not intervene in the demonstrations which have continued throughout later. Many stores in the town which did not open on December 3 have remained closed. Their owners have joined the demonstrators to show their discontent with government policies.
    The government-run coal company announced a lockout on December 3 diminishing hopes for an early settlement. Both President Turgut Özal and Prime Minister Yildirim Akbulut delivered tough warnings to the strikers. Özal said government-held companies that were losing money should be closed down. Akbulut said: "Everything should be done according to law. We shall enforce the law."
    Erdal Inönü, leader of the main opposition Social Democratic Populist Party (SHP), arrived in Zonguldak accompanied by 82 of his deputies and addressed demonstrating miners and their supporters. "The miners in Zonguldak are showing what democracy is. Certain things must change as a result of your action. You have the government and President Özal—who is supposed to be strictly impartial—against you. He is not supposed to meddle in labour disputes. But he acts as if he were a party in the dispute. He has no right to do this," said Inönü.
    Former prime minister and leader of the conservative Correct Way Party (DYP) Süleyman Demirel also supported the striking miners. Demirel accused the government of starving the miners who were working 700 to 800 meters below ground for 500,000 TL ($178) a month.
    Former Prime Minister Bülent Ecevit, leader of the Democratic Left Party (DSP), was also in the town expressing solidarity with the strikers.
    In Ankara, Sevket Yilmaz, president of Türk-Is, the largest labour confederation in Turkey, and a group of 30 union executives left a National Convention on Productivity meeting in protest when President Özal took the floor. Yilmaz said Özal was responsible for the strike in Zonguldak and for the failure of other collective bargaining negotiations between labour unions and employers.
    Semsi Denizer, president of the Miners' Union, said the strikers might march from Zonguldak to Ankara. In a speech he made at a rally, Denizer said the union was prepared to run the mines if the government was ready to turn them over to the workers.
    Strikes, and continuing discontent among workers, have rapidly become a central issue in Turkish society. Rounds of collective labour agreements end in stalemates, as employers' unions claim that trade unions are asking for too much. Trade unions maintain the workers are simply not getting the pay that they deserve.
    The demands of the various unions now at a deadlock include salary increases of between 400 and 650 percent. Employers have refused to offer more than 100 percent.
    An estimated 55,000 workers are currently on strike, including 42,000 striking mine workers in Zonguldak. In the paper industry, 10,000 workers on Wednesday decided to strike because their employers' union had refused to give the increase they had demanded.
    Tesif, a textile workers union, on December 3 called to strike workers in Adana, Bursa, Izmir and Kayseri. Tesif, affiliated to Türk-Is, said it was ridiculous that workers were being paid the minimum wage when the current economic conditions of Turkey were so severe.
    So far in the second half of 1990, collective labour contract negotiations both in the public and private sectors were held —or are being held— for a total of around 500,000 workers.
    Metal workers also seem poised on the eve of a strike. Negotiations between the employers' union, the Turkish Employers' Association of Metal Industries (MESS) and the trade unions Türk-Metal, Otomobil-Is, Ozdemir-Is and Çelik-Is, came to a standstill on October 4. The largest of the unions, Türk-Metal, which is affiliated with the Türk-Is, represents 85,000 metal workers in 262 workplaces. It has not resumed talks with MESS, since neither side, has budged from the offers they made earlier. The Türk-Metal board is expected to call a strike soon.
    The strike threat is also affecting white goods producers such as Arçelik, Profilo and automobile manufacturers Tofas and Renault.
    The independent unions — Otomobil-Is and Çelik-Is—and the Özdemir-Is, which is affiliated with Hak-Is, represent 55,000 workers in their negotiations with MESS. These three also said they expect the procedure will end in strike.
    The strike in Zonguldak, in the first six days, claimed 69 billion TL ($24.5 million) in loss. Officials said if the strike were to continue for another month, the estimated loss would be about 250 billion TL.


    A group of Turkish communists and socialists decided on November 25 to found the sixth left-wing party of the post-coup period. 136 founding members were commissioned to make formal application by January 15, 1991, to the Interior Ministry to form the new party to be named the Socialists' Union Party (SBP).
    The other five left-wing parties which have legally been founded are the Social-Democratic Populist Party (SHP), the Democratic Left Party (DSP), the People's Labour Party (HEP), the Socialist Party (SP) and the United Communist Party of Turkey (TBKP). Of these five parties, only the SHP and the HEP are represented in the National Assembly.
    The new party's declaration called for the beginning of a new era in Turkish politics and the restructuring of democracy in the country. The 600 participants involved in the foundation congress were mainly certain officials of the former pro-Soviet parties of the pre-coup period, such as the Communist Party of Turkey (TKP), the Workers' Party of Turkey (TIP) and the Turkish Socialist Workers' Party (TSIP), all of which were made illegal and disbanded after the 1980 military coup. Two of these parties, TKP and TIP, had been united under the name of the United Communist Party of Turkey (TBKP), whose legal status has yet to be decided by the Constitutional Court.
    Former SHP deputies Kemal Anadol, Hüsnü Okçuoglu, Kamil Atesoglu and Ekin Dikmen participated in the congress as members. SHP deputies Orhan Veli Yildirim and Tayfun Ün, as well as HEP deputy Adnan Ekmen also attended but were identified as guests visiting the sessions.
    One of the major disputes resolved at the congress was the selection of an acceptable name for the new leftist party. Out of 151 proposed names, including the Turkish Communist Party, Scientific Research and Practice Party and Turkish-Kurdish Socialist Party, the delegates finally settled on Socialists' Union Party.
    However, a big majority of the former members of TKP, TIP and TSIP refused to take part in the new move, claiming that the founders of the new party adopted a very submissive programme. Especially Nihat Sargin and Nabi Yagci (Haydar Kutlu), respectively chairman and secretary general of the TBKP, who have taken part among the new party's founders, are accused by the rank-and-file of the TKP, TIP and TSIP, of renouncing the class struggle and flirting with the big business and right-wing politicians.


    The 56th anniversary of Turkish women's suffrage was commemorated on December 5 by official ceremonies to which many international figures were invited for charming European institutions and public opinion. It was a real hypocrisy to officially celebrate that day while thousands of Turkish and Kurdish women were imprisoned or indicted for their political opinions throughout the country. Considering this fact, many invited of the invited European women refused to participate in this farce.
    Have women really come a long way in Turkey? This is the first question that came to mind when commemorating Dec. 5. Women in Turkey were allowed to vote and to present themselves as candidates in municipal elections in 1930. On Dec. 5,1934, at the urging of Kemal Atatürk, founder of the Republic, the National Assembly issued a law giving women these rights in general elections. Eighteen women were elected into Parliament in 1935, the first election year in which women were allowed to vote and be elected. Ten of the 18 were teachers.
    To understand whether women's political status has improved since 1934, a brief analysis of female representation in today's National Assembly is enough: Although one of the Motherland Party (ANAP) ministers —Labour Minister Imren Aykut— is a woman, the 450-seat National Assembly includes only six female deputies, as opposed to the 18 women of 1935.
    Since 1934, 90 women have served as deputies or senators in Parliament, 10 of whom were appointed. Istanbul women have had greatest success reaching Parliament (19), followed by 11 from Ankara and 10 from Izmir.
    According to a United Nations  study of 92 percent of women living in 99 countries  (The Turkish Dateline, Dec 8, 1990), Turkey does not  fare well in terms of women's status. While Finland tops the list of countries where women have the most social rights, Turkey is 35th, despite the fact that Turkish women acquired the right to vote before most of their European counterparts. Women in France and Italy, for example, acquired the right to vote much later than in Turkey.
    The acquisition of political rights on paper did for Turkish women did not automatically lead to acquiring social rights in practice, as is demonstrated by the U.N. survey. In a ranking of the percentage of working women, Turkey is 82nd in a list of 92.
    After the proclamation of the Turkish Republic, the first step that would lead to women's liberation was the adoption of the Tevhid-i Tedrisat law establishing mixed schools and requiring all Turkish citizens—including women — to have an elementary school diploma.
    Although the Tevhid-i Tedrisat law was aimed at increasing the number of educated women in Turkey, the relatively high level of female illiteracy in Turkey shows that this aim was not achieved. In terms of education, Turkish women rank 79th on the U.N. list.
    According to the 1980 national census, 16 percent of Turkish youth under 14 were illiterate. Among these young illiterates, 77.3 percent were girls. The picture is slightly better in large cities, where 25 percent of university students are girls.
    While in Scandinavian countries, women live to be 85, Turkey ranks 67th on the list of 99, with women barely reaching the age of 63 on the average.
    The second step involved adopting the Swiss Civil Code in 1926, according to which women had equal status with men and had equal legal rights in marriage, divorce and inheritance.
    However, the Civil Code refrained from addressing traditional assumptions such as the husband being head of family. The code stated that the women's chief duty was to her home and that she would need her husband's permission to work.
    Atatürk's third step was the Law on Attire, which abolished the Ottoman law requiring women to cover their face and body in public. However, since the military coup of 1980, this reform has not been respected and  Turkish women are, under the influence and pressure of the rising Islamic fundamentalism, being forced again to cover their faces.
    Although the Constitutional Court, on November 30,  ruled unconstitutional Article 159 of the Civil Code, which had required a wife to gain her husband's permission to work, this repeal is considered a partial victory by women rights movement. Other provisions of the civil code still discriminate against women on questions of inheritance, status within the family and adultery. They were extensions of Civil Code article 152 which considers the man the head of the family. Article 152 also states that a woman must provide assistance to her husband for the happiness of the family, for example, and that it is the husband who decides where the family shall live.
    According to article 154, a marriage is represented by the husband. It is the husband who is responsible for the family's savings, for example.
    Custody article 263, also in the civil code, states that if custody of children is shared by mother and father, in case of a disagreement, the father automatically gains custody.
    Article 200 says that a wife can only reject an inheritance with her husband's permission. If he does not approve, the wife may pursue the matter in court.
    Penal Code article 440 states that married women who commit adultery can be imprisoned for six month to three years. Article 441, however, stipulates that a married man convicted of the same crime is imprisoned only if he has lived with another woman as a couple in the house he formerly inhabited with his wife or in another location well-known to his neighbours.


    After the decline of the socialist system, the Turkish Government attaches great importance to the proposed Black Sea Economic Cooperation Zone.  Some observers claim that Turkey's integration into this new economic community would be the only way-out since the European Community has reported its decision on Turkish candidature to after 1995.
    The economic zone to be established by the four countries bordering the Black Sea —Turkey, the Soviet Union, Bulgaria and Romania— would promote cooperation projects including joint investment, a joint bank, free zones, technology exchange and cooperation on energy resources.
    After a short transitional stage the four states have agreed to abolish visa requirements for business and tourist trips not longer than one month.
    However business people from any of the countries who wanted to stay more than one month to conduct business would receive an immediate response to their visa request, according to the proposed agreement. An eventual free circulation of workers was foreseen among the four countries.
    The draft agreement said the four countries, "emphasizing the importance of regional cooperation and underlining the necessity to develop their economies, to raise living standards and make use of economic resources effectively, accept the fact that economic improvement depends largely on individual attempts and ventures and free circulation of people, capital, services and goods"
    Customs formalities are therefore expected to be reduced to a minimum after the transition period.
    The governments of the member states would try to coordinate their economic relations while trying to develop cooperation in the fields agreed upon, according to the draft agreement. Foundation of a databank and cooperation in methodology to ensure this coordination were also foreseen.
    The member states also agreed to joint efforts to promote either bilateral or regional cooperation for building electric power stations, disposing of toxic wastes, restoring of other energy sources and hydrocarbon technologies.
    They would enhance cooperation on scientific and technological research and would be involved in joint projects for infrastructure and house building.
    Under the draft agreement a Black Sea Development Bank would be founded to support cooperation among the members and to encourage economic relations with emphasis on infrastructure projects. After a transition period the bank would begin to finance certain projects wholly or in part.
    The common strategies set forth at the resort town of Abant last week in a meeting chaired by President Turgut Özal would be discussed at the joint meeting to be held on December 19-20 in Ankara.