A non-government information service on Turkey
Un service d'information non-gouvernemental sur la Turquie


16th Year - N°192
October 1992
38 rue des Eburons - 1000 Bruxelles
Tél: (32-2) 215 35 76 - Fax: (32-2) 215 58 60
 Rédacteur en chef: Dogan Özgüden - Editrice responsable: Inci Tugsavul

Background of the Peshmergas-Turkish Army complicity


    The Turkish Army launched, on October 16, a blood-thirsty operation and more than 20,000 commandos crossed the Iraqi border to try to eliminate the Workers’ Party of Kurdistan (PKK) guerrillas. As another four Turkish divisions were on stand-by, Turkish planes and helicopters bombed the Northern Iraq, killing not only the PKK guerrillas, but also Iraqi Kurds trying to resettle their villages.
    Premier Demirel estimated that there were between 7,500 and 10,000 PKK militants in northern Iraq and 2,500 in Turkey. He said the air and ground attacks “constituted the legitimate defence of Turkey to prevent rebels from infiltrating into Turkey and that “the operations will continue until the annihilation of separatist militants taking refuge in northern Iraq.”
    At the end of October, the Turkish military admit being in control of some 500 square kilometres of Iraqi territory up to 30 Kilometres inside on three main fronts: Haftanin in the west, Shivi and Hakurk in the east. . They have been carrying out bombing raids and pushing extra troops and equipment across the border on a daily basis.
    On October 31, the Turkish military claimed that more than one thousand rebels had been killed when Turkish forces overran the PKK bases in the area. With northern Iraq safe, General Güres, Chief of General Staff, said his next task will be to tackle the PKK inside Turkey.
    The operation following an assault by the Iraqi Kurdish peshmergas on the PKK has not remained at the stage of helping the Iraqi Kurds and led to the establishment of Turkish military control over the southern part of Kurdistan to the detriment of the self-government of the Iraqi Kurds.
    Once again, Iraqi Kurds fought other Kurds in collaboration with one of the Kurds’ traditional oppressors, Turkey.  In the heaviest such fratricidal strife in living memory, they put themselves in Turkey’s interest against the Turkish Kurds who have been engaged in a nationalist struggle. It is mainly pressure from Ankara that precipitated the offensive by Iraqi Kurdish peshmergas against the PKK.
    Prior to the Peshmerga offensive, Barzani and Talabani, respectively the leaders of the Democratic Party of Kurdistan and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, had a series of talks with Turkish political and military  chiefs. As Ankara was providing the Iraqi Kurds with military materials,  the new-born Iraqi Kurdish Army was being trained under the supervision of the Turkish generals.
    The mandate for the “Poised Hammer”, Western allies’ Turkey-based aerial cover over northern Iraq comes up for its six-monthly renewal at the end of this year. As usual the Turkish Parliament has to approve it. But Turkish opinion is increasingly hostile to that, thanks not only to the PKK’s operations out of north Iraq, but because of the growing scale of the Iraqi Kurds’ own quest for self-determination.
    The steps taken by Iraqi Kurds towards self-determination has never been welcomed by Ankara which fears that such a step towards an independent Kurdish state may be a example for the Kurds of Turkey. Visiting Iran, Turkish Premier Demirel invited the foreign ministers of Iran, Syria and Saudi Arabia to a conference on the Kurdish issue. Both Ankara and Tehran oppose a federated Turkish state.
    The existence of the PKK camps in the Northern Iraq has been a head-ache for the Turkish generals. They were afraid that in an independent Kurdish State in Iraq, the PKK guerrillas might have more popular support and consequently extend the movement of independence to Turkish Kurdistan more easily.
    To calm Ankara and to gain over its confidence, the Iraqi Kurds first tried to persuade the PKK to leave the border regions. For Barzani and Talabani, the PKK was endangering they have achieved since the end of the Gulf War --the establishment of a free Kurdish enclave, a parliament, other attributes of self-rule and Western protection. But the PKK refused to quit Northern Iraq, asserting that “this is Kurdistan.”
    It is not a surprise that the Peshmerga offensive against the PKK coincided with the proclamation of the Kurdish “federated” state in Iraq. Since the Peshmerga offensive was launched on October 4, the Turkish Army staged almost daily air strikes on PKK positions. At the beginning, Barzani and Talabani were suggesting that the operation would be over in a few days. After some initial successes, they admitted that the PKK launched a counter-offensive. The PKK militants were fighting with such a determination that came as a shock to peshmergas accustomed only to the demoralized Iraqi army. Some Iraqi Kurds admit that their military offensive against the PKK has been far from successful, and that the PKK surrender deal started to disintegrate almost before the ink was dry.
    The Turkish Army launched its offensive into northern Iraq on October 16 on pretext that the Iraqi Kurds had failed to take under their control the PKK guerrillas.
    The objective of the raid was announced as to cut off the PKK’s line of withdrawal and to try to slaughter as many of its fighters as possible, or, to finish the PKK off with the taking of “minimum prisoners.” However, many Iraqi Kurds were aware of the fact that its main objective was otherwise. Already, just before the Turkish incursion, Hoshiar Zibari, an adviser to Barzani, predicted that “the Turks will now be coming out with hundreds of new pretexts to put pressure on us.  This operation is directed as much against us as the PKK.”
.     Now, Iraqi Kurds are angered by the high-handed approach taken by the Turkish Army’s deep and highly public penetration into northern Iraq. “The Turkish military leaders,” said Ahmet Birmani, adviser to Talabani , “are now behaving just like Menachim Begin and Yitzhak Shamir did towards the Palestinians.”
    Parallel to the operation of annihilation, Turkish leaders started to impose their solution of the Kurdish problem, including what may amount to a Turkish “security zone” in northern Iraq.  The bottom line spelt out by officials from Demirel down is that “nothing will happen in northern Iraq that is not permitted by Turkey.”
    Some Turkish generals have said the army must stay, but the Turkish Government knows this would cause serious international complications, even though northern Iraq was an oil-rich Ottoman province wrenched by Britain after the First World War.
    In its dealings with other regional powers, Turkey insists that Iraq should remain intact and that there should never be an independent state for any of the 20 million Kurds split between Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Syria.
    The complicity of the Barzani-Talabani tandem with the Ankara rulers, not only turned themselves into traitors massacring Turkish Kurds, but also threw their young Kurdish “federated” state  under the permanent menace of the Turkish Army.


    The coalition government has based its new Kurdish policy on an all-out war on Kurdish organizations with the outlawed PKK  at the top of the list.  On September 30,  Prime Minister Demirel closed the doors on a political solution to the problem and argued publicly that had such a solution been possible, it would have worked during the past nine years.
    Demirel’s rebuff of political solutions to the problem follows a meeting of the National Security Council (MGK), composed of army generals in majority on the one hand and Prime Minister and some ministers in minority on the other. Meanwhile, a tour of the Southeast region given to newspaper owners by the chief of general staff and defence minister was the opening of a psychological war which was to be supported to the end by the Turkish media.
    In fact, Demirel’s turn to military solutions for the Southeast is not new.
Immediately after coming to power with promises for an all-out democratization drive, to show affection to the Kurds and to restore confidence in the state, Demirel was confronted with a major military plan to deal a serious blow to the PKK. Actually, the plan had been prepared by Turkey’s commanders and was being put into practice in the last months of the outgoing Motherland Party (ANAP) administration. Instead of opposing to this plan, Demirel confirmed that it would continue.
    According to the Turkish Daily News of October 2, “unwilling to offer any immediate social reforms to Turkey’s people of Kurdish-origin who are believed to constitute at least one-fourth of the country’s population, Demirel-led government has turned to a military solution. This is clearly in contrast with what the government promised last November and is totally opposed to earlier views that the coalition would handle the matter in a political context. Ankara currently believes that any reforms  could be interpreted as concessions to terror and gives special emphasis to the claim that as long as southeast Turkey remains as a security risk zone, nothing can be done in this field. Instead of a policy in which military measures can be accompanied or boosted by social benefits --such as freeing the use of the Kurdish language and education, setting up Kurdish-language radio and television and so on-- the government’s new strategy is based on simple stages.
    The first stage of this strategy appears to aim at containing terrorism in the region, deliver a serious blow to the PKK, cripple its mountain units,  locate and destroy its logistic support lines and cut the organization off from new recruits as well as its easy access to the Turkish borders --from Iraq as well as Iran.
    Part of this plan is now clear: To cut off the logistic support of the PKK in the region and to destroy its logistic and militant supply lines. The region has been divided into certain sections from which the PKK is to be driven out.
    The so-called Botan region is at top of the list. Thus, the destruction of Sirnak was the first spectacular application of the plan. It was followed by the cracking down on the “mountain units” of the PKK at the end of September, killing more than 100 militants.
    “There is now a general trend in official and military circles to treat the Southeast crisis as a local rebellion. And to crush it as rebellions have been or need to be crushed. Both the MGK and Demirel have warned not only Kurdish organizations, but those who are “supportive of the PKK” as well, will suffer from the bloodshed. The Council has given the government the directive to deal with pro-Kurdish publications and institutions effectively.
    Pro-Kurdish publications such as the daily Özgür Gündem and weekly Yeni Ülke are under threat of being closed down by the government. Their readers in the troubled region frequently complain of harassment by authorities. Earlier, a total of nine journalists, all Kurdish but one, have been killed in Turkey since February 1992. The similarity was that each one was gunned down in the Southeast. Each journalist wrote on human rights violations and the Kurdish issue. And in every case the murderers managed to escape. The last victim was a 74-year-old, renowned and respected writer of Kurdish origin, Musa Anter.
    The People’s Labour Party (HEP) deputies frequently claim that despite all its promises for democratization, the Demirel-led government has actually fallen under the supervision of the army. “It is a chief of general staff government,” claimed HEP chairman Mahmut Alniak.
    The HEP’s insistence on peaceful solution to the Kurdish question is considered by the military and the hard-liners of the Turkish political parties as a “support to separatism.” 22 deputies of Kurdish origin are still the object of a legal proceeding aimed at lifting their parliamentary immunity and at trying them under capital punishment. Ten top level politicians in HEP, including the former chairman Feridun Yazar has recently been put under police detention because of the words they pronounced at the last HEP Congress.
    Twelve years have elapsed since the military coup in Turkey, but already the coup is back in spirit if not in actual fact. Those who talk or write about the possibility of a military take-over in connection with the southeast crisis face serious risks. Those who cover allegations of human rights violations are also under equal danger.
    At the end of September, the Daily Telegraph reporter for Turkey, Amberin Zaman, made a front page banner story in the mass circulation daily Hürriyet --accused by the paper of creating havoc with her story of the possibility of a coup d’état in Turkey.
    According to a Foreign Journalists’ Association communique issued on September 30, she was marked as an enemy by this report. International organizations against censorship fear that both her professional career and personal security may now be at stake.
    Meanwhile, possible enmity between the Turkish and Kurdish communities in Turkey is also a matter of concern. In larger settlements such as the western port of Izmir, house owners are reportedly refusing to rent out flats to citizens of Kurdish origin. Businessmen are increasingly concerned over their employed Kurdish labour and reportedly, the police are spectical of the intentions of any youth born in the Southeast. In Istanbul, where Turkey’s “Fleet Street” Cagaloglu is based, major newspapers are now preparing lists of their employees of Kurdish origin, including reporters, for future reference.
    Those filing on human rights are accused by high ranking officials of prejudice and failing to give the same importance to human rights when covering attacks on security personnel. Those filing reports on the Kurdish issue face a daily risk of being accused of affiliation with the separatists even if they openly condemn every kind of terrorism. Newspaper editors now reportedly fear publishing any controversial reports on developments in the Southeast, worried that they may fall at odds with a majority of Turks and Turkish officials.
    Already journalists have started to complain that newspapers have been subject to extreme self-censorship and the wave is catching up. With journalist killings widespread and newspapers instrumental in marking reporters as targets, there appears to be no other alternative but to remain silent.
    The Turkish press was turned into the accomplice of the military brain-washing. For example, the daily Hürriyet of September 30 was reporting a military ceremony awarding a blood-thirsty commander in following terms:
    “The brigade’s commander, Brigadier General Mete Sayar, who commanded the security forces having ruined the city of Sirnak (See: Info-Türk, Sept 92), was standing at attention. An officer from the chief of staff’s office read about a document while Chief of Staff Dogan Güres watched the scene from his seat. The document praised Sayar and announced that he was being decorated with a special award for those with superior achievements in troop training. After the document was read, Gen. Güres rose to embrace and kiss Sayar, telling him: ‘You all are heroes, and the nation is with you!’”
    According to Demirel, the world has no right to criticize Turkey’s war on terrorism since the separatists themselves have given a ruthless turn to their battle. In Demirel’s words, there are times for political solutions and there are times for retaliation. “Obviously Turkey is now in the latter stage.”
    The Turkish Daily News, in its article of October 2, concludes:
    “Each and every day, many people die in the Southeast and each and every day new recruits join the war on both sides. The confrontation is taking a brutal turn claiming new civilian victims. Whole towns and cities are being affected with large populations of people fleeing destruction. Ankara apparently sees the situation as a local rebellion. Or rather, the 28th Kurdish rebellion in Turkish history. It is now inclined to deal with it as Turkey has dealt with the past 27 rebellions.
    “Cynics of the conflict ask however, whether the methods of the past actually worked or just postponed the problem or buried it underground for some time.
    “After all, they argue, the PKK did not emerge out of thin air. The very fact that a group of 12 separatists in the late 1970s now numbers over 10,000, with new recruits joining every day, speaks for itself.
    “Unless the conditions which have created and promoted the PKK in the region are effectively dealt with and unless major economic and social reforms are initiated, there is concern that military measures alone will only serve to diffuse the crisis for the time being, in the form of delivering much publicized blows to the organisations. But if the conditions this organization feeds on cannot be changed, military measures may only be a temporary outlet.
    “Had such methods accomplished anything 27 times over in the past century, there would not have been a 28th occasion...”


    The general congress of the People's Labour Party (HEP), the only legal party defending Kurdish claims, was held in Ankara on September 19. Kurdish deputy Ahmet Türk,
the only candidate, was elected party chairman .
    The slogans in favour of the PKK echoed through the sports hall where the congress was held, and red and white HEP flags were outnumbered by flags, rags, headbands and clothing in the colors of the red-yellow-green Kurdish flag.
    The forceful demonstration somewhat proved a recent political report published by the PKK in Europe which defined the HEP as a party which should be supported as long as it pursued policies similar to that of the PKK "on the legal platform."
    According to the press reports, there are two main trends in the HEP. One is strongly in favour of the PKK, while the other accepts the so-called "PKK reality" but believes that HEP would be the final solution to the Kurdish problem in Turkey.
    The new chairman, Ahmet Türk was an ideal candidate for the party chair since he had close relations with both sides.
    Whatsoever their views with regard to the PKK, the leaders of the both sides severely criticized, at the congress, the Turkish Government's policies as regards the Kurdish question.
    The leader of the moderate wing, Mahmut Alniak said: "Illegal State forces are bombing our mountains, they are committing genocide against our people. The state became an illegal state and a state of bandits. The State's blocking of democratic channels, and thereby causing illegality, is the reason for armed struggle. Blaming the PKK as a terrorist organization and trying to destroy it militarily will do nothing but add to its strength. Kurds pin their hopes on Öcalan because they see him and the PKK as the alternative to the state's military policies."
    The HEP is currently represented at the National Assembly by 18 Kurdish deputies.


    After the HEP Congress, twelve delegates were arrested by police on charge of sedition on September 28 and interrogated on October 5 by the State Security Court of Ankara.
    Before being taken to the court, they were medically examined by forensic doctors. The 12 HEP delegates being detained are Feridun Yazar, Güven Özata, Kemal Okutan, Harun Cakmak, Hamit Geylani, Sakir Atay, Sultan Uysal, Felemez Basbuga, Abdulcebbar Gezici, Sabahattin Özaslaner, Mustafa Demir and Kemal Öztürk.
    Shortly after the 12 arrived at the court, eight HEP deputies went there to see them.
    The Kurdish parliamentarians themselves are also facing another legal proceeding. A parliamentary commission is looking into files sent to it by Chief State Security Prosecutor Nusret Demiral, which present the case for lifting immunity for the HEP deputies.
    During the interrogation of the HEP delegates, in the Eastern Black Sea port city of Trabzon, a petition campaign was opened to press for the removal of parliamentary immunity of 18 HEP deputies and four others who were originally in the HEP.
    If immunity is lifted, then these 22 deputies could face charges of treason --which carries a maximum sentence of death-- for statements they made during the oath-taking ceremony during the opening of Parliament last November.
    Among those who launched the petition campaign is Koray Aydin, a Trabzon deputy for the neo-fascist Nationalist Labour Party (MCP).


    Extreme-right groups have, on the pretext of responding to the armed actions of the Kurdish guerrillas, launched a terror campaign against the Kurdish communities in western and northern parts of Turkey. The polarization increasing between the Turks and the Kurds is tolerated and even instigated by some State authorities and the media.
    On October 29, following the funeral ceremony in the southern tourist resort of Alanya for a soldier, killed during an armed conflict between the Turkish security forces and the Kurdish guerrillas, a provoked crowd marched through the town and nearly lynched two young workers from the eastern province of Van.
    The incident took place, reportedly, when unidentified people among the group claimed the two had torn a Turkish flag and shouted pro-PKK slogans. Attacked by about 100 people, the two fled in panic.
    The crowd then attacked shops known to be owned by Kurds, and clashed with the police.
    The same day, a less violent demonstration took place in the Aegean port town of Kusadasi, in Aydin province. There, following the funeral ceremony held for another killed soldier,  demonstrators burned a green-yellow-red Kurdish flag.
    They marched through streets of the town shouting slogans against the PKK and Kurds, demanding the state to give them weapons to fight the Kurdish organization


    The Turkish Army's Special Forces Command (SFC), formerly known as the Special Warfare Department (SWD), was reintroduced to the press on October 23, 1992, under its new name. This department is named by the opposition as Counter Guerrilla Organization,  Turkish version of the Gladio.
    The press briefing of the Special Forces Command came at a time of increasing accusations against the special forces. Many have accused the forces of performing counter guerrilla operations, particularly in the country's southeast.
    General Kemal Yilmaz, Commander of the SFC, said that in many democratic countries there are similar forces under the name of, for example, SAS commandos, Alpine units, Airborne units and Delta forces.
    In 1952, the SFC was established within the Chief of Staff's office, under the name of the Special Warfare Department, by a government decision.
    The SFC operates under the special forces concept. This concept stipulates that forces are needed to operate behind enemy forces, weakening the main units of the enemy during war time, explained Yilmaz.
    The basic function of the SCF is: "To support the operation of the Turkish Armed Forces with its irregular warfare activities by preparing plans and executing the activities of war preparedness during peace time. During war time SFC is responsible to establish the irregular local forces and to manage and control those forces under the directives of the Chief of Staff's office."
    The SFC units are composed of officers and non-commissioned officers, all of whom go through a additional 3.5 years of training. The units are also trained regularly at various NATO-member countries. SFC commandos are trained with the most advanced weapons of the world.
    Recent press reports raise the possibility of linkage between alleged SFC counter guerrilla operations and killings of Turkish journalists in the southeast.
    General Yilmaz said: "Who invented the term counter guerrilla? I do not know. We do not have this term used in our literature." Ruling out allegations over SFC's association with secret operation, Yilmaz said: "The members of SFC are composed of elements who do not know each other but who are ready to accept the orders they will be given only at the time of an occupation of territory. They function under the extraordinary state of emergency Governor's office, which is responsible for the security operations in the southeast region. The SFC units operate in the southeast only as a potential force."
    Yilmaz said that, prior to the 1974  Cyprus operation, the Special forces were dispatched to the island to establish the Turkish resistance organization and help them establish their security.
    "The members of the unit know that during a state of war that they will be operating in the middle  of enemy forces, but they do not know during peace time what kind of duty they will execute and under whose command they will operate," Yilmaz stated. "This is a must for the security of any resistance operating in a region under occupation. For that reason, special forces are not organized during peace time."
    Yilmaz also added that special units were not used in Turkey's military coups. "We were the only units who were not called on duty in the 1980 military operation," he said.

    1.9, à Istanbul, Ramazan Avci applied to the Foundation of Human Rights of Turkey (TIHV) for treatment by alleging that he had been tortured following his police detention on August 14. He claimed that he was subjected to electro-shock and his nails were extracted.
    3.9, in Izmir, 34 people who had been detained on September 1 for having participated in a protest demonstration, said after their release that they had been subjected to torture at police station.
    4.9, the daily Özgür Gündem reports that a political detainee, Mahmut Muhammed, who had been wounded at the Nevsehir E-Type Prison during a raid by security forces was still deprived of medical treatment and his life was in danger.
    9.9, out of 500 people detained during the Sirnak Operation in August, 44 were placed under arrest and sent to the Diyarbakir E-Type Prison. When they arrived to Diyarbakir, they said that all detainees had been subjected to torture and forced to sign depositions formulated by General Mete Sayar, commander of the brigade which ruined the city. They claimed that a peasant, Temel Ucar had been killed under torture.
    11.9, a youth named Hüseyin Karavar, detained on August 31, 1992 by police in Urfa, said after release that he had been subjected to torture at Urfa and Siverek police stations. “Taking no heed that I had been operated on August 18,” said Karavar, “police subjected me to electro-shock and suspended me to the ceiling during nine days. Under torture I had to sign a statement having no relation with the truth.”
    13.9, the Adana correspondent of the weekly Mücadele, Ahmet Öztürk said that he had been subjected to torture during his detention at the police headquarters. Torture traces were certified by legal medicine.
    15.9, in Izmir, security forces raided the Buca Prison and wounded 58 political prisoners by beating for two hours. 18 of the wounded prisoners were sent to hospital. Besides, all personal belongings of the prisoners were destroyed. On the incident, 78 political prisoners went on a hunger-strike.
    18.9, police dispersed by using force the parents of political prisoners gathered in front of the Buca Prison. Some of the parents were wounded by police.
    21.9, Amnesty International decided to ask the Turkish Government to order an autopsy on the corpse of Temel Ucar who had been tortured dead after the Sirnak Operation. The daily Özgür Gündem reports eye-witnesses claiming that his tongue , eyes and testicles were cut out during the interrogation.
    21.9, a political refugee, Haydar Beltan, who had been detained in January 1992 when he returned from his 12-year self-exile was released after a 8-month detention. He was accused of having committed a murder in Mazgirt in 1988 and obliged, under torture, to sign  a statement accepting the charge. But during the further investigation, it was turned out that in 1988 he was in Paris and the accusation was completely groundless. He said after his release that he would apply to justice for asking the account of tortures he underwent and the 8-month unjust detention. 
    22.9, a HEP official, Senanik Öner, who had been detained in August, said after his release that he had been subjected torture during his 30-day interrogation, his arms and nose were bruised and his ear-drum was damaged by torturers.
    23.9, in Istanbul, two bakers, Sedat Bahadir (18) and Abdurrahim Ugurlu (36), who had been detained on September 20, said after their release that they were subjected to torture for ten hours under detention for having saying that they were not Turks, but Kurds.
    25.9, in the town of Genc of the Bingöl province, 30 people were taken into custody during a police raid on some houses. Same day, two peasants were detained in Tatvan and three in the town of Diyarbakir.


    1.9, a demonstration organized by the SHP, junior partner of the coalition government, on the occasion of the World Peace Day in Istanbul was banned by the governor.
    1.9, the police announced the arrest of seven alleged Dev-Sol militants
during the raking operations in Istanbul in August.
    1.9, in Izmir, 34 people were detained for having participated in a demonstration to protest against the Sirnak operation.
    2.9, in Sivas, police detained nine alleged Dev-Sol militants.
    2.9, in Istanbul, police detained 32 people during the opening ceremony of the Association for Fighting Unemployment and Expensiveness.
    3.9, fifteen people detained ten days ago in the district of Alapli (Zonguldak province) for participating in training works of an underground organization  were released.
    3.9, in Istanbul, eight women were arrested by tribunal for having participated in a demonstration to protest the Sirnak operation on August 31.
    3.9, in Adana, the Association for Rights and Freedoms of Cukurova was closed down by the governor for leading political activities.
    4.9, the newly founded Trade Union of All Energy  Workers (Tüm Enerji Sen) was banned by the Governor of Istanbul on pretext that public servants cannot organize in unions. Besides, the Ministry of Public Works issued an order to ban the unionization of public servants in the sector.
    6.9, security authorities announced the arrest of 13 peasants in the village of Acarlar (Hatay province) and 22 people in the district of Kiziltepe (Mardin province), for supporting an underground organization.
    6.9, a total of ten top officials of different trade unions were indicted in Ankara for having organized some unauthorized  actions in Ankara in July to protest the ban on the unionization of public servants.
    7.9, in the town of Hekimhan, Dr. Kaya Ünsalan, local SHP chairman, was sentenced to a 20-month imprisonment and a fine of TL 120,000 ($20) for having put on walls an anti-war poster.
    7.9, Metin Dikme and Yasemin Okuyucu were sent to the Istanbul SSC for having participated in Dev-Sol activities. Each faces capital punishment by virtue of Article 146 of the TPC.
    7.9, in Bursa, a demonstration for the union rights of public servants organized by 5 trade unions was banned by the Governor.
    8.9, in Ankara, eight university students were detained for setting up an office to help the new students in their inscription formalities.
    8.9, in Istanbul, 13 people were detained for carrying out actions in favour of the PKK.
    8.9, in Van, five Kurds were detained for carrying red-yellow-green Kurdish flags as going to a circumcision feast.
    9.9, in Istanbul, police announced the detention of five people belonging to illegal organizations.
    9.9, in the towns of Elbistan and Afsin of the Maras province, a total of 19 people were detained for participating in Dev-Sol actions.
    9.9, the trial of 12 people accused of having carried out PKK actions began at the Criminal Court N°2 of Adana. All of the defendants facing capital punishment said that their depositions had been obtained under torture.
    9.9, six trade union officials were sent to the Penal Court N° 2 of Istanbul for having addressed to the Workers’ Convention, organized by the Socialist Party in Istanbul in May 1992.  DISK Chairman Kemal Nebioglu and his five comrades are accused of contravening the ban on political declarations by trade unions.
    10.9, in Bursa, seven alleged members of the Revolutionary People’s Party of Turkey (TDHP) were detained by police.
    11.9, in Istanbul, police detained five people for leading illegal activities. Same day, two children were arrested by the Istanbul SSC on charges of attempting to burn a sea-bus.
    13.9, police announced the detention of ten persons in Bursa, Inegöl and Orhangazi for taking part in Dev-Sol activities.
    13.9, gendarmes raiding the village of Ördek in the Bitlis province arrested four people for separatist activities.
    14.9, three persons were brought before the Criminal Court N°1 of Bakirköy in Istanbul on charges of having committed a political murder. Each faces capital punishment. Besides, two other persons will be tried under the menace of death sentence for taking part in the armed actions of the Revolutionary Communists’ Union of Turkey (TIKB).
    15.9, in Edirne, police detained ten people during a raking operation.
    15.9, in the town of Söke (Aydin province), six alleged Dev-Sol militants were detained.
    16.9, the public prosecutor of Ankara opened a legal proceeding against Dogu Perincek, chairman of the defunct Socialist Party for his criticisms against the Constitutional Court’s decision to close his party. Accused of insulting the justice, Perincek faces a prison term of up to 5 years.
    16.9, security forces detained 20 peasants at the villages of the district of Bismil in the Diyarbakir province.
    16.9, in Istanbul, police announced the arrest of five alleged Dev-Sol militants.
    17.9, in Adana, 12 alleged PKK militants were detained by police.
    18.9, in Denizli, five people were detained on charges of taking part in Dev-Sol actions.
    18.9, in Gaziantep, eight people were placed under arrest by a tribunal on charges of making separatist propaganda during a wedding ceremony.
    19.9, in Istanbul, a soirée to commemorate a human rights activist, Mrs. Didar Sensoy, died in 1987, was banned by the governor. Same day, in Diyarbakir, the Association of Popular Culture (HKD) was closed for fifteen days for having inside some forbidden publications.
    19.9, during the raking operations in the state of emergency region, 18 people were reportedly taken into custody.
    22.9, five HEP members were detained in the town of Ortaklar of the Aydin province.  In the town of Ergani of the Diyarbakir province, police detained four persons during a wedding ceremony.
    22.9, in Izmir, about hundred persons holding a demonstration in protest against the violence at the Buca Prison were dispersed by police using force and 32 persons including IHD officials were taken into custody.
    23.9, in Izmir, police detained 7 alleged PKK militants.
    24.9, the trial of 171 people, accused of having held an unauthorized demonstration on June 30, 1992 in Nusaybin, began at the Diyarbakir SSC. Each faces a prison term of up to 8 years.
    25.9, in Adana, police detained 12 alleged PKK militants.
    29.9, police announced the arrest of 14 alleged Dev-Sol militants in Istanbul.
    29.9, in Ankara, public prosecutor opened a legal proceeding against 32 officials of 15 different public servants trade unions. Accused of contravening the ban on the right to organize, each faces a prison term of up to three years.
    29.9, in Adana, police raiding coffee-houses in the quarters inhabited by Kurds, detained more than 50 people.


    1.9, an armed band shot dead three Kurdish peasants, Sabri Kesen, Ali Dinler and Musa Onay in the village of Gülmese of the Mardin province. Same day, in the district of Kiziltepe of the same province, an alleged Hezbollah militant, Murat Basaran was shot dead by unidentified people.
    2.9, in Izmir, a police team shot dead a 14-year-old boy, Ibrahim Ilhan, as they were chasing a wanted person.
    2.9, a team of village protectors, halting a bus going from the the town of Yüksekova to the city of Van, shot dead a 23-year old Kurd, Hasan Alkan.
    3.9, Turkish military forces, during an operation on the mountain of Cudi, destroyed the villages of Caglayan and Hisar by bombing. A 45-year old woman, Bedi Özdemir was killed and two peasants wounded. On the other hand, Interior Minister Ismet Sezgin reported that the villages of Yogurtcular, Balveren and Dagkonak in the province of Sirnak too were bombed by security forces. Claiming the population of these villages are supporters of the PKK, the minister said: “If one enters a Turkish bath, sweating is unavoidable!”
    4.9, a team of Hezbollah shot dead a 30-year old teacher, Ahmet Koyun, in Nusaybin.
    4.9, in Istanbul, 44-year old Fikri Uzun was shot dead in the street by a police team as they were chasing another person.
    5.9, in the village of Yagmurdüsen (Agri province), 14-year old shepherd Fuat Keskin was shot dead by a gendarmery team. About 70 animals pastured by the shepherd were killed by gendarmes as well.
    7.9, the corpse of Vedat Fidanci, kidnapped on August 24 by unidentified persons at the village of Yolac in the Diyarbakir province was founded near to the village of Yesilgül. The forensic medicine certified that he had been killed under torture. During the kidnapping of Fidanci, his father Emin and his relatives, Ahmet and Mehmet Fidanci had been assassinated. His mother, Mevlude Fidanci claimed that the murders had been committed by the Hezbullah.
    7.9, in Cizre, the corpse of 15-year old Mesut Öztürk, kidnapped two days ago, was found near to the village of Sulak. Fidanci had reportedly been strangled by kidnappers.
    7.9, in Agri, 22-year old Reis Adiyaman was shot dead at the village of Adimova.
    7.9, at the village of Cimenli in the Hakkari province, gendarmes opened fire on a group of Kurdish peasants who came to the post for lodging a complaint against the raid that they had carried out earlier in the village and wounded three of them.
    11.9, in the town of Silvan of the Diyarbakir province, 23-year old Muzaffer Dogrul was wounded by unidentified persons opening fire from a car passing by.
    14.9, in Adana, police announced that two youths, Erol Poyraz and Ali Sahin, were shot dead during an armed skirmish with a security team. However, eye-witnesses denied the police’s claim and said that two youths were executed by shooting after being apprehended by police  as they were distributing tracts.
    14.6, teacher Sirin Gökdelen was shot dead by the Hezbollah in the town of Silvan of the Diyarbakir province.
    16.9, in Nusaybin, 41 year-old Semsettin Aytimur was shot dead by unidentified persons. The murder is attributed to the Hezbollah.
    16.9, the Hezbollah shot dead two peasants, Sehmuz Kaya and Ali Kaya in the village of Haliören of the Diyarbakir province.
    17.9, the Hezbullah shot dead 27-year old Medeni Aslan in the town of Silvan of the Diyarbakir province and 47-year old bank director Ahmet Arikan in the town of Kiziltepe of the Mardin province. 
    19.9, the Hezbollah assassinated  21-year old Ercan Buhar in Silvan, 35-year old worker Halil Güleryüzlü and 45-year old Selahattin Kinis in Batman. Besides, two persons were wounded by the Hezbullah in Silvan.
    21.9, unidentified persons shot dead 59-year old Mehmet Can in Nusaybin, Dersim Tanis in Silvan and Mahmut Oguz in Batman.
    22.9, the TIHV reports the killing of the following persons by unidentified gunmen: Eyup Ayas (27) in Viransehir, Halil Aslangiray (24) and Edip Kilinc (32) in Batman, Esref Bebek (28) in Silvan.
    23.9, the  TIHV reports the killing of the following persons by unidentified gunmen: driver Sami Isik in Batman, Dersim Tanis (19) in Silvan, Ibrahim Karaslan (41) in Diyarbakir and Ismet Demirci (43) in Ergani.
    24.9, the  TIHV reports the killing of the following persons by unidentified gunmen: Cengiz Demir (22) in Batman, Rauf Kirtay (33) in Silvan and Halil Katikci in Ceylanpinar.
    24.9, in Mersin, a police team shot dead in the street a youth named Recep Balta during a control.
    26.9, the TIHV reports the killing of the following persons by unidentified gunmen: Fevzi Demir in Batman, Serif Kanat (35) in Cinar (Diyarbakir), Necdet Aslan (39) in Midyat, Bedir Yildirim in Malazgirt.
    28.9, the corpse of Fuat Deger, kidnapped on September 26 was found by the village of Arikli of the Mardin province.
    29.9, in Istanbul, two women and a man were shot dead during the police raid on two houses in different quarters.
    30.9, in Istanbul, a policeman shot dead 24-year old Bülent Cakmak as he was looking from his balcony.


    2.9, the State Security Prosecutor of Ankara started a legal proceeding against poet Adnan Yücel for his book entitled Children of the Fire and the Sun. Accused of separatist propaganda, the poet faces a prison term of up to nine years.
    2.9, the issue N° 46 of the weekly Yeni Ülke was confiscated by the decision of the Istanbul State Security Court for an interview with the PKK leader Öcalan and an article by Serhat Bucak on the Sirnak operation.
    2.9, two correspondents of the daily Özgür Gündem, Mustafa Cetinkaya and Emine Ince were taken into custody as they were covering the opening ceremony of the Association for Fighting Unemployment and Expensiveness.
    8.9, the ceremonies organized in commemoration of the Cannes prize-winner film director Yilmaz Güney, died in exile, was forbidden by the Police Directorate of Istanbul.
    8.9, the issue N°10 of the weekly Mücadele was confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for separatist propaganda.
    9.9, the Cukurca correspondent of the daily Özgür Gündem, Saban Parlak, who had been detained as covering some incidents in Cukurca on August 25, was placed under arrest by a tribunal.
    12.9, a poster produced by the Socialist Union Party (SBP) on the occasion of the 12th anniversary of the September 12, 1980 Coup was banned by the Governor of Istanbul.
    14.9, the issue N° 11 of the weekly Mücadele and the issue N° 73 of the fortnightly Emegin Bayragi were confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for separatist propaganda.
    15.9, the issue N° 48 of the weekly Yeni Ülke was confiscated for separatist propaganda.
    16.9, the issue N°4 of the bilingual (Kurdish and Turkish) review Serketin was confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for separatist propaganda.
    18.9, the Izmir offices of the daily Özgür Gündem and of two periodicals, Özgür Halk and Gercek, were raided and searched by police.  Some documents and publications inside were confiscated. Same day, the Diyarbakir offices of the periodicals Özgür Halk and Newroz too were raided and four persons inside detained.
    20.9, the issues dated September 19 and 20 of the daily Özgür Gündem were confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for articles on torture practice in the state of emergency region.
    22.9, the daily Özgür Gündem was confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for containing an announcement by PKK leader Öcalan in memory of assassinated journalist Musa Anter. Besides, the issue N° 23 of the monthly Özgür Halk was confiscated by the same court for separatist propaganda.
    25.9, the issue N°3 of the monthly Iscinin Yolu and the issue N° 15 of the monthly Odak were confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for separatist propaganda.
    26.9, in Gaziantep, Abdullah Sabri Kocaman and Mümtaz Sahin, respectively chief editor and columnist of the newspaper Dogus, were sentenced each to imprisonment of 3 month and 15 days for having criticized a court sentence.
    28.9, the new issues of the weeklies Gercek and Mücadele and the fortnightly Emegin Bayragi were confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for separatist propaganda and praising some outlawed organizations.
    29.9, the State Security Court of Istanbul began to try 18 journalists altogether for having published in their periodicals a common text against the Spring offensive by security forces. Accused of separatism, Nazim Taban (Emegin Bayragi), Seyit Nusret Öztürk (Ekimler), Salih Bal (Medya Günesi), Mehmet Cangi (Devrimci Mücadele), Erdal Cinar (Kurtulus), Haydar Üc (Parti Yolunda), Zekeriya Özdinc (Barikat), Asli Günes (Hedef), Ertugrul Karatas (Yeni Demokrasi), Naile Tuncer (Devrimci Proletarya), Özer Degistirici (Direnis), Süleyman Altun (Özgür Halk), Zeynep Yengil (Haziran), Fatma Karabacak (Newroz), Sadik Gülec (Özgürlük Dünyasi), Fethi Özdemir (Komün), Garip Töre (Emek) face imprisonment of up to five years each.
    30.9, the issue N°50 of the weekly Yeni Ülke and the issue N° 15 of the fortnightly Devrimci Proletarya were confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for separatist propaganda. So, the number of the confiscated issues of this weekly reached 41.


    The reopening of the Republican People's Party (CHP) has led the present DYP-SHP coalition to a shaky situation. As both the Social Democratic Populist Party (SHP) and the  Democratic Left Party (DSP) were quickly losing parliamentarians and rank-and-file members to CHP, this drastic change of the political balance left the ruling coalition government with a majority of three in the 450-seat parliament.
    At the first CHP convention after its reopening, held on September 9, 1992, former SHP Secretary General Deniz Baykal was elected as chairman  by taking two-third of the valid votes against the other candidate, Erol Tuncer.  This substantial victory made him the fourth chairman of the Turkish Republic's first political party, founded by Atatürk and later led by Ismet Inönü and Bülent Ecevit.
    Erdal Inönü, deputy prime minister and SHP leader supported Erol Tuncer as a candidate to bring about a merger between CHP and SHP. However, Baykal, who had tried unsuccessfully to unseat Inönü as SHP leader, won this contest on a platform of no merger and a rebirth of CHP.
    The CHP was banned in 1981 by the military junta along with all other parties and was recently reopened after the government pushed through a law allowing all former parties closed down by the military to function again.
    After the CHP's reopening, the social-democratic movement in Turkey has been divided into three parties.
    In the 450-seat Parliament, three social-democratic parties have only a total of 76 deputies. SHP: 52, CHP: 21 and DSP: 3. The SHP, despite its participation in the government, has lost 37 parliamentarians in one year. Because of the repression carried on against the Kurdish  population, 18 deputies had earlier left the SHP and joined the People's Labour Party (HEP).
    As for the right wing parties, the numbers of deputies that they had in the Parliament by the end of October 1992 were as follows:
    Correct Way Party (DYP) 178, Motherland Party (ANAP) 112, Welfare Party (RP) 40, Nationalist Labour Party (MCP) 13, Union and Peace Party (BBP) 3.
    As closed political parties are now being given permission to reopen, Turkey is seeing a profusion of new parties --39 in total-- being established or reestablished. According to the Political Parties Registration Office, 39 new parties have been founded, and 23 of them closed since the return to parliamentary system in 1983. Out of sixteen parties legally open, but not necessarily politically active, only the DYP, the ANAP, the SHP, the RP, the DSP, the MCP, the HEP, the Reformist Democracy Party (IDP) and the Workers' Party (IP) have the necessary political qualifications to take part in elections.

    A U.S. aircraft carrier blasted a Turkish destroyer with a missile on October 1 during a NATO exercise in the Aegean Sea, setting the vessel ablaze and killing five Turkish sailors, including the destroyer's commanding officer.
    The US authorities claimed that the aircraft carrier USS Saratoga accidentally launched two Sea Sparrow missiles and struck the Turkish destroyer Muavenet. The incident occurred about 130 kilometres west of Izmir during the NATO exercise "Display Determination '92."
    However, Turkish newspaper were in uproar over the incident. Even though a NATO spokesman  said it was too soon to say whether human error was to blame, the front page headlines read "Stupid Johnny" in Milliyet, "It cannot be an accident!" in Sabah, "The USA should account for this" in Tercüman, "Murderer Saratoga hits: five martyrs" in Cumhuriyet.
    Hürriyet noted that there are four security catches to be released before such missiles can be fired, and remarked that the tragedy had shown how dangerous it was for Americans to keep their armament systems in a ready-to-fire position during allied exercises.
    Islamist Necmeddin Erbakan, leader of the Welfare Party (RP) appealed to check "the ethnic background of those in the missile control room of the US carrier. "They might have been of Armenian or Greek origin," he said.


    NOVEMBER 1991, N° 181

    DYP-SHP Coalition in power - Will they keep their promises? • Scandalous attack on two Kurdish deputies • Democratization package • What is the choice: Dialogue or war? •Allergy to Kurdish tricolours • Will State terrorism continue? • Socialist Party to be closed? • Heavy sentences to Dev-Sol members • Human Rights Association on trial • State terrorism in the new era • Besikci's never-ending torment • Post-electoral persecution of the media • European Parliament resolution on Kurds

    DECEMBER 1991, N° 182

    1992 Agenda for democracy in Turkey • State terrorism in Kurdistan: The military fire upon civilians • Other victims of State terror in December • Other State terror in December • Growing pressure on Kurdish deputies • Helsinki Watch Report on suspicious deaths • Amendments proposed by lawyers • Death sentence remains • Pressure on the media in December • DISK leader Bastürk passed away • Human rights organizations in Turkey •

    JANUARY 1992, N° 183

    A new Helsinki Watch document: Torture of children in Turkey • Democratization: Parties are closed down, arrests, tortures and man-hunts still carried on • Six torture victims speak • State terrorism in January  • Journalist Teztel's trial • Other media prosecutions in January

    FEBRUARY 1992, N° 184

    New European report on Turkey • Turkish deputies against the rights of minorities • Restriction of children rights

    MARCH 1992, N° 185   

    Spring syndrome • Assassination of Kurdish journalists • Human right violations over 100 days • SHP criticized by Kurdish deputies • Dicle and Zana resigned from the SHP • US support to anti-PKK campaign • Avalanches in Kurdish area • State terrorism in February • Never-ending man-hunts • New torture allegations • US report on torture in Turkey • Reinstatement of Turkish citizenship • Police attack journalists • TBKP closure to Strasbourg • Ankara's opening to Central Asia • Armenia alarmed by Turkish manoeuvres • Suspicious death of a TV coordinator • Persecution of the media in February

    APRIL 1992, N° 186

    Bloodshed in Kurdistan • A SHP report contradicting the government • Turkish bombing of Kurdish villages • US support to Turkish operation • Hezbollah-Police collaboration • Emergency state prolonged • No more support to the government • Discrimination against Kurdish prisoners • Kurdish deputies resigned from the SHP • Ten innocent demands of the Kurds • Turco-German tension after Newroz • Kurdish newspaper forced to stop • A journalist killed by the military • State terrorism in March • Government support to fascist party • persecution of the media in March • Coal mine disaster in Zonguldak • Police terror at Bosporus University • Earthquake disaster in Erzincan • Turkish-Kurdish week-end in Brussels

    MAY 1992, N° 187

    Two European Parliament reports as regards Turkey • Explanatory statement on EC-Turkey relations • Explanatory statement on the rights of the Kurdish people •

    JUNE 1992, N° 188

    The 6th month of "democratization" • Grey Wolves came to power in Azerbaijan • State terrorism and air attacks in Kurdistan • 22 Kurdish deputies face capital punishment • 290 intellectuals pursued for a petition to the ONU • A Kurdish journalist assassinated • Besikci sentenced to a fine of $130,000 • The Kurdish Institute's sign-board was removed by police • A journalist imprisoned for criticizing the Army • May Day celebrations and strikes are still forbidden • Virginity test led two teenage girls to commit suicide • 2-month state terrorism • 2-month persecution of the media • The European Parliament condemned Turkish attacks in Kurdistan • Mandela rejected Atatürk peace award • Amnesty International report on Turkey

    JULY-AUGUST 1992, N° 189-190

    Dark picture of human rights • Assassination of journalists • Rights activists disappointed • State of emergency extended • Özal vetoed judicial reform law • Socialist Party banned • Murder of human rights activists • The security forces sparked off Newroz bloodshed • State terror in June-July • Persecution of the media in June-July

    SEPTEMBER 1992, N° 191

    Sirnak ruined by the State • A 75-year old Kurdish journalist assassinated • A strike  • International reactions to assassinations • Judicial reforms withdrawn • Chief justice for state terrorism • HEP tried by the Constitutional Court • Turkey accused of torture • Doctors involved in torture • State terrorism in August • Ne progress in Turco-EC relations • Turkish attack on European Parliament • Council of Europe criticizes Turkey • Parliamentarians condemn Turkey • Turkish generals in Central Asia • Turkish-Nazi cooperation • Persecution of the media in August

    OCTOBER 1992, N° 192

    Background of the Peshmergas-Turkish Army Complicity • Betrayal.... Annihilation... • The Government for military solutions • HEP Congress for a dialogue with the PKK • 12 HEP delegates arrested • Anti-Kurdish terror extended • Turkish Gladio opened its doors • Torture cases in September • Arrests, trials, bans • Political assassinations • Persecution of the media • CHP’s reopening shakes the coalition •  US Missile killed Turkish sailors