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INFO-TURK

38 rue des Eburons - 1000 Bruxelles
Tél: (32-2) 215 35 76 - Fax: (32-2) 215 58 60
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 Chief Editor /Rédacteur en chef: Dogan Özgüden - Responsible editor/Editrice responsable: Inci Tugsavul


Earlier bulletins / Bulletins précédents

23e Année - N°249

Mai/May 1999
INTERIOR POLITICS/POLITIQUE INTERIEURE OCALAN'S TRIAL/PROCES D'OCALAN STATE TERRORISM/TERREUR DE L'ETAT ARMED FORCES/FORCES ARMEES PRESSURE ON THE MEDIA/PRESSIONS SUR LES MEDIAS KURDISH QUESTION/QUESTION KURDE MAFIA RELATION/RELATIONS MAFIA SOCIO-ECONOMIC/SOCIO-ECONOMIQUE RELATIONS WITH THE WEST/RELATIONS AVEC L'OUEST REGIONAL RELATIONS/RELATIONS REGIONALES MIGRATION/IMMIGRATION BELGIQUE-TURQUIE/BELGIUM-TURKEY EN BREF/IN BRIEF
(TIHV news on human rights violations/Dépêches de la TIHV sur les violations des droits de l'Homme)

 

INTERIOR POLITICS/POLITIQUE INTERIEURE

Turqueries: Tempête autour d'une foulard

La séance inaugurale, le 2 mai 1999, du Parlement turc tout fraîchement élu a été très perturbée par Mme Merve Kavakci, députée islamiste du Parti de la Vertu qui a fait son entrée à l'Assemblée nationale turque la tête couverte d'un foulard. Conspuée par des centaines de députés, notamment du parti de la Gauche Démocratique (DSP) de M. Bulent Ecevit qui ont crié "dehors, dehors!" en tapant dans leurs mains, la députée a été obligée de quitter l'enceinte du Parlement provoquant une suspension de séance pendant laquelle chaque député fait acte d'allégeance à "la république laïque" et "aux principes et réformes de Mustafa Kemal, dit Ataturk".
 Ecevit, hors de lui, a demandé à l'un des présidents de séance, "Je vous en prie, remettez cette femme à sa place" en ajoutant "personne ne doit s'immiscer dans la vie privée des personnes, mais ceci n'est pas un endroit privé. Nous sommes ici dans les fondations même de l'Etat. Ce n'est pas le lieu pour défier l'Etat."
 Le président turc Suleyman Demirel a, le 5 mai 1999, mis en garde indirectement contre une intervention de l'armée dans la crise provoquée. "Si elle prête serment, cela provoquera la réaction
 Je ne peux en dire plus" a-t-il déclaré. Nul doute qu'il s'agit de l'armée turque qui se considère comme la gardienne de la laïcité de l'Etat. Le Conseil de sécurité nationale, véritable exécutif du pays, qui avait évincé le 28 février 1997 le gouvernement islamiste de Necmettin Erbakan, avait, samedi 1 mai, mis en garde la députée contre toute tentation de se présenter avec un foulard à la séance inaugurale du Parlement. La crise divise également le parti islamiste puisque son président, Recai Kutan, ayant assuré mardi 4 mai que son parti irait "jusqu'au bout" dans cette affaire, le vice-président du parti, Aydin Menderes, a démissionné jeudi 6 mai de son parti.
 La justice turque a ouvert une enquête contre la députée pour "incitation à la haine raciale et religieuse" en se fondant sur l'article 312 du code pénal. La presse turque affirme qu'elle est engagée dans le djihad en citant des propos qu'elle aurait tenus lors d'un congrès de l'Union islamique palestinienne basée aux Etats-Unis en 1997 où elle aurait affirmé avoir "choisi la politique comme champ d'activité pour mon djihad". En attendant n'ayant pas prêté serment, elle est empêchée d'assurer son mandat. Une autre députée Nesrin Unal, issue du MHP, est arrivée tête nue au Parlement et a déclenché un tonnerre d'applaudissements. Malgré toute cette crise, le port du foulard n'est pas explicitement interdit au Parlement, il l'est en revanche strictement dans les écoles, les universités et la fonction publique en Turquie.
 Finalement cet événement n'est pas sans précédent puisqu'il rappelle étrangement les scènes de révolte hystérique des parlementaires et autorités turcs lors du serment de Leyla Zana en 1991. Le problème du foulard islamique est une question qui est remontée de la rue au Parlement turc par l'intermédiaire de Merve Kavakci. De la même façon par l'intermédiaire de Leyla Zana, la question et la langue kurdes avaient fait irruption dans l'Assemblée turque.
 Celle-ci n'avait pas eu le courage et la lucidité de prêter l'oreille aux aspirations d'une importante fractions de la population et d'y apporter une réponse politique. (CILDEKT, 6 mai 1999)

Le parti islamiste refuse de céder sur le foulard

 Le chef du parti islamiste de la Vertu (Fazilet) Recai Kutan, a assuré le 4 mai que son parti irait "jusqu'au bout" dans l'affaire du port du foulard islamique au parlement, accusant le président et le Premier ministre d'avoir "aggravé" la polémique. "Nous poursuivrons notre lutte jusqu'au bout dans le cadre des lois et de la constitution", a indiqué M. Kutan devant la presse. "Le président Suleyman Demirel et le Premier ministre Bulent Ecevit n'ont fait qu'aggraver l'affaire par leurs déclarations", a-t-il indiqué. Le procureur général de la Cour de sûreté de l'Etat (DGM) d'Ankara a ouvert une enquête contre elle pour "incitation à la haine raciale et religieuse". (AFP, 4 mai 1999)

Human rights associations react to FP closure case

 Turkey's leading human rights associations reacted over prosecutor Vural Savas' move on Friday to open a closure trial at the Constitutional Court against the Islamist Virtue Party (FP) on grounds that it was pursuing anti-secular activities.
 "Political parties are essential to democracy. Turkey has witnessed the closures of a number of political parties before. Banning a political party is not a solution. The solution is the promotion of freedom of thought within the framework of laws," the Human Rights Association's (IHD) Nazmi Gur told the Turkish Daily News during a telephone interview.
 Citing other banned political parties, Gur added that, "First they banned the Welfare Party (RP), shortly after the Virtue Party was founded and if they ban the FP, they would found a new party."
 Meanwhile, the Organization of Human Rights and Solidarity for Oppressed People (Mazlum-Der) said, "Human rights activists are not surprised at Savas' call for the Constitutional Court to ban the FP. The reason for this is that the judiciary has been playing an ideological role in Turkey's political life. And this fact is once more proved by Savas' latest move."
 "Savas had applied twice to the Constitutional Court to suspend the People's Democracy Party [HADEP] from the April 18 elections, but he was unsuccessful. Savas, who battled to ban the RP last year, now seems determined to ban the FP," Mazlum-Der's Deputy General Secretary Omer Eksi asserted.
 Mazlum-Der claimed that Savas is acting not in the name of justice but for an ideological cause.
 There is still an ongoing closure case concerning HADEP in the Constitutional Court. (TDN, May 8, 1999)

Court to Prosecutor: "Substantiate the charges against FP"

 The Constitutional Court decided on May 13 to ask Court of Appeals Prosecutor Vural Savas to substantiate the charges he made in an indictment demanding the closure of the Islamist Virtue Party (FP).
 Completing the first evaluation of the prosecutor's petition for the closure of the FP on grounds that it is a continuation of the Welfare Party (RP), which was closed down by the Constitutional Court in early 1998, that it was exploiting religion for political purposes and that it was instigating separatism by dividing the nation into believers and nonbelievers, the Constitutional Court ruled that the prosecutor should provide additional information and documents to the court. (Turkish Daily News, May 13, 1999)

La députée au foulard déchue de la nationalité turque

 Le président turc Suleyman Demirel a ratifié un décret du conseil des ministres privant de la nationalité turque la députée islamiste Merve Kavakci, qui a provoqué un scandale en portant le foulard islamique au parlement, a annoncé samedi le Premier ministre turc Bulent Ecevit.
 Le décret prendra effet dès qu'il sera publié dans le journal officiel.
 Il sera remis ensuite au Haut comité électoral, chargé des affaires électorales en Turquie, qui pourrait retirer le mandat de député de Mme Kavakci, qui, privée de la nationalité turque, ne pourra plus sièger au parlement.
 Selon les lois turques, acquérir une nationalité étrangère est possible mais une personne doit obtenir au préalable l'autorisation des autorités turques.
 Le parti islamiste est de plus en butte à une procédure d'interdiction lancée par le procureur général de la Cour de cassation Vural Savas, pour activités anti-laïques. M. Savas a également demandé à la Cour constitutionnelle que tous les députés du Fazilet soient démis de leur mandat. (AFP, 15 mai 1999)

YSK's view about Merve Kavakci

 Sabri Coskun, the deputy chairman of the Supreme Election Board (YSK), stated on Tuesday that the final decision on whether to strip Virtue Party (FP) Deputy Merve Kavakci of her status as a parliamentarian rests with Parliament itself.
 Speaking after a YSK meeting, Coskun explained to reporters that because the May 13 Cabinet decision stripping Kavakci of her citizenship came after the elections the YSK would not have the authority to remove her from her post.
 Coskun explained: "The YSK has the authority to investigate situations that would negatively affect a person's eligibility to stand for election, and we have done that in this case and prepared a report on the matter. However, since the person in question lost her eligibility after the elections, Parliament will have to make the final decision about removing her from office. Parliament will make that decision according to Article 84 of the Constitution, which stipulates the procedures for removing a deputy from his or her seat in the legislature."
 The YSK report will be submitted to Parliament on Wednesday. (TDN, May 19, 1999)

Akbulut becomes 22nd speaker of Parliament

 Motherland Party (ANAP) Deputy Yildirim Akbulut was elected on May 21 in the fourth and final round of the voting as the new speaker of the Turkish Parliament, dealing a blow to the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), which wanted the post badly.
 With his election, Akbulut also made history by becoming the first-ever parliamentarian elected to the number-two post of the republic for the third time.
 Akbulut received 332 votes in Thursday's round, while Sadi Somuncuoglu of the MHP received 191 votes. Eleven ballots were empty, while seven deputies abstained. A total of 541 deputies attended Thursday's voting.
 In the first three rounds, the candidates for the position failed to pass the vote threshold stipulated in the Turkish Constitution.
 According to the Constitution and parliamentary bylaws, a candidate must secure the support of two-thirds of the entire parliamentary body during the first two rounds of voting in order to secure the position.
 Five political parties had initially nominated candidates from their ranks to represent them in the race. In the first two rounds of the voting, each competing party supported its own candidate. In the third round, in addition to his own party, Akbulut also garnered significant Virtue Party (FP) support. He succeeded in securing 172 votes among the FP lawmakers, while only 10 FP deputies voted for their own party's candidate, Nevzat Yalcintas. Somuncuoglu received 152 votes, while Democratic Left Party (DSP) candidate Uluc Gurkan got only 142 and failed to win a spot in the final round of the voting.
 In Thursday's fourth and final round of voting, the majority of those present in Parliament was sufficient. (TDN, May 21, 1999)

Baykal causes confusion in CHP

 Former leader of the Republican People's Party (CHP) Deniz Baykal is still causing confusion within the party, political analysts assert.
 Baykal, who had resigned from the leadership of the CHP after its defeat in last month's parliamentary elections, was again defeated in Saturday's extraordinary convention. The party had failed to surpass the 10-percent national threshold necessary to enter the legislature.
 Analysts say that, despite his dual defeat, he still has his hands in the party, and his behavior is causing disputes within the CHP.
 Talk in CHP corridors is that his latest trick, of trying to wrap himself around the new leader of the party, Altan Oymen, is escalating the tension in the party.
 Oymen has been supported by Baykal sympathizers since the day his name was mentioned as a leadership candidate, prompting certain claims that he would be a perfect "caretaker" until Baykal takes his chairmanship post back.
 The extraordinary convention of the party, which was held with the aim of analyzing the CHP's defeat in the April 18 elections, was dominated by tension and power struggles between its heavy guns.
 Heated arguments between CHP delegates showed that it will still be hard for the CHP to enter Parliament again, political experts say.
 According to speculations, Baykal supporters, including Adnan Keskin and Esref Erdem, had prepared a list of candidates for the Party Assembly and had presented it as if it were Oymen's list. It is claimed that as this was happening, Oymen was busy preparing his own list, which included the names of some opposed members of the party.
 Oymen was quoted as characterizing the incident as a "conspiracy."
 Despite the reactions of Oymen and dissident CHP delegates, the voting for the Assembly was held, with 23 names from Baykal's list winning seats, having garnered the requisite 224 votes.
 After the vote had ended, newly elected CHP leader Oymen announced that Party Assembly elections would be repeated in 45 days because of claims of impropriety.
 It is speculated that in an effort to guarantee the re-election of Baykal as party chairman in a future party convention, he and his supports had pushed for their choices to be elected to the Party Assembly. (TDN,May 25, 1999)

Nationalists Join Turkish Government

 A picture of a soldier's grave hangs in the headquarters of Turkey's nationalist party. Carved on the tombstone is the slogan: ìThose who lift a hand against the Turk will die like dogs.î
 Turkey's far-right Nationalist Movement Party may have moderated its tone and image during the past two years, but the party's line against Kurdish rebels remains uncompromising.
 The nationalists joined Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit's Democratic Left Party in a coalition government Friday, the first time they have been in a government in more than two decades.
 The party has said it will insist that Kurdish leader Abdullah Ocalan be hanged for leading a rebellion against the state. It is also likely to oppose anything but a military solution to strife in the largely Kurdish southeast.
 Ocalan's trial for treason opens on Monday. Any death sentence must be approved by parliament.
 "We will finish off the terrorist organization and ease the troubles of the people of the southeast in the shortest time possible," said Tunca Toskay, the party's deputy chairman.
 European demands that Turkey spare Ocalan's life and work to improve its human-rights record are likely to backfire with the Nationalists, who call for closer relations with Central Asia and not the West.
 The group more than doubled its votes in April 18 parliamentary elections, capturing 18 percent of the electorate and emerging as the second-largest party in parliament.
 Many of those voters backed an Islamic party in the 1995 elections. That party was forced from power for challenging Turkey's secular laws.
 Like the Islamic party, the Nationalists are also pushing for an easing of Turkey's staunch pro-secular laws, but they have made it clear that they will not provoke the secular establishment or attempt to change the secular character of the state.
 Earlier this month, an Islamic legislator caused chaos in parliament when she attempted to take the oath of office wearing an Islamic-style head scarf. Religious dress is barred in public offices.
 In contrast, Nationalist deputy Nesrin Unal removed her head scarf when she entered parliament.
 "There is one thing the party will not do and that is exploit religion," Toskay said.
 The party program calls for the resumption of Koranic courses in primary schools and the easing of rules that bar women students from wearing head scarves at universities, two issues that the Islamic party also championed.
 The Nationalist party was established in the 1960s by the late Alparslan Turkes, an army colonel who was part of a military clique that staged a coup in 1960.
 The anti-communist Turkes aspired to unite the Turkic-speaking states within the former Soviet Union under a Turkish flag.
 His supporters, popularly called the Gray Wolves, battled leftists in the streets of Turkey. The clashes, which led to thousands of deaths, helped lead to a 1980 military coup.
 The party has since abandoned its pan-Turkic ideals but retains its Eastern focus, calling for closer economic ties with Central Asian states such as Turkmenistan and Kazakstan.
 After Turkes' death in 1997, Devlet Bahceli, a former university lecturer, began reforming the party. He shut down 500 of the 1,500 branches of the party's youth organization, which had a reputation for violence. He also purged ultra-nationalists linked to the mafia and ordered students to keep out of campus violence.
 But many Turks remember the days when Gray Wolves, sporting the long, droopy mustaches that were once worn by Central Asian warriors, roamed the streets, shooting leftist students and academics.
 "They armed their youths, they claimed countless lives, they embraced gangs. Can all these be forgotten?" asked Rahsan Ecevit, the wife and political partner of the prime minister.
 The Nationalists bristle at the claim.
 "During that period there was anarchy in Turkey, and many sides were involved in the clashes," Toskay said. "It is not a correct assumption that one side was to blame." (Suzan Fraser, AP, May 29, 1999)

Era of cohabitation opens

 A new era of cohabitation opened in Turkey on May 30 with the Nationalist Motherleft coalition of the Democratic Left Party (DSP), the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) and the liberal Motherland Party (ANAP) taking over the administration of the country from the DSP minority government.
 Despite the deep ideological divide between the coalition partners, the Nationalist Motherleft coalition government is anticipated to last long because of domestic pressures for a stable government.
 It would have been a wild idea before the April 18 Turkish generals and local elections to think of a coalition government comprising the social democratic DSP of incumbent Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit and the conservative MHP of Associate Professor Devlet Bahceli.
 However, the outcome of the April 18 polls that placed Ecevit's DSP as the largest party in Parliament with 136 seats and Bahceli's MHP with 129 seats as the second largest group; the blood feud between two center right parties, the ANAP of Mesut Yilmaz and the True Path Party (DYP) of Tansu Ciller that made the two impossible to come together in a government; public opposition to a nationalist-front coalition of right-wing parties; and the strong opposition from the establishment to the participation of the Islamist Virtue Party (FP) in any government, had left almost no alternative but to a test of cohabitation of the social democrats and the nationalists in a tripartite coalition government.
 Despite this background, the formation of the DSP, MHP, ANAP Nationalist Motherleft coalition government was a painful task for both Ecevit and Bahceli, with ANAP's Yilmaz playing the role of a mediator between the two.
 Ecevit's supporters and the nationalists had to overcome a decades-old dispute stemming from street clashes between their two groups in the late 1970s. The violence killed thousands and prompted the military takeover.
 Thus, because of the old enmities, the road to the establishment of the Nationalist Motherleft coalition was a very difficult one for both leaders. With some DSP deputies opposing partnership with their pre-1980 nationalist foes and allegedly threatening to quit the party, it was an extremely painful task for Ecevit to soothe the climate in his DSP. Perhaps in an attempt to satisfy the mavericks within the DSP, Ecevit's wife and DSP Deputy Chairperson Rahsan Ecevit made one of her rare public statements in such a fashion that coalition talks suffered a serious blow.
 "They armed their youths, they claimed countless lives, they embraced gangs. Can all these be forgotten?" asked Rahsan Ecevit, adding that although it was very difficult for herself to accommodate the idea of coalition with the MHP, she saw no other alternative.
 The impact of the statement in MHP headquarters was worse than the impact of NATO's bombardment of Yugoslavia. MHP leader Bahceli immediately gathered his party executive and declared that unless Ecevit issued a public apology, coalition talks would not continue. It was only after intense lobbying of President Demirel, ANAP leader Yilmaz and a semi-apology by Ecevit that the MHP agreed eventually to resume the coalition talks.
 The efforts of Yilmaz in the establishment of the coalition government appeared to pay off when the distribution of government seats is analyzed. As if ANAP was not one of the losers in the April 18 polls and as if its parliamentary strength was at par with the DSP and MHP, the party received 10 ministerial posts, compared to the 12 posts the DSP and MHP each got. ANAP has only 86 seats in Parliament.
 Besides, ANAP got the powerful Energy Ministry and the state ministry in charge of privatization. Privatization was one of the key campaign issues raised by the MHP and the anticipation was that it would insist on having the state ministry in charge of the issue. Fighting corruption was another major campaign issue of the MHP but it agreed in the end to ANAP's domination of ministries in charge of the economy.
 However, it appears that the DSP and ANAP allied against the MHP in the coalition talks, the inexperience of the MHP helped them and in the end ANAP emerged as the victor in the bargaining.
 Ocalan's trial will be a test
 The presidential approval for the Ecevit-led Nationalist Motherleft government came only days before the scheduled May 31 start of the trial of Turkey's number-one public enemy, Abdullah Ocalan, the leader of the outlawed Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK).
 While Ecevit is known to be against the death penalty in principle, the MHP has been defending that the separatist chieftain should face an appropriate sentence and that sentence should be carried out without any mercy.
 Both Ecevit's DSP and the MHP benefited politically from Ocalan's mid-February capture.
 Ocalan faces the death penalty on charges of treason and Turkey has been urged to ensure a fair trial for the separatist chieftain. Many fear it could spark violent protests from Kurds throughout Europe.
 In the coalition protocol signed on Friday, the three leaders agreed to immediately introduce a bill that would reform Turkey's state security courts and remove the military judge in order to prevent more criticism from international rights groups.
 In the protocol it was also clearly stated that there would be no compromise in the country's fight against separatist terrorism.
 The partners also vowed to continue the secular battle and to maintain the ban in the public offices and schools on Islamic-style head scarves, which the secular establishment views as a challenge to the country's secular principles.
 The coalition also took a nationalist stand toward the European Union, stating Ankara's goal of attaining full membership without "compromising our national rights and interests."
 Turkey has put its relations with the EU on hold since 1997, when the 15 nations excluded it from enlargement talks, citing a poor human rights record.  (Turkish Daily News, May 30, 1999)

OCALAN'S TRIAL/PROCES D'OCALAN

Les avocats d'Ocalan menacent d'abandonner la défense

 
 Les avocats d'Ocalan ont menacé d'abandonner la défense de leur client en dénonçant la "pression" exercée contre eux, a indiqué mardi la presse turque. "J'ai le sentiment que l'Etat ne veut pas une défense dans ce procès", a déclaré Ahmet Zeki Okcuoglu, qui dirige l'équipe des avocats. "Il nous est impossible de faire notre devoir avec une telle pression et dans ces conditions", a-t-il ajouté. Les 17 avocats doivent se réunir pour discuter de la poursuite ou non de leur défense, a-t-il dit. "Cela ne peut pas continuer commme ça. Nous ne sommes pas des héros. Nous ne pouvons pas faire notre travail dans ces conditions", a déclaré Me Okcuoglu, cité par les journaux. Sept avocats d'Abdullah Ocalan ont indiqué avoir été "violemment battus" par la police après une audience de la Cour de sûreté de l'Etat à Ankara la semaine dernière. Deux autres défenseurs avaient été attaqués et battus par des hommes non identifiés à Istanbul le mois dernier. Les avocats se plaignent de ce que leurs entretiens avec Ocalan sur l'île prison d'Imrali (ouest) sont contrôlés par des soldats et reprochent à l'accusation de laisse filtrer des éléments contre leur client à la presse. "Ces obstacles à la défense doivent disparaître complètement", a dit Me Okcuoglu. L'équipe des avocats a annoncé dans un communiqué mardi qu'elle donnerait une conférence de presse à Istanbul mercredi pour évoquer "les attaques contre les défenseurs" et le procès d'Ocalan, jugé pour "trahison et atteinte à l'intégrité territoriale de la Turquie" à partir du 31 mai à Imrali. Les avocats avaient déjà suspendu la défense du chef du parti des Travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK, séparatistes kurdes) pendant un moment cette année en assurant craindre pour leur vie, avant de la reprendre. (AFP, 4 mai 1999)

Ocalan's Top Lieutenant Gets Death

 The top lieutenant to rebel leader Abdullah Ocalan was sentenced to death today for masterminding hundreds of deaths in Turkey in a bid to win autonomy for the Kurds.
 A panel of three judges gave Semdin Sakik the death penalty for treason. He was held responsible for the slayings of 283 people in 191 acts of violence carried out by the Kurdistan Workers Party, or PKK.
 Turkey has not carried out a death penalty in more than a decade and the court's decision for Ocalan's second-in-command does not bode well for the PKK leader. Ocalan himself has been accused in the deaths of over 30,000 people.
 Sakik's brother, Arif, was also sentenced to death for treason in the trial today in Diyarbakir, the main city in Turkey's southeast, where the guerrilla war has been carried out since 1984.
 Sakik, 46, known by his nom de guerre "Fingerless Zeki" for his missing finger, was the mastermind of PKK operations in Turkey.
 He reportedly fell out with the PKK leader after military crackdowns on the group and found refuge with an Iraqi Kurdish group before being captured last year in northern Iraq. (AP, May 20, 1999)

L''île prison d'Imrali, décor du procès d'Ocalan

 L'île prison d'Imrali, dans l'ouest de la Turquie, où s'ouvre le 31 mai le procès du chef rebelle kurde Abdullah Ocalan, a un passé chargé: c'est là que fut pendu au début des années soixante l'ancien Premier ministre Adnan Menderes.
 L'îlot en mer de Marmara, dont Ocalan est l'unique prisonnier, a été déclaré "zone interdite" et placée sous sécurité maximale depuis qu'il abrite l'ennemi public numéro un de l'Etat turc, arrêté mi-février au Kénya.
 Imrali a connu des scènes dramatiques au cours de son histoire: Adnan Menderes y fut pendu en 1961, avec deux de ses ministres, à l'issue d'un procès sur une petite île voisine. L'année précédente, Menderes avait été renversé par un coup d'Etat militaire.
 La construction de la prison elle-même a commencé en 1933, elle a été officiellement ouverte le 11 août 1935. En temps normal, les détenus y bénéficient d'un régime semi-ouvert qui leur permet de sortir sur l'île, où ils se livrent notamment à des activités agricoles.
 Le premier bâtiment à l'entrée de l'île porte une citation célèbre du fondateur de la République turque, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk: "Heureux celui qui peut se dire Turc".
 Avant l'arrivée d'Ocalan, la prison abritait 247 détenus, qui ont été transférés dans d'autres établissements pénitentiaires.
 Parmi ses détenus célèbres a figuré le cinéaste d'origine kurde Yilmaz Guney, auteur de "Yol" (le chemin), Palme d'or au festival de Cannes.
 Les parages sont patrouillés en permanence et l'accès à l'îlot est interdit au commun des mortels.
 Il se fait par bateau depuis la ville côtière la plus proche, Mudanya, distante d'une dizaine de kilomètres. Une ville également chargée d'histoire puisque c'est là que fut signée en 1922 l'armistice qui avait conclu la guerre de libération lancée par Ataturk.
 Imrali est large de 10 km et longue de 20 km environ. Elle est située à 50 kilomètres au sud-ouest d'Istanbul, devant le golfe d'Izmit. (AFP, 25 mai 1999)

Un avocat d'Ocalan inculpé pour aide au PKK

 Le parquet de la Cour de sûreté de l'Etat (DGM) d'Istanbul a inculpé Niyazi Bulgan, l'un des avocats d'Ocalan, pour "aide" au PKK, séparatiste), a rapporté mardi l'agence Anatolie.
 Cette inculpation suit l'arrestation le 7 mai à l'aéroport d'Istanbul de Sibel Ceylan, une jeune interprète turco-belge d'origine kurde, qui serait la secrétaire de Me Bulgan, selon l'agence Anatolie.
 Le parquet a requis entre trois et cinq ans de prison contre l'avocat et Sibel Ceylan pour "aide à une organisation terroriste" (ndlr: dénomination officielle pour le PKK) et "recel de documents", selon Anatolie.
 Sibel Ceylan avait été arrêté en possession de documents concernant le procès d'Ocalan qui doit s'ouvrir lundi prochain sur l'île prison d'Imrali, où est détenu le chef du PKK.
 L'acte d'accusation élaboré par le parquet de la DGM d'Ankara contre Ocalan figurait parmi les documents saisis sur Sibel Ceylan, toujours selon Anatolie.
 Me Bulgan est membre de l'équipe d'avocats turcs qui assure la défense du chef rebelle kurde.  (AFP, 25 mai 1999)

La Cour de sûreté de l'Etat, organe judiciaire controversé

 La Cour de sûreté de l'Etat (DGM), qui va juger le chef rebelle kurde Abdullah Ocalan à partir du 31 mai, est une institution controversée, en raison de la présence d'un juge militaire siégeant aux côtés de deux juges civils.
 Ce type de juridiction (il en existe plusieurs) a été créée par la Constitution de 1982, élaborée lors de la période militaire découlant du coup d'Etat de 1980 du général Kenan Evren.
 La DGM peut intenter un procès concernant tous les crimes visant directement l'Etat et la République turcs ainsi que les crimes relatifs à la sécurité intérieure et extérieure du pays.
 Dans ce contexte, Abdullah Ocalan, chef du Parti des Travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK, séparatiste), en rébellion armée contre Ankara depuis 1984 pour créer un Etat kurde indépendant dans le Sud-est de la Turquie à majorité kurde, sera jugé par la Cour de Sûreté de l'Etat d'Ankara numéro 2.
 Ocalan, capturé le 15 février à Nairobi après avoir passé douze jours dans les locaux de l'ambassade de Grèce, sera jugé en fonction de l'article 125 du code pénal turc qui prévoit la peine de mort pour tentative de diviser le territoire turc et d'y créer un Etat distinct.
 Les membres de la DGM se déplaceront pour ce procès sur l'île prison d'Imrali où Ocalan est détenu depuis son transfèrement en Turquie le 16 février.
 Il sera jugé par les magistrats Mehmet Turgut Okyay, président de la DGM, Huseyin Eker et le lieutenant-colonel Abdulkadir Davarcioglu. Les procureurs de la République Cevdet Volkan et Talat Salk représenteront le parquet de la DGM.
 En raison de la présence d'un juge militaire siègeant aux côtés de deux autres juges civils, la Cour européenne des droits de l'Homme a estimé l'an dernier que la DGM ne pouvait être considérée comme entièrement indépendante et impartiale.
 Elle argue que le juge militaire est sujet à la discipline militaire et ne peut pas être considéré comme indépendant.
 Des verdicts prononcés par le passé par les DGM ont fait l'objet de procès en appel devant la Cour européenne des droits de l'Homme, qui a condamné la Turquie à verser des compensations.
 Les doutes sur ces Cours sont partagés par bon nombre de Turcs, dont le Premier ministre Bulent Ecevit, qui a proposé des amendements législatifs pour les abolir dans un proche avenir.
 Le président turc Suleyman Demirel s'était de son côté déclaré en mars en faveur d'une modification de leur structure en vue du procès d'Abdullah Ocalan, arguant que la Turquie "doit rester au sein du système judiciaire européen" et "amender sa constitution". (AFP, 25 mai 1999)

Conseil de l'Europe: appel à ne pas utiliser la peine de mort contre le PKK

 La commission permanente de l'Assemblée parlementaire du Conseil de l'Europe a appelé le 26 mai la Turquie à ne pas utiliser la peine de mort à l'encontre des militants du Parti des Travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK), selon un communiqué.
 Renate Wohlwend (Liechenstein, PPE/CD), rapporteur de cette commission qui siège entre deux sessions plénières, a appelé "instamment les autorités turques à ne pas appliquer les peines capitales prononcées en relation avec les activités du PKK", a indiqué le communiqué.
 Le rapporteur a saisi cette occasion pour lancer un appel en faveur d'une accélération de la procédure conduisant à l'abolition officielle de la peine capitale dans les 41 Etats membres.
 "Tous les pays qui ont adhéré récemment au Conseil de l'Europe se sont engagés à le faire", a indiqué Mme Wohlwend précisant : "nous ne pouvons pas appliquer des normes différentes à des Etats membres de l'organisation depuis très longtemps, comme la Turquie".
 Jeudi dernier, l'ancien bras droit du chef du Parti des Travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK, séparatiste) Abdullah Ocalan, Semdin Sakik, avait été condamné à mort par la Cour de sûreté de Diyarbakir (sud-est).
 Le procès d'Abdullah Ocalan qui doit s'ouvrir lundi prochain en Turquie.
 Le Premier ministre turc Bulent Ecevit a évoqué toutefois mercredi un possible report de ce procès indiquant que son futur gouvernement a l'intention de modifier la Constitution sur le plan judiciaire. (AFP, 26 mai 1999)

Ocalan se déclare prêt à servir l'Etat turc pour la paix

 Abdullah Ocalan s'est déclaré prêt à servir l'Etat turc pour la "paix et la fraternité" entre Kurdes et Turcs, à l'ouverture de son procès le 31 mai sur l'île prison d'Imrali (ouest).
 "Je veux oeuvrer pour la paix et la fraternité et atteindre ce but au sein de la République turque. C'est pourquoi je veux vivre", a-t-il déclaré depuis la cage de verre où il comparait, selon les images retransmises en différé par la chaîne de télévision publique TRT.
 Le procès du chef rebelle, accusé de trahison et de tentative de diviser la Turquie, passible de la peine de mort, s'est ouvert à 10H00 (07H00 GMT) devant la Cour de sûreté de l'Etat d'Ankara n2.
 "Je veux être au service de l'Etat", a déclaré Ocalan pour sa première apparition publique depuis son arrestation mi-février au Kenya, amaigri, les tempes grisonnantes, portant chemise bleue et costume sombre.
 "J'essaierai d'arrêter cette effusion de sang et je promets de travailler pour cela", a-t-il dit en référence aux combats dans le sud-est à majorité kurde entre son Parti des Travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK) et les forces de sécurité turques, qui ont fait 31.000 morts depuis 1984.
 "Je partage les peines des familles des martyrs", soldats et agents de sécurité tués dans le sud-est, a-t-il souligné, en s'excusant auprès d'elles alors que certains des parents des victimes étaient dans la salle d'audience, portant des photographies de leurs fils morts et des drapeaux turcs.
 "Je veux dire que la Grèce, la Russie et l'Italie n'ont pas obéi aux lois internationales", a-t-il ajouté, en allusion aux pays qui ont refusé de lui accorder l'asile politique après son expulsion de Syrie mi-octobre.
 "Je n'ai été soumis à aucune sorte de pression", a précisé le chef du PKK.
 La Cour a ensuite rejeté une demande de ses avocats d'ajourner le procès afin d'avoir plus de temps pour préparer la défense. Cette demande devait aussi laisser le temps au nouveau gouvernement turc dirigé par Bulent Ecevit de réformer les DGM en remplaçant par un civil le juge militaire qui y siège aux côtés de deux civils.
 La présence de ce juge militaire a été mise en cause notamment par la Cour européenne des droits de l'Homme, selon qui les DGM ne peuvent être entièrement indépendantes et impartiales.
 Vingt journalistes, dont un de l'AFP, ont été autorisés à assister à la première audience, mais sans moyen de transmettre des informations depuis Imrali, notamment en raison des mesures de sécurité draconiennes qui entourent le procès.
 Douze avocats d'Ocalan et 12 pour la partie civile se trouvaient dans la salle, ainsi que des parents du leader kurde.
 Douze étrangers --dont des diplomates-- ont été autorisés "à titre privé" à suivre les audiences, la Turquie ayant refusé des "observateurs internationaux" en y voyant une ingérence. Parmi eux se trouvait lundi Walter Schwimmer, observateur du Conseil de l'Europe pour la Turquie.
 Tous ont été amenés à bord d'un bateau sur Imrali depuis Mudanya, à une vingtaine de kilomètres, après des contrôles de sécurité draconiens.
 Le procès s'est ouvert dans une atmosphère fortement passionnelle, bon nombre de Turcs y voyant l'occasion d'un règlement de comptes avec l'ennemi public numéro de l'Etat turc, tandis que pour le PKK, il s'agit d'attirer l'attention internationale sur sa cause.
 Quelques pancartes dénonçant "Ocalan, l'assassin de bébés" en plusieurs langues ont été posées devant le quai d'où partent les bateaux pour Imrali.
 "Jour du règlement de compte", titrait le quotidien populaire Sabah lundi. "La Cour a la parole", écrivait plus sobrement le journal à grand tirage Hurriyet. (AFP, 31 mai 1999)

STATE TERRORISM/TERREUR DE L'ETAT

Arrests and pressure at May Day Celebrations

 The celebrations of 1 May Workerís Day were banned in general over Turkey, and it was allowed for one hour in Istanbul. The rally at Istanbul Sisli Abide-i Hürriyet Square ended uneventfully. Istanbul Security Director Hasan Özdemir disclosed that 275 people were detained prior to and after 1 May.
 Again in Istanbul, over 100 people were detained by the police from the HADEP provincial and district offices, which were surrounded by the police prior to and after 1 May. In Diyarbakir, celebrations were banned.
 However, some trade unionists assembled in Dagkapi Quarter, and the police quelled the rally, detaining Diyarbakir SES (the Trade Union of Health and Social Service Workers) Branch Chairperson Huseyin Bayrak, BTS (United Transportation Trade Union) Branch Chairperson Hasan Soysal, IHD Regional Representative Hanifi Isik, HADEP Provincial Organization executive member Cemal Kocer, and thirteen other persons.
 In Adiyaman, people were dispersed by the police when they went to the meeting area. Twenty people were wounded during the incident, whereas 47 people were detained. Cetin Tas, whose ribs were broken, and Mustafa Altin and Saime Altin were hospitalized.
 In Adana, a group of people assembled at Barbaros quarter, but they were reportedly dispersed by the police who opened fire into the air, and some people were detained. (Ozgur Bakis-Radikal-TIHV, May 2-3, 1999)

Denmark Accuses Turkey of Torturing Danish Citizen

 For the second time since the Cyprus conflict of 1974, Turkey has been accused of being a Ñstate that torturesì. In a complaint lodged with the European Court of Human Rights, Denmark accused Turkey of detaining and torturing Kemal Koc, a Danish citizen of Kurdish origin, when Koc visited Turkey for family reasons two years ago. Koc was charged with being a sympathizer of the PKK.
 In its complaint, Denmark pointed out that this was not an isolated incident, because detainees are systematically tortured by the police and security forces in all parts of  Turkey. Denmark referred not only to the testimony of the plaintiff  and medical certificates confirming his injuries due to torture, but also to reports compiled and published by the United Nations, Amnesty International, and the US State Department. (Milliyet, May 6, 1999)

The scandal of wiretapping connected with Susurluk

 There are allegations that the wiretapping gang known as Tele Kulak, accused of listening to the phone conversations of a number of high-ranking people in Turkey, was receiving orders from certain individuals connected with the Susurluk affair. During the interrogation of four individuals who are still being held in custody, police found out that certain intelligence agents whose names had been linked with Susurluk had given orders for the phone conversations of Murat Karayalcin, Ankara municipal mayor candidate in the April 18 elections, and certain State Security Court (DGM) prosecutors to be wiretapped.
 The interrogation of 18 people, including part-owner of Senkron TV Levent Altinay, at the Istanbul DGM failed to reveal any significant information. Ankara Police detained three people employed at the Ankara Phone Administration because it was believed that they had taped the phone conversations of certain prosecutors and high-ranking bureaucrats and conveyed the information to the team headed by Levent Altinay in Istanbul.
 Information led the police to Korkut Eken and other high-ranking civilian police officers alleged to have ties to the Susurluk incident. The Istanbul police have stopped the proceedings temporarily since they have not yet been able to interrogate these people. It is likely that Istanbul Police Chief Hasan Ozdemir was referring to this team when he stated that the wiretapping gang was larger than it seemed.
 Eight members of the Tele Kulak gang were arrested, but it is likely that the case will be covered up because of the Susurluk connection.
 The wiretapping incident, which might well be one of Turkey's greatest scandals, ended with the arrest of eight people. The failure to capture the head of the gang, who was bold enough to listen to phone conversations at the Cankaya Kosk, the presidential palace in Ankara, has raised a number of questions. It suggested that this event, which might offer important clues to the illicit connections of criminal gangs to powerful individuals in Turkey, will most probably be forgotten in the whirlwind of Turkey's changing agenda. (TDN, May 18, 1999)

IHDís Balance Sheet for April 1999

 The Turkish Human Rights Association (IHD) has published its balance sheet of human-rights violations committed in April 1999. The report concludes that during this month a total of 220 years of imprisonment and fines amounting to more than 200,000,000 Turkish lira (TL) were imposed in cases involving freedom of opinion and freedom to organize. During April 1999 7,078 persons were taken into police custody; 256 of them were subsequently arrested, and 44 of them claimed to have been tortured. The IHDís statistics are as follows:
 - Murders by unidentified assailants: 15
 - Extrajudicial executions, death by torture and in police custody: 24
 - Deaths in clashes with the security forces: 86
 - Forced disappearances: 1
 - Armed actions against civilians: 3 dead, 20 wounded
 - Persons put into police custody: 7,078
 - Persons tortured: 44
 - Persons arrested: 256
 - Persons attacked: 84
 - Attacks on political prisoners in the prisons: 7 wounded
 - Banned organizations: 21
 - Police raids on publishersí offices: 37
 - Confiscated and banned publications: 19
 - Prison terms and fines imposed: 220 years; 503,000,000 TL
(IMK: Hevi, 22.5.99)

Call for solidarity with Akin Birdal

 Human rights advocate Akin Birdal is awaiting imprisonment due to the sentence issued by the State Security Court (SSC). The State Security Courts are, in line with their purposes of establishment, continuing with their efforts at silencing the human rights advocates.
A number of people who think and speak on behalf of human rights and peace are now in prison due to the sentences issued against them by the State Security Courts and ratified by the Supreme Court. Muzaffer Ilhan Erdost, one of the founders of the Human Rights Foundation of Turkey, has also been sentenced to imprisonment because of the quotations he had included in his book for purposes of criticizing. And journalist Oral Calislar was sentenced in connection with the interviews he had conducted. The legal and judicial system in our country produces decisions which are in clear contradiction with human rights and law, thus destroys the possibilities of public debate on the most vital and fundamental issues.
 The imprisonment passed on Akin Birdal had been overturned by the Supreme Court on grounds that his speech had been delivered within the framework of criticism, but the General Penal Board of the Supreme Court had ratified the interpretation by the State Security Court.
 Akin Birdal is awaiting imprisonment on 3 June 1999.
 The treatment of Akin Birdal, who had been subjected to an armed attack as a consequence of the press campaign staged against the human rights movement and him, will be impeded should he be imprisoned.
 The advocate of peace and human rights Akin Birdal, who was sentenced in a period when racism and militarism were on the rise, on charges of ìinciting people to hatred and enmity on racial and regional differences,î would also be restricted from public rights, and he would have to resign from the Office of Chairperson of IHD and would never become a chairperson or an executive in any association.
 We call all human rights and peace advocates for solidarity with Akin Birdal, who is still under treatment because of his injuries following the armed attack he was subjected to in IHD Headquarters on 12 May 1998.
 Akin Birdal, the Chairperson of the Human Rights Association (IHD) and a Founding Member of Human Rights Foundation of Turkey (TIHV), will be imprisoned because of the sentence passed by the State Security Court in connection with his speeches. In his speeches, Akin Birdal demanded that peace should be established on the basis of human rights and the Kurdish Problem should be resolved through peaceful means.
 Akin Birdal was seriously wounded in an assassination attempt by two alleged members of the Turkish Revenge Brigade (TIT), in the IHD Headquarters on 12 May 1998. He is still under treatment, and faces the risk of paralysis of his left arm if not provided with continuous medical treatment. Declared that he have to be under treatment for two house daily, Akin Birdal applied to the Minister of Justice and the European Court of Human Rights in order to eliminate the medical risks he would face in prison.
 On 21 October 1997, Akin Birdal was sentenced to 1 yearís imprisonment and fined TL 420,000 (USD 3) by Ankara State Security Court in the trial which was launched in connection with the speech he delivered in the Peace Meeting held by Ankara Democracy Platform on 1 September 1996, the World Peace Day.
 The sentence was given under Article 312 § 2 of the Turkish Penal Code on charges of ìinciting people to hatred and enmity on class, racial and regional differencesî in his speech.(*) The Supreme Court overturned the SSCís verdict on 19 February 1998, ruling that ìthe speech was delivered within the limits of criticism.î
 However, Ankara SSC insisted on its first decision, and the case file was referred to the General Penal Board of the Supreme Court, which upheld on 27 October 1998 the 1 yearís imprisonment and the fine of TL 420,000 given by Ankara SSC.
 Akin Birdal will serve 5 months 18 days in prison in line with the Law on Execution of Sentences. For he was convicted under Article 312 of the Turkish Penal Code, he will be prohibited from public rights for life, he would have to resign from the Chair of the IHD, and he will never be a founder or executive of an association.
 Akin Birdal said, according to the case file, the following in his speech that led to his conviction:
 ìIt is obvious that the Kurdish problem is no longer a problem of the oppressed Kurdish people. The lack of solution to the Kurdish problem leads to the undermining of the politics, economy, social and cultural life of Turkey... Those who eliminated this brotherhood will be sentenced not only in the conscience but also in the history of the Kurdish and Turkish peoples.î
 More than 20 trials were launched against Akin Birdal in connection with the speeches he delivered, activities he performed, and reports and articles he published as the Chairperson of the IHD and as a human rights advocate. Akin Birdal was sentenced in some of the trials, ìwhich he himself hardly followed up,î and he was acquitted in some of them. Some of the trials which were brought against Birdal are still under way. (TIHV, 26 May 1999)

ARMED FORCES/FORCES ARMEES

Turkish Soldiers Traumatized by War against Kurds

 A recently published book of interviews with Turkish veterans has revealed that the war against the PKK is causing severe psychic damage to the soldiers themselves.
 Mehmet's Book, by the Turkish journalist Nadire Mater, consists of interviews with forty-two former soldiers and non-commissioned officers who were involved in the war against the PKK from its beginning in 1984 until the present day. Mater estimates that a total of about 2,500,000 Turkish men have been sent to the front in the southeastern part of the country. The title refers to the term "little Mehmet", which is popularly used to refer to draftees.
 The Turkish government and the state-supported media cultivate the image of "little Mehmet" as the heroic and self-sacrificing soldier who does his duty by protecting his fatherland from terrorist gangs. But Mater's interviewees tell of officers who beat their soldiers and take payoffs from heroin smugglers, soldiers who are shaken by panic fear, flee into drug abuse, or commit massive atrocities against the civil-ian population.
 All of Mater's interviewees wish to remain anonymous. Many of them express doubts about the necessity of the war. One soldier who was stationed in Diyarbakir says: "I don't know what we're fighting for. Who are we aiming our weapons at? They (the PKK) have a reason to go to the mountains (to fight as guerillas). But why am I going into the army?" The soldiers tell of their fear of PKK attacks and their rage when a comrade has been killed: "At that point your humanity ends. You're like a wild animal. You kill whoever crosses your path without batting an eye. You see corpses every day, every kind of torture, people burned alive, absolutely everything." The greatest atrocities are per-petrated by the "özel tim", or special units, which include many members of right-wing nationalist gangs. They call themselves "headhunters" and are in fact paid a bounty for each PKK member they kill.
 The government's claim that the civilian population supports the army and vice versa is denied by the interviewed soldiers. "The people don't like the army and don't want it," says a man who was stationed in Samsun. "With their eyes they tell you to disappear or die." Another recalls a major who repeatedly told his men: "You should be like terrorists. People have to be afraid of you." In one case, an officer cut off an entire village's water supply for three months as a punishment because they complained to his superior officer after he had shot a village dog. Veterans explain that the local people are automatically regarded as helpers of the PKK: "If a peasant asks you why there are no paved streets in his village, he automatically becomes a PKK militant."
 The worst thing for the soliders is their demobilization and their return home. Many of them feel that society has left them to deal alone with their nightmares and traumatic memories. "Since I came back I always think of shooting people when I get angry," confesses one soldier. Another says his father had burst into tears "because he didn't recognize me any more".  Particularly painful is the fact that the veterans have nobody to talk to about their experi-ences. This phenomenon, known as "Vietnam syndrome" in the USA, was also experienced by Russian soldiers who had fought in Afghanistan. But unlike the USA and Russia, Turkey is still a society  in which no open discussion of  the government's "dirty war" is tolerated. (Süddeutsche Zeitung-IMK, May 19, 1999)

Turkish Army Accused of Using Chemical Weapons Against Kurds

 According to reports, Turkish security forces fired poison-gas missiles at PKK camps in the Sirnak/Silopi region near the village of Balikaya on 11 May. Twenty people were killed in the attack. The General Staff of the Turkish military forces vehemently denied these reports, but the PKK press bureau told journalists it had collected verifiable proofs such as parts of the spent missiles and soil samples, as well as the bodies of the dead guerillas.
 In a press statement the German-based NGO Medico International called the attack a blatant violation of the Geneva Protocol of 1925 and the Geneva Convention of 1972, both of which ban the use of chemical warfare. Turkey is one of the signatories of these international agreements.
 Medico called on the German government to send a team of experts to investigate the incident and, if the team confirms the reports, to implement the international mechanisms for calling Turkey to account for violations of international law.
 The German MP Ulla Jelpke of the PDS (Party of Democratic Socialism) called on the German Parliament to investigate whether German firms and institutions provided any of the chemical materials or weapons used in the attack, pointing out that German firms had played an important role in the poison-gas attack on Halabja in northern Iraq in 1988.  (Medico International, Özgür Politika,IMK,May 18, 1999)

PRESSURE ON THE MEDIA/PRESSIONS SUR LES MEDIAS

Turkish playwright to receive Freedom-to-Write Awards

 Blind Turkish playwright, poet, short story author, screenwriter, and lawyer Esber Yagmurdereli, fifty-three, has been in and out of prison since 1978. He was released in 1991, only to suffer ongoing persecution and frequent arrests for speaking out against the Turkish government's human rights abuses. Since 1998, Yagmurdereli, an Honorary Member of several PEN centers, has been incarcerated near Ankara. In addition to his distinguished literary and legal careers, he has also edited several magazines and political journals, including Yeni Eylem.
 Syrian poet Faraj Ahmad Birqdar, forty-eight, remains one of the longest-detained writers in the world. His work on behalf of free expression and nonviolent political action led to his arrest in 1987 on suspicion of membership in the Party for Communist Action. In 1993, he was sentenced to fifteen years in prison, after being held without charge or trial for more than six years. He suffers from various health problems resulting from the brutal torture he has endured. An Honorary Member of the American, English, Netherlands, and Slovak PEN Centers, Birqdar received a Hellman/Hammett Free Expression Award in 1998.
 The annual awards, administered and selected by PEN's Freedom-to-Write Committee, recognize and support two foreign writers who are in prison or in danger as a consequence of their writing. Each year since their establishment in 1987, the awards have brought international attention to notable cases of authors persecuted for their work; the $3,000 granted in each case has assisted writers to gain release from prison, overcome financial crises, or pursue initiatives that further their work against censorship.
 Nearly half the previous twenty-five recipients were released from prison shortly after receiving the honor. In 1992, PEN member Barbara Goldsmith began underwriting half the cost of the prize; since 1995, she has underwritten the entire award.
 The awards will be presented in New York at the PEN Gala, May 12, 1999, along with the 1999 PEN/Newman's Own First Amendment Award to ReLeah Lent. (PEN/IFEX, May 1st, 1999)

Turkish journalists wish for freedom of the press

 "It is a pity that the freedoms of thought and communication are under such pressures, are limited and still facing obstacles in Turkey in the 21st century."
 This comment by Nail Gureli, the chairman of the Turkish Journalists' Association (TGC), was part of a written statement issued by the TGC on the occasion of World Press Freedom Day.
 It is not fair for journalists and authors who are not in favor of violence, terrorism and discrimination and who are not inciting people on those issues to be in prison in a democratic country, Gureli commented in the statement, which continued:
 "In the belief that assuring the protection of human rights and the freedoms of thought and expression and furthermore maintaining the supremacy of the rule of law are the basic requirements of democracy, the TGC, on the occasion of World Press Freedom Day, again requests that amendments to the Constitution and the law are completed with the aim of upgrading Turkish journalism."
 Oktay Eksi, the chairman of the Press Council, criticized the political parties for not addressing freedom of the press in their election campaigns and called on the new government to involve itself in this important issue.
 "We, Turkish journalists, are observing World Press Freedom Day with embarrassment because of our politicians," said Eksi.
 "May 3 is a very important date for those in favor of press freedom. May 3 was deemed Press Freedom Day by the United Nations in 1993. An overview of freedom of the press is made in all countries on that day," he explained.
 Turkey, Eksi stated, is not in a good condition. In 1998, the Press Council investigated 186 complaints filed against journalists. According to their report, 12 journalists were sentenced to 12 years in prison for "being members of outlawed organizations," when in reality, they were only following journalistic standards. An additional 28 journalists were sent to prison for violating the anti-terror law, the report states.
 "The publishing houses forced to close by court decisions, the journalists arrested or taken under custody, the television and radio stations banned from broadcasting by the Supreme Board of Radio and Television (RTUK), the journalists beaten by different groups or assaulted by police or members of Parliament are the realities that are a disgrace to Turkey and the practice of journalism in the country," he said.
 He added that it was unfortunate that only one political party, the Republican People's Party (CHP), has promised to upgrade standards of journalism in Turkey.
 "On World Press Freedom Day, we wish the new government and its possible prime minister, Bulent Ecevit, originally a journalist, would fulfill our expectations." (TDN, May 3, 1999)

Le rapport du RSF sur la Turquie

 A l'occasion du cinquantième anniversaire du Conseil de l'Europe, Reporters sans frontières (RSF), a publié le rapport suivant:
 La Turquie, membre du Conseil de l'Europe depuis le 13 avril 1950, est tenue de respecter la Convention de sauvegarde des droits de l'homme et des libertés fondamentales, dont l'article 3 stipule que "nul ne peut être soumis à la torture ni à des peines ou traitements inhumains ou dégradants". Ankara a également ratifié la Convention européenne pour la prévention de la torture le 24 juin 1988.
 Malgré l'adhésion aux textes européens qui interdisent la torture, celle-ci est toujours pratiquée à grande échelle dans tout le pays. Si elle est appliquée dans de nombreux cas par la police à des prisonniers de droit commun, elle est utilisée régulièrement par les forces de l'ordre à l'encontre de militants politiques, de défenseurs des droits de l'homme et de journalistes.
 Au cours des deux dernières années, Reporters sans frontières a reçu des témoignages de journalistes affirmant avoir été torturés pendant leur garde à vue ou leur détention provisoire : ils étaient neuf en 1998 et seize en 1997. L'organisation a retenu deux cas significatifs des pratiques de la police.
 La dénonciation d'actes de torture et de mauvais traitements, et les procédures judiciaires engagées à l'encontre de membres de la police, se font de moins en moins rares. Mais l'issue de ces procès dépend beaucoup de la volonté politique des autorités turques de voir punir les membres de forces de l'ordre responsables de tels actes.
 Aussi afin d'accélérer les réformes annoncées par le gouvernement turc et de mettre fin à l'impunité des tortionnaires, Reporters sans frontières demande :
 - à l'Assemblée parlementaire du Conseil de l'Europe de voter une résolution condamnant la pratique de la torture et des mauvais traitements envers les journalistes en Turquie,  - au Comité des ministres du Conseil de l'Europe d'adopter une recommandation sur les mesures visant à protéger les journalistes contre la torture et les mauvais traitements,
 - au Comité contre la torture (CPT) du Conseil de l'Europe d'enquêter sur les tortures et mauvais traitements dont sont victimes les journalistes en Turquie. (RSF/IFEX, 6 mai 1999)

Meurtre d'un journaliste : 6 policiers condamnés à 7,5 ans

 Six policiers jugés pour avoir battu à mort le journaliste turc Metin Goktepe pendant sa garde à vue ont été condamnés jeudi en Turquie à sept ans et demi de prison chacun par la cour d'assises d'Afyon (ouest), a rapporté l'agence Anatolie.
 Les policiers ont été reconnus coupables d'"homicide involontaire". Cinq de leurs collègues ont été acquittés pour "manque de preuves", selon Anatolie.
 Cinq policiers avaient déjà été condamnés en mars 1998 à sept ans et demi de prison pour homicide involontaire, et les six autres avaient été acquittés pour manque de preuves. Mais la Cour de cassation avait annulé le verdict pour "vice de procédure", arguant du "manque d'enquête approfondie", et un nouveau procès s'était ouvert en août.
 Jeudi, la cour d'assises d'Afyon a confirmé la sentence et a également condamné l'un des policiers précédemment acquitté.
 Les avocats de Goktepe ont estimé "insuffisantes" les peines infligées aux 6 policiers et indiqué qu'ils allaient faire appel.
 L'organisation française de défense de la liberté de la presse Reporters sans frontières (RSF) s'est déclarée "profondément indignée" par le verdict, s'insurgeant "contre le fait que seuls les lampistes ont été condamnés après plus de deux ans et demi de procès", dans un communiqué parvenu à l'AFP à Ankara.
 L'organisation "est profondément indignée que les hauts responsables de la police d'Istanbul ne comparaissent toujours pas devant un tribunal turc", précise le communiqué.
 Journaliste de l'ex-quotidien de gauche Evrensel, Metin Goktepe, 27 ans, avait été battu à mort par un groupe de policiers, selon des témoins, après son arrestation en janvier 1996 à Istanbul alors qu'il couvrait les obsèques de deux détenus tués lors de la répression d'une mutinerie dans une prison de la ville.
 Goktepe avait succombé à une hémorragie et son corps avait été retrouvé dans l'enceinte d'une salle de sports du quartier d'Eyup, dans la partie européenne d'Istanbul.
 Au total, 48 policiers avaient été initialement inculpés dans cette affaire. En 1997, les cas des 11 principaux prévenus avaient été séparés pour fixer ultérieurement le sort des autres policiers, accusés seulement de complicité.
 Une altercation a en outre éclaté avant l'audience entre des policiers et un groupe de manifestants, faisant quatre blessés légers --trois policiers et la mère de Metin Goktepe--, selon Anatolie.
 RSF a dénoncé dans son communiqué les "violences policières" dont ont été victimes certaines personnes présentes à Afyon pour suivre le procès. (AFP, 6 mai 1999)

Urgent appeal for writer Muzaffer Ilhan Erdost

 By the Human Rights Foundation of Turkey (TIHV), May 7, 1999:
 Writer and publisher Muzaffer Ilhan Erdost (67), one of the founding members of the Human Rights Foundation of Turkey (HRFT), has been convicted, and awaits imprisonment.
 He was put on trial at Ankara State Security Court on the accusations of ìdisseminating separatist propaganda which questions the indivisible integrity of the Turkish stateî in his book, ìThree Sivas in the Focus of New-Sevres Imposed on Turkey (Türkiye'nin Yeni Sevre Zorlanmasinda Üç Sivas),î which was published in 1996.
 At the end of the proceeding, Muzaffer Ilhan Erdost was sentenced to 12 monthsí imprisonment and fined TL 100 million under Article 8 § 1 of the Anti-Terror Law on 12 March 1997. Besides, the Court Board ordered the confiscation of the book in question. The original ruling was upheld by the Supreme Court. However, the Chief Prosecutor of the Supreme Court appealed against the decision, and referred the case file to the General Penal Board of the Supreme Court, which has upheld the sentence on 20 April. Erdost will serve 8 months and 20 days in prison.
 Muzaffer Erdost had been sentenced to 37,5 years in prison after the coup díetat of 12 March 1971 on charges of ìcommunist propagandaî in five books published by Sol (Left) Publishing House. Having served 3 years behind the iron bars, he was released by general amnesty in 1974.
 A few weeks after the military coup of 12 September 1980, he was re-arrested along with his brother Ilhan Erdost, director of Onur Publishing House, this time under the accusation of keeping banned publications in their house. Ilhan Erdost was killed under severe beating by soldiers, in front of his brother, in the military prison of Mamak on 7 November 1980. (Thereafter Muzaffer Erdost added his brotherís name to his.)
 Human Rights Association (IHD), in the press release dated 27.02.1999, commented that ìErdost, a representative of the enlightenment tradition, a man of culture and art who contributed to the cultural life and intellectual history of Turkey since 1960s, either by his own creations or by presenting the fundamental works of scientific socialism, is again ëguiltyí of thought."
 The trial in question clearly demonstrates once again that the State Security Courts in Turkey have assumed the task of destroying the freedom of expression.
 We invite the human rights defenders to lend support to Muzaffer Ilhan Erdost who will be imprisoned soon."

Kucuk sentenced to jail, Gerger acquitted

 An Ankara State Security Court (DGM) sentenced on Friday dissident academic and writer Yalcin Kucuk to 16 months in prison for "disseminating propaganda against the indivisible integrity of the state and the people" in a speech he made in 1995 on Med-TV, the presently shut-down television station of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK).
 Journalist and writer Haluk Gerger, who was tried in the same case, was acquitted.
 Kucuk is presently serving another jail sentence in the Haymana Prison.
 The court also decided to separate the cases of the other three suspects in the case, Mahir Sayin, Mehmet Canakci and Kemal Burkay, who are being tried in absentia.
 The prosecutor had demanded up to eight years in prison for the five suspects under an Anti-Terror Law article dealing with "aiding and sheltering  terrorist organizations." (TDN, May 14, 1999)

Calislar condamné à la prison pour une interview d'Ocalan

 Un journaliste turc a été condamné mardi à 13 mois de prison par un tribunal d'Istanbul pour avoir réalisé deux interviews du dirigeant kurde Abdullah Ocalan et d'un autre dissident kurde en 1993, a rapporté l'agence Anatolie.
 Oral Calislar du quotidien Cumhuriyet a été déclaré coupable de propagande séparatiste selon l'article 8 de la loi anti-terroriste turque.
 Ses interviews d'Abdullah Ocalan, chef du Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK), de Kemal Burkay, dirigeant du Parti socialiste kurde, avaient été publiés par Cumhuriyet en 1993 et n'avaient alors soulevé aucune objection de la part des autorités turques.
 Mais la Cour de sécurité d'Etat d'Istanbul a engagé des poursuites contre le journaliste lorsqu'il publié un livre regroupant ses articles.
 Calislar a annoncé dans un communiqué qu'il allait faire appel.
 Plusieurs interviews d'Ocalan ont été publiés dans des journaux turcs depuis la capture du chef du PKK en février. (AFP, 18 Mai 99)

PEN protests against the outcome of the Goktepe trial

 On 21 May, PEN sent the following letter to the President of Turkey with copies to the Prime Minister and the Minister of Justice:
 "On behalf of the International PEN, the writers' association with a 78-year history of defending freedom of expression, we write to express concern that six of the police officers indicted for the killing of Metin Goktepe have been found guilty of manslaughter.
 They have been sentenced to relatively light terms of imprisonment, though guilty of what we can only regard as a brutal murder.
 The verdict of manslaughter has been delivered after more than two-and-a-half years of deliberation and repeated postponements.
 According to our information, Metin Goktepe, a journalist for the far-left newspaper, Evrensel, was detained in Istanbul on 8 January 1996 while covering the funeral of two political prisoners killed during the suppression of a demonstration in an Istanbul prison.
 Medical reports confirm that Goktepe was beaten to death in custody.
 After an investigation by the Ministry of Internal Affairs fifteen police officers were suspended from duty and eleven were later indicted.
 At the last hearing on 6 May 1999 six officers were found guilty of manslaughter and each sentenced to seven-an-a-half years in prison.
 However, as the officers have served seventeen months already, with the standard remission, they shall only be required to serve a further one year and six months if the ruling is upheld by the Supreme Court.
 The trial of these police officers has been monitored internationally as a test case for gauging your country's commitment to bringing to an end a long pattern of police brutality.
 The outcome has caused general dismay. We respectfully urge that so far from manslaughter, the killing of Goktepe could not have been more deliberate and inexcusable.
 He was without any means of defence and the beatings, to have been as severe as they were, must have been protracted.
 In attacking him as they did, the police officers flouted their duties and showed utter disrespect for the rule of law, which they are in fact supposed to uphold.
 We urge you therefore to work towards ensuring that the police do become fully accountable for their actions, by issuing a clear statement of intent in this regard from the top levels of government, backed up by concrete proposals to bring reforms about in as speedy a manner as possible.
 In this case, it is clear that the legal procedures were too elastic and protracted and subject to individual, and hence biased, interpretations of what crime had actually been committed.
 Legal reforms are thus essential also.
 While the killers of Goktepe are allowed to serve a prison term equivalent to that being served by those convicted for minor theft, international observers will be left with the impression that Turkey has no genuine commitment to bringing to its citizens a full enjoyment of their human rights.
 And, since Metin Goktepe was killed as a result of his attempts to carry out his journalistic duties, freedom of expression will have taken a severe blow.
 The initial arraignment of the police officers was seen as a significant and promising step forward; their light sentencing after a trial in which many irregularities occurred is a damaging and distressing relapse.
 We welcome your comments on this matter. (IFEX, May 21, 1999)

CPJ condemns conviction of journalist Calislar

 The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) is outraged by the criminal conviction of journalist Oral Calislar, a columnist for the daily "Cumhurriyet".
 On 18 May 1999, Calislar was convicted of disseminating "separatist propaganda" under Article 8 of the Anti-Terror Law and sentenced to 13 months in prison by the Istanbul State Security Court. The charge against Calislar stemmed from a 1993 book he wrote, titled "The Kurdish Problem with Ocalan and Burkay". The book contains interviews -originally published in "Cumhurriyet" in June and July 1993 - with Kemal Burkay, head of the Kurdistan Socialist Party, and Abdullah Ocalan, leader of the outlawed Kurdistan Workers' Party, who is now awaiting trial in Turkey on treason charges.
 After the book's release, Calislar was charged under Article 8 and convicted of the charge in 1995. He was sentenced to two years in prison and fined 250 million TL (approx. US$630). However, while the case was under appeal, the Turkish Parliament approved amendments to Article 8, resulting in the nullification of the conviction.
 In 1996, the State Security Court arraigned Calislar on charges of violating Article 6 of the Anti-Terror Law (publishing the statements of a terrorist organization), again citing the book as the principle evidence. He was convicted of the charge, and fined 5 million TL (approx. US$12). But on 5 March 1998, the Court of Cassation quashed the 1996 ruling, stating that Calislar's book instead constituted "separatist propaganda," and ordered a retrial under Article 8, leading ultimately to the 18 May sentence. Calislar intends to file an appeal against the ruling.
 Calislar's prosecution and conviction constitute flagrant violations of the norms for free expression under international law. Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights guarantees journalists the right to "seek, receive, and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers."
 Nearly two years ago, Turkish government officials - including Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit - promised a delegation from CPJ that they would work to end state restrictions on the press and to implement comprehensive legal reforms to end the criminalisation of journalism in Turkey. On July 14, 1997, then-Prime Minister Mesut Yilmaz told the delegation that the jailing of journalists and other restrictions on press freedom "were explained away in the past by the fight against terrorism. That was unacceptable then, and it is unacceptable now." Mr. Yilmaz added that journalists and others should no longer be prosecuted on the basis of "their thoughts and their opinions." Regrettably, since that meeting 22 months ago, the prosecution and imprisonment of journalists in Turkey have continued and the government's promise of reform failed to materialize.
 As of 1 January 1999, 27 journalists were in prison in Turkey for the expression of opinion or for their association with pro-Kurdish and leftist publications, and dozens more are believed to face imprisonment in cases still pending before the courts.
 In July 1997, Prime Minister Ecevit told CPJ's delegation that, as a former journalist who had been imprisoned for his work, he "consider[s] freedom of expression as a vital component of democracy." (IFEX, May 20, 1999)

Violations de la liberté de la presse en Turquie

 Ci-dessous, un communiqué de RSF sur la Turquie pour la période du 16 avril au 18 mai 1999:
 Mandat d'arrêt lancé contre le journaliste Haluk Gerger La Cour de cassation a confirmé la peine d'un an, un mois et dix jours de prison à l'encontre de Haluk Gerger, éditorialiste du quotidien prokurde Ozgür Bakis. Le journaliste avait été condamné le 11 mars 1997 par la cour de sûreté d'Etat pour "propagande séparatiste" à la suite de la publication dans le quotidien prokurde Özgür Gündem, en décembre 1993, d'un article intitulé "Qui est le vrai perdant de la guerre?". Haluk Gerger se trouve actuellement en Allemagne.
 Le journaliste Oral Çalislar condamné à treize mois de prison pour avoir interviewé Abdullah Öcalan. Le 18 mai, Oral Çalislar, éditorialiste du quotidien kémaliste Cumhuriyet, est condamné par la cour de sûreté d'Etat d'Istanbul à treize mois de prison pour "propagande séparatiste" (article 8 de la loi antiterroriste) et à 111 111 111 livres turques (1 850 francs). En octobre 1993, le journaliste avait édité un recueil regroupant des interviews d'Abdullah Öcalan, chef du PKK, et Kemal Burkay, président du Parti socialiste du Kurdistan, publiées dans Cumhuriyet entre mai et juillet 1993. Oral Çalislar a fait appel et reste en liberté. Le tribunal a levé l'accusation contre l'éditeur du livre, Muzaffer Erdogdu.
 Trois journalistes interpellés Le 21 avril, Elif Bulut, du quotidien d'extrême gauche Yeni Evrensel, Ali Kalay, du quotidien prokurde Özgür Bakis, et Manolya Gültekin, de l'hebdomadaire d'extrême gauche Alinterimiz, sont interpellés alors qu'ils couvrent un rassemblement dénonçant les conditions de détention dans la prison d'Ümraniye (Istanbul). Un des responsables de la police aurait répliqué à Ali Kalay qui l'apostrophait : "Ici c'est la montagne. Les lois sont sans effets". Les journalistes sont libérés le lendemain. Une plainte, qui sera examinée par la justice le 28 mai prochain, a été déposée contre eux pour "infraction de la loi 2911 sur les manifestations publiques".
 Trois périodiques suspendus et cinq autres saisis Le 20 avril, la cour de sûreté d'Etat n°3 d'Istanbul suspend l'hebdomadaire d'extrême gauche Halkin Günlügü pour une période de quinze jours en vertu de l'article 5680 de la loi sur la presse pour "propagande d'une organisation illégale" et "atteinte à la sécurité de l'Etat". En raison d'un article publié dans l'édition du 1-16 août 1997, le rédacteur en chef Zeynel Engin est également condamné à six mois de prison et 540 millions de livres turques. Le 18 avril, le numéro 41 de l'hebdomadaire avait été saisi sur ordre de la cour de sûreté d'Etat n°2 d'Istanbul pour "propagande d'une organisation illégale (le TKP-ML)".
 Le 3 mai, l'hebdomadaire prokurde Hêvi est suspendu pour une semaine par la cour de sûreté de l'Etat n°3 d'Istanbul pour "propagande séparatiste" (article 8 de la loi 3713 antiterroriste). Le 19 juillet 1997, le magazine avait publié un article intitulé "La liberté ne se gagne pas en accusant n'importe comment". Selon des journalistes de Hêvi, un mandat d'arrêt aurait été lancé contre le rédacteur en chef Sores Erdogan. Le 21 avril, Hêvi avait déjà été suspendu pour quinze jours par la cour de sûreté d'Etat n°2 d'Istanbul pour "propagande séparatiste".
 Le mensuel d'extrême gauche Odak est suspendu pour une période d'un mois par la cour de sûreté d'Etat d'Istanbul pour "propagande séparatiste" à la suite de la parution, le 8 mai 1997, dans le courrier des lecteurs, d'une lettre intitulée "La vérité de la vie et les propos d'amnistie". Odak avait précédemment été suspendu pour quinze jours par la cour de sûreté d'Etat pour "propagande séparatiste" et "propagande d'une organisation illégale (Dirinis et Dev-Genc)". Le mensuel n'était pas paru entre le 17 mars et le 17 avril.
 En outre, durant la même période, les périodiques d'extrême gauche Devrimci Hedef, Alevi Halk Gercegi, Kurtulus, Uzun Yürüyüs et Alinterimiz sont saisis pour "propagande séparatiste" ou "propagande d'organisations illégales".
 Özgür Bakis interdit de distribution dans la région d'urgence Depuis le 7 mai, le quotidien prokurde Özgür Bakis, qui paraît depuis le 18 avril 1999, est interdit de distribution dans les villes de Diyarbakir, Hakkari, Siirt, Sirnak, Tunceli et Van de la région d'urgence (OHAL, sud-est anatolien) en vertu de l'article 11 (e) de la loi de la région d'urgence.
 Güney fermé par le préfet de Siirt Le 28 avril, le prefet de Siirt, dans la région d'urgence (OHAL, sud-est anatolien), ordonne la fermeture de l'hebdomadaire régional Güney pour "moquerie contre l'autorité de l'Etat" à la suite d'articles critiques à son encontre parus dans le numéro 55.
 Le Conseil supérieur de l'audiovisuel (RTÜK) prend vingt-quatre mesures de suspension et avertit vingt-six médias Entre le 16 avril et le 18 mai, le Conseil supérieur de l'audiovisuel ordonne vingt-quatre mesures de suspensions à l'encontre de dix-huit radios ou chaînes de télévisions. De plus, en vertu de l'article 4 alinea a, i et g de la loi 3984, le RTÜK doit prochainement prendre des sanctions à l'encontre de Radyo Foreks, Radyo Fon, Radyo Box, Net FM, Radyo Aktif et Radyo S pour avoir diffusé en direct les bulletins d'information de la section turque de la radio britannique BBC. Au cours d'un des reportages, la BBC avait diffusé les déclarations d'un représentant du PKK.
 Une émission sur la corruption censurée avant diffusion Le 4 mai, le tribunal de grande instance de Fatih (Istanbul) censure "par précaution" un programme intitulé "Arena", réalisé par Ugur Dündar, que devait diffuser Kanal D. L'émission était consacrée à la corruption supposée au sein de la municipalité d'Istanbul. Les juges ont décidé que, l'enquête étant toujours en cours, la diffusion du programme pouvait violer le secret de l'instruction.
 Reporter sans frontières:
 - dénonce la décision d'arrêter Haluk Gerger, simplement coupable d'avoir exprimé son opinion sur le problème kurde,
 - proteste contre la peine de prison prononcée à l'encontre d'Oral Çalislar qui n'a fait qu'exercer son métier de journaliste,
 - proteste contre l'interpellation de journalistes,
 - s'élève contre les mesures de censure prononcées contre les journaux, les radios et les télévisions turques, notamment contre celles touchant les médias qui s'expriment pacifiquement sur le problème kurde ou qui enquêtent sur les affaires de corruption.
 Reporters sans frontières demande toujours:
 - la libération immédiate et inconditionnelle des quatre journalistes suivant : Ismail Besikçi, du quotidien prokurde Özgür Gündem, interpellé le 12 novembre 1993; Hasan Özgün, du quotidien prokurde Özgür Gündem, interpellé le 9 décembre 1993; Ayten Öztürk, de l'hebdomadaire d'extrême gauche Kurtulus, interpellée le 13 octobre 1997; Dogan Güzel, du quotidien prokurde Özgür Gündem, interpellé le 31 juillet 1998.
 - un procès juste et équitable pour les deux journalistes suivant: Nureddin Sirin, du quotidien islamiste Selam, interpellé le 6 février 1997; Asiye Zeybek Güzel, de l'hebdomadaire d'extrême gauche Atilim, interpellée le 22 février 1997. (RSF/IFEX, 20 mai 1999)

IPI protest against Calislar's jailing

 IPI, meeting at its World Congress and 48th General Assembly in Taipei, Taiwan from 16 to 19 May 1999, is strongly condemning the jailing of Turkish journalist Oral Calislar.
 Calislar, a columnist for the daily "Cumhuriyet", was convicted under the Anti-Terror Law in the Istanbul State Security Court (DGM) on 18 May and sentenced to thirteen months in prison by a two-thirds majority.
 He has been on trial for the past six years on charges relating to his book, "The Kurdish Problem with Ocalan and Burkay." IPI understands that if the higher court approves the DGM decision, Calislar can expect to serve nine months in prison. (IPI/IFEX, 20 mai 1999)

KURDISH QUESTION/QUESTION KURDE

Grey Wolves attack Kurdish origin people

 A person named Raif Levent Koçak (18), reportedly an adherent of the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), was killed in Tasucu town of Silifke District of Icel on 2 May, and this led to incidents. A group of MHP adherents, reportedly drunk, raided a shop belonging to Tayyip Atabay, who is from Diyarbakir, at about 14.00. The dispute that arose during the raid turned into a fight short afterwards, and Raif Levent Koçak was killed.
 Upon this, the MHP adherents burnt the shop of Tayyip Atabay and ran away. Hearing about the incident, the MHP adherents in the town, in groups of 30 to 40 people, began to attack against the shops belonging to the persons of Kurdish origin. They destroyed about 10 shops, which were closed as it was Sunday.
 Besides, a group of MHP adherents reportedly attacked and harassed workers of Kurdish origin who are working at Mersin-Cyprus ferries.
 Special team members and gendarmeries were sent to the region in panzers 2 hours after the incidents broke out.  Journalists, who went to the town in order to follow the incidents, were not allowed to enter the region by special team members and MHP adherents.
 During the incidents, which lasted until late in the evening, about 10 houses were reportedly attacked. It is reported that many of the Kurdish people in Tasucu left the town, and that the ones who stayed in the town took shelter in their houses. (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 4, 1999)

Kurdish Language Rights Discussed at International Hearing

 The Kurdish language was one of six exemplary cases of threats to linguistic human rights dealt with at an international public hearing on the Peopleís Communication Charter in the Hague from 1 to 3 May. The main theme of the hearing was the worldwide problem of disappearing and oppressed languages.
 It was the first time that violations of the Charter were discussed and judged by an international forum of experts, which heard testimony from linguists and human-rights advocates on the prohibition of languages and on inadequate state provisions to ensure the survival of minority languages. The Peopleís Communication Charter was written in the early Nineties as the result of social movements such as the Third World Network and the Worldwide Association of  Community Broadcasters, which had concluded that the quality of information and communication services could not be left with governments and markets, but required broad civil action.
 This first public hearing focused on Article 9 of the Charter, which begins: ÑAll people have the right to a diversity of languages. This includes the right to express themselves and have access to information in their own language (and) the right to use their languages in educational institutions funded by the stateì.
 At the hearing, human-rights advocate Sertac Bucak presented a long list of Turkeyís violations of the linguistic rights of its Kurdish minority, which numbers about  20 million, or one-fifth of the countryís population. This includes the prohibition of Kurdish in schools, universities and official bureaus, and the absence of radio and television channels broadcasting in Kurdish. (IMK, May 6, 1999)

Turkey Has Tight Rein on Kurd Center

 In what must be one of the most tightly controlled towns in the world, it was perhaps understandable that a young man in the billiards parlor wanted to talk only about the weather.
 As a fragrant breeze from the mountains brought an end to a glorious spring day, the man said quietly, "Weather is very bad here."
 Pressed for an explanation, he said, "We speak with our eyes."
 At a cafe around the corner, an older man said: "You can see us, but you can't hear us. Our lips are sealed." At that moment, two plainclothes police officers sat down at the table, and all conversation ceased.
 Lice (pronounced LEE-jay) is a legend in Turkey, a rumor, a place few have ever visited, but many believe they know. It was here that the Kurdistan Workers Party was founded in 1978 and went on to launch an uprising that has cost the lives of more than 30,000 soldiers, rebels and civilians. To this day it remains a symbol of Kurdish militancy.
 In the early 1990s, when the surrounding area was largely controlled by guerrillas, the army began a fierce campaign to recapture it. Soldiers razed the outlying villages, which they suspected of being guerrilla havens, and burned forests in which guerrillas had found refuge.
 In 1993, under circumstances that remain unclear, the town was virtually burned to the ground. Much has been rebuilt. But in the wreckage of desolate blocks it is still possible to find strangely shaped pieces of glass that melted together in the inferno.
 Today 10 percent of the 10,000 people who lived in Lice a decade ago remain. The rest have left for other places. They have been partly replaced by refugees from destroyed villages, making the total 6,000.
 Virtually everyone who lives here is Kurdish, except for the large number of soldiers and security officers who patrol the streets with guns that bulged from their belts. Most male residents refused to serve in the village guard, a paramilitary force that is supposed to help defend towns against guerrilla attacks, but were ordered to do so under the threat of imprisonment.
 The political and ethnic conflict here is as stark as anywhere in Turkey. Residents say they are Kurds, and the authorities are determined to make Turks out of them.
 "They saw this place as some kind of temple, and they wanted to destroy it," said a man who, like every other civilian encountered here, refused to give his name. "Now the town is like an open prison. We can't talk and we can't move without being watched. But we still feel free, because realfreedom comes from inside you."
 In an election campaign last month, the military and police officials who rule here warned people not to vote for the mayoral candidate of the People's Democracy, the pro-Kurdish party that prosecutors say is an arm of the guerrilla movement. Campaigning for People's Democracy was effectively forbidden, and its candidate, Zeynal Bagir, was not allowed to return after he left for what he thought would be a quick trip several weeks before the election. Nonetheless, he won an overwhelming victory.
 "It was about identity," a man attending a wedding party in a field on the edge of town said. "We showed that we exist. It was all we could do. The world knows our situation. We can't speak. In fact, right now I see the security police watching, and since they don't want us to talk to you, I say goodbye."
 The distribution of basic foodstuffs, like sugar and flour, is controlled by the police here. They allot a limited quantity to each family, fearing that if free sales were allowed, people would buy extra and smuggle it to guerrillas. Families believed to have supported People's Democracy in the election have had their rations cut.
 "They told us, 'You voted for that party, so let that party give you your flour,"' said a youth who was leaning against a car.
 Lice has one main street. There are a half-dozen cafes where unemployed men spend much of the day sipping tea and smoking. A larger-than-life statue of the founder of the Turkish Republic, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, stands on a platform bearing the admonition, "The nation is one and cannot be divided."
 At a grocery store, a Kurdish woman evidently on a suicide mission blew herself up and injured nine others this year.
 Lice is under a strict curfew, and after 8 p.m. the only sound outside comes from armored personnel carriers that rumble through the streets, searchlights probing the darkness and men at the ready behind machine guns.
 Residents said, however, that conditions were better than they were a few years ago. They may be worse in Tunceli, 50 miles northwest of here, another town known as a hotbed of Kurdish nationalism. Journalists are forbidden to enter Tunceli.
 There are still regular clashes in this region of Turkey. Six soldiers were killed when their jeep ran over a mine south of here on Friday night, and 10 guerrillas were reportedly killed soon afterward. On that night, a sniper shot another soldier dead. But the guerrilla force, whose leader, Abdullah Ocalan, was captured this year, enjoys nowhere near the military power that it once had.
 "Things are much better than when I got here three years ago," the security chief of Lice, Hasrettin Bayraktar, said. "We lost a lot of people to migration. But not many are leaving now. We have a factory here. People are free to farm their land. When people don't work they get bad ideas in their heads. But now that there are more jobs, fewer people are thinking like that."
 Bayraktar and his officers insisted that Lice was all but pacified. One officer assigned to follow foreigners seemed offended when asked tokeep his distance.
 "Why are you afraid to ask questions when we are around?" he asked. "We are completely integrated with the people here. There is no problem."
 But even when people speak privately, they choose their words carefully. Asked whether soldiers and security officers considered everyone in Lice a terrorist or potential terrorist, one man replied, "That's the way it is."
 Perhaps inevitably, those who spoke most freely were children. Asked whether he was afraid of the police, an 8-year-old replied, "Of course we are, because if they arrest you they either torture you or kill you."
 At that, a 15-year-old who seemed unusually mature interrupted to say: "Don't ask too much. Don't make us say too much. Otherwise it's trouble for everyone."
 To the suggestion that he should consider running for mayor when he turns 18, the boy replied, "In this town you don't even know if you will be alive in three years." (The New York Times, May 10, 1999)

Kurds to launch national congress in Amsterdam

 Kurds from all continents will meet in Amsterdam on Monday to establish a National Congress of Kurdistan, organisers said on Friday.
 The aim of the new body will be to defend Kurdish people's identity, language and rights, notably in the  Middle East where their population is around 40 million, although they have no separate nation.
 The congress, which plans to meet once a year, will be formed of representatives  from the Kurdish diaspora, religious and culturalinstitutions, political entities  and ethnic groups.
 The Preparatory Committee issued on May 21 the following press statement:
 The Opening of the National Congress of Kurdistan is  a Cause for Celebration by the Kurds!  After a long preparatory period, the National Congress of Kurdistan has finally reached the phase of establishment. On the 24th of this month, the National Congress of Kurdistan will be officially announced much to the celebration of the Kurdish community.
 May 24, 1999 will henceforth be a monumental day in the modern history of the Kurdish people
 Formidable obstacles were overcome to realize this day. The National Congress of Kurdistan. could only be instituted after tireless talks, meetings, and discussions with Kurdish political parties, organizations, institutions, and independent personalities which spanned a period of four years.
 The National Congress of Kurdistan (NCK) is a unique body comprised of representatives from the Kurdish diaspora in the Middle East, Europe, North America, Australia, and Asia as well as representatives of political parties which exist in all parts of Kurdistan (constituting 45% of the Congress), religious and cultural institutions (20%), independent political entities and intellectuals (30%), and ethnic groups (5%). In this aspect, the NCK possesses the characteristics not of a political party but rather a democratic institution.
 The Kurdish people are nearly 40 million in the Middle East and thus one of the four largest nations of the region; they continue to live on the same lands their ancestors lived on from the dawn of history.
 For the Kurds to claim their inherent right for progress and cultural and lingual development, the Kurds need to assert their legitimate right to free political and cultural organization and their right to determine their own fate like all the other nations of the world. The division of the Kurdish people along with their lands has threatened their language, identity, culture, the very civilization it has helped to create, and has even imperiled their very existence.
 Despite the overwhelming odds, the Kurds have resisted despite being separated as a result of international agreements. Moreover, until this day, the Kurds have asserted their existence as a reality by sociologically, culturally, nationally and lingually establishing themselves as a distinct people.
 The NCK will defend the Kurdish people's identity, language, culture, political and societal rights in all the lands where the Kurds live and will provide the needed support for Kurdish political parties and organizations. The NCK's efforts will be towards finding a peaceful and political solution to the Kurdish Question. To this end, it defends the brotherhood of peoples based on equality and mutual respect.
 The NCK's principal aim is to establish peace for the people of Kurdistan and to create a platform where they can express themselves freely. The NCK can also play a decisive role in the creation of peace and dialogue between the various Kurdish parties and organizations. (Reuters, May 21, 1999)

Turkey bans public offices from using Kurd-related terms

 The Turkish interior ministry has banned public offices from using a series of terms relating to Turkey's Kurdish population as a precautionary measure, a Turkish newspaper  said on Thursday.
 The ministry has introduced a list of phrases that should be employed, rather than the banned terms, by the media, in official  press releases and in activities that receive coverage in Turkey and  abroad, the liberal daily Milliyet said.
 The report said that the underlying reason for the ban was to "avoid terms that could lead to debate or exploitation in the  future."
 The list of "bad" and "good" words has already been conveyed to the state-run Anatolia news agency and the Turkish television and  Radio Agency (TRT), it added.
 According to the list published by Milliyet, it is forbidden to use the terms "Kurdish origin" or "citizens of Kurdish origin": they  should be replaced by "Turkish citizens" or "Turkish citizens who  are described as Kurds by separatist circles."
 The phrase "people of southeastern and eastern Anatolia" is no longer safe either. According to the list, they should be called  "citizens who live in the east of Turkey."
 With respect to the term "Kurdish leaders," the list strictly advises the usage of "Northern Iraqi clan leaders."
 Turkey's eastern and southeastern provinces, mostly populated by Kurds, have been the scene of a bitter struggle between Turkish  troops and the separatist Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) which has  been fighting for Kurdish self-rule in the region for the past 15 years.
 Turkey calls the PKK a "terrorist organization" and categorically rejects the existence of a "Kurdish question," arguing  that its citizens of Kurdish origin have the same rights as any other.
 Accordingly, the list says that any activity relating to the PKK has to be preceded by the adjective "terrorist."
 The fact that the PKK follows a Marxist-Leninist policy can only be mentioned in "face-to-face talks abroad." (AFP, May 20, 1999)

MAFIA RELATION/RELATIONS MAFIA

Bucak Case suspended, Agar's referred to Council of State

 Istanbul's State Security Court (DGM) No. 6 declared on Monday that the case pending against Sanliurfa True Path Party (DYP) Deputy Sedat Edip Bucak was to be suspended. Bucak, whose parliamentary immunity was lifted last year to allow his trial to proceed on charges of being involved in criminal gangs within the government, has been re-elected to Parliament. Under the circumstances, he is now immune from prosecution unless and until the new Parliament decides to lift his immunity once again.
 Independent Elazig Deputy Mehmet Agar, Bucak's fellow defendant in the trial known popularly as the Susurluk case, has had his case referred to the Council of State for a decision.
 The Susurluk case arose out of an automobile crash outside of a small village of the same name in northwest Turkey. Bucak was injured in the accident, and a police chief, a wanted criminal and his girlfriend were killed. The ensuing inquiry led to the uncovering of criminal gangs working from within the framework of the government.
 Bucak claims that he cannot remember anything from the accident. Agar, a former Interior Minister, was implicated because his signature appeared on documents related to the criminal who died in the crash, Abdullah Catli.
 Haluk Kirci, another defendant in the case, asked to be acquitted, but the court on Monday refused his request. He has been accused of involvement in the murder of casino king Omer Lutfu Topal.
 Kirci and members of the special police team who were suspected of being involved in murder, extortion and other criminal activities were in the courtroom, but Bucak and Ibrahim Sahin, the former deputy head of the Special Activities Desk at police headquarters, did not attend the Monday session. Bucak and Sahin are free on their own recognizance. (TDN, May 5, 1999)

Arrestation de l'un de plus gros trafiquants

 L'Un des plus grands trafiquants de drogue et d'armes de ces dernières années, recherché depuis 18 ans par un mandat d'arrêt international, s'est avéré être un homme d'affaires turc multimillionnaire dénommé Ramazan Yildiz. Une opération effectuée à la demande de la police hollandaise et turque a permis son arrestation dans sa villa d'Istanbul le 26 avril 1999.
 200 trafiquants dont 89 turcs qui opéraient pour le compte de R. Yildiz au Pays-Bas, en Belgique, au Danemark, en Allemagne, en Angleterre et en Espagne ont été arrêtées avec 3,2 tonnes de drogues, 1,5 millions de florin néerlandais et 20 armes.
 Ramazan Yildiz était à la tête de 15 réseaux de drogue complètement indépendants et coulait des jours heureux en Turquie sans être nullement inquiété; il participait aux marchés publics turcs et officiellement n'avait pas de casier judiciaire. Le trafiquant était pourtant compromis dans plusieurs affaires criminelles en Turquie et à l'étranger, notamment dans l'assassinat de deux ressortissants turcs le 19 novembre 1992 au Pays-Bas. Ces derniers avaient écrit le nom de Ramazan Yildiz avec leur sang avant de mourir et le criminel était recherché dès lors par Interpol. Il était également condamné à trois ans de prison en 1971 pour le meurtre de sa propre soeur.
 La presse turque parle déjà de ses relations avec la classe politique turque qu'il aurait financé copieusement. Cette arrestation met une nouvelle fois en relief l'implication de la Turquie dans le trafic de drogue international. Il y a quelques mois, l'investigation de la police hollandaise avait permis d'épingler des magistrats turcs compromis également dans ce marché. (CILDEKT, 6 mai 1999)

Court acquits Celik once implicated in the pope's shooting

 Oral Celik once implicated in the shooting of Pope John Paul II won acquittal Friday on charges alleging he conspired to kill a liberal Turkish newspaper editor in 1979.
 The former right-wing militant was acquitted Friday in the murder trial of a distinguished Turkish newspaper, the mass circulation Milliyet editor, Abdi Ipekci 20 years ago.
 A panel of judges ruled there was insufficient evidence to support allegations that Celik provided a gun and took part in the planning and execution of the killing.
 Celik earlier was acquitted by an Italian court in the 1981 shooting of the pope in St. Peter's Square. Mehmet Ali Agca of Turkey is serving a life term in an Italian prison in the attack.
 Turkish courts sentenced Agca to death for killing Ipekci but he escaped from Turkish prison. Agca testified that Celik collaborated in both attacks.
 Celik returned to Turkey after spending four years in a Swiss prison for drug smuggling. (TDN, 29 mai 1999)

SOCIO-ECONOMIC/SOCIO-ECONOMIQUE

Inflation: 63,9% sur les douze derniers mois

 
 La hausse des prix à la consommation s'est chiffrée à 63,9% au cours des 12 derniers mois en Turquie, confirmant une tendance au ralentissement du rythme de l'inflation depuis le début de l'année dernière, a annoncé lundi l'Institut des statistiques d'Etat (DIE) à Ankara. Pour la même période, d'avril 1998 à avril 1999, la hausse des prix de gros a été de 50%, selon la même source. De mars à avril 1999, les prix à la consommation ont augmenté de 4,9% et ceux de gros de 5,3%. La hausse des prix à la consommation s'est montée à 69,7% et celle des prix de gros à 54,3% en 1998 en Turquie, contre respectivement 99,1% et 91% en 1997. (AFP, 3 mai 1999)
 

The grinch who stole universities

 Some students were overjoyed, some were stunned, and some came to take the university examinations on Sunday at the appointed locations because they hadn't heard the news Saturday evening. A grinch or perhaps someone desperate or evil-minded stole two examination booklets on Saturday, and as a result, the country-wide university exams had to be cancelled, postponed to a later date.
 The theft occurred at the Divinity School of Marmara University, which is located on the Asian side of Istanbul, sometime before 4:30 p.m. on Saturday, when it was discovered. An investigation was carried out by school authorities, examination board officials and the police.
 Ostensibly, one or more persons had broken a window and entered the room in which the exam booklets were being stored for distribution on Sunday morning. One of the pouches had been slit open -- and whoever did the job cut him or herself in the process, leaving fingerprints and providing a convenient blood sample for DNA testing.
 After several recounts of the number of booklets the pouch was supposed to contain, the conclusion was inescapable: Two booklets were missing.
 The appropriate office in Ankara was notified and the decision was made to postpone Sunday's nationwide examination until May 30 or even later. A whole new set of questions would have to be prepared.
 Reactions mixed
 When the news was announced on television around 8:00 p.m. and spread, reactions ran the gamut among the students who had spent months trying to prepare to pass these examinations. It is on the basis of their scores in this exam that students learn whether or not they will be able to attend university, what university will accept them and what field of study they will be permitted to enter. The results play a major part in determining the future direction of the lives of nearly 1.5 million young people.
 Some youngsters were delighted because, for one reason or another, they hadn't had a chance to study for these exams. Some found it hard to believe that such a thing could happen. Others felt rather dazed, after having prepared themselves psychologically. And then there were the few others who showed up to take the exams because they hadn't heard of the postponement.
 After all, there has only been one other case of the test being cancelled in the history of these examinations in Turkey. That was in July 1973. At the time, the daily Cumhuriyet broke the news that examination questions had been leaked, and the tests had to be postponed for a month while new ones were prepared.
 The effect on those who were going to take the examinations on Sunday is incalculable. This postponement is a disaster for most of the 1.5 million young people who had decided to put their futures on the line by taking the examination. To psyche yourself up for such an exam, believing you won't have much of a chance (mostly because night school, continuing education and distance education is still in the infancy stage in Turkey) and then to face no examination for weeks... Well, it can't be anything other than total letdown.
 Other suspicions raised by theft
 In recent years, educational experts have begun to wonder about the relatively good results obtained by students from the religiously-oriented Islamist preparatory schools. Some think that exam questions may have been stolen for a number of years. The fact that the theft occurred at the Marmara University Divinity School can only lend credence to this thesis.
 Alaattin Dincer, the head of one of the branches of Egitim-Sen (Education Union), says that he believes the theft was not carried out by an individual but by an organization. He wants to see the people involved apprehended.
 The chairman of the Student Selection and Placement Center (OYSM), Dr. Fethi Toker, has apologized to the students, school trustees and those who were to be on duty Sunday. He has assured the students that they will not have to apply again to take the examination and that the formalities gone through will be applicable for the new test.
 The Chairman of the Higher Education Board (YOK), Professor Kemal Guruz, for his part noted that the test would be offered sometime in June. He also announced that the foreign language tests that were to be administered on May 16 were also being postponed.
 Both tests were to have been held yesterday in Turkey and in the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (KKTC).
 Meanwhile, four people have been taken into custody for questioning in the matter. Muzaffer Tabak, Kadir Turker, Mustafa Coban and Ismet Sahin were taken to police headquarters, where they were questioned and blood samples and fingerprints were obtained. Elsewhere it was reported that 13 members of the OYSM and two faculty members at the Divinity School at Marmara University have been taken into custody.
 The estimated financial cost of the theft is said by Dr. Toker to be TL 1.5 trillion.
 The possibility that a grinch has stolen universities from anxious students cannot be calculated monetarily.
 Support for students
 Education Minister Metin Bostancioglu has said that counseling services will be available to those students who had expected to take the university entrance exams.
 Bostancioglu has said that in order to help students overcome any possible psychological effects caused by the postponement of the exam, teachers and school administrators will assist students in any way possible.
 In addition, Bostancioglu said that the exam questions will now be sent to schools so that teachers and students can review the questions in the hope that this will help relieve any anxiety over the test.
 Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit for his part stated: "As you may know, the government does not have authority over this issue. I believe that the necessary measures are being taken. However, this is a painful and sad event. I hope those responsible will be caught. Students will take the exam a month from now." (TDN, May 3, 1999)

Turkish tourism getting worse

 The expectations of tour operators and tourism agents have been dashed this year, and while other Mediterranean countries are full of tourists, Turkey has been unable to attract even 50 percent of its tourism potential. The cancellation of reservations has already reached 51 percent of the total anticipated, and the question coming to people's minds is: What brought Turkish tourism to this point?
 Turkey is a key destination for tourists and has an important place in the Mediterranean market despite the perennial threat from terrorism. Turkey is ranked 19th on the list of the world's most popular holiday destinations, and its total market value is around $10 billion. Turkey has become the victim of its own success and is now suffering the effects of other Mediterranean countries' competitive practices.
 Turkish tourism, which drew a good portrait in 1996 and 1997 in particular, is getting worse. The threat of terrorism and bad propaganda abroad following the capture of Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) leader Abdullah Ocalan, have negatively affected Turkey's tourism this year. In the aftermath of these events, cancellations in Turkey became commonplace, including flight cancellations. Last year Turkey experienced a similar situation of declining popularity, but it did not affect the sector as markedly -- the World Cup was blamed for a drop in visitors, forcing some countries including Greece and Spain to get more competitive by decreasing their taxes and pulling their prices down in a bid to attract tourists.
 This year, competition is not the only reason why Turkish tourism is facing a rough ride. The main reasons are the threats and propaganda campaign by the outlawed PKK, which have caused anxiety among potential visitors and led to cancellations. The second reason is that Turkey has been unable to promote itself abroad -- with mistakes being made both in the strategy to promote tourism and unfavorable regulations enacted by the government -- resulting in the present condition of Turkish tourism. At the beginning, the tour operators said that the tourism season should be well under way by early April, but this date was postponed to June, which now looks unlikely. Tourism operators are now turning their attention to domestic tourists, a market that has been completely ignored in the past.
 Despite all these negative factors Turkey has great potential, and the present situation could be temporary. It seems that the best solution is for private tourism companies to promote themselves independent of the Turkish government because where the money to promote Turkey is going is unclear. The promotion strategy of Turkey is wrong when one considers the situation of Egypt, in which at least 57 tourists were killed by fundamentalists last year but which is full of tourists again this year.
 Private tourism companies recently convened to discuss solutions to their problems in cooperation with the Turkish Union of Travel Agencies (TURSAB) and the Turkish Union of Hotels (TUROB). Their first decision was to collect money from their members for the promotion of Turkish tourism abroad. It is apparent from this move that private tourism companies are intent on collectively promoting Turkey and forcing the government to take steps towards this end. (TDN, May 21, 1999)

The oldest settlements in the world to be ruined

 Under the huge ruins of an ancient bridge, a shepherd drives his flock down to drink from the waters of the river Tigris. Nearby, children are playing in the river. Locals watch from cave-houses carved out of the hills. The Islamic call to prayer echoes from a beautiful decorated minaret.
 Life in Hasankeyf, one of the oldest settlements in the world, goes on much as it has for centuries. Some historians claim the first settlers came here as long as 10,000 years ago. But in a few years, Hasankeyf will be lost for ever, submerged beneath the waters when the Turkish government builds a new dam on the Tigris.
 "Our way of life will be drowned," says Ali Abdullah Tatus, who grew up here. He is sitting in one of the caves which is used as a cafe, drinking the local speciality, Turkish coffee with milk. Outside it is fiercely hot, but the cave remains cool.
 "Of course we're against the dam", he says. "But if the state wants to build it, what can we do?"
 You meet the same helpless resignation all over Hasankeyf. This region, once ancient Mesopotamia, is very poor. Mr Tatus, like many others here, travels to western Turkey for work, returning to his beloved Hasankeyf only periodically.
 The dam will bring jobs, and the government will pay generous compensation to thosedisplaced. "People here don't want the money," says Mr Tatus. "We want to stay here."
 The Ilisu dam, which will end Hasankeyf's long history, is part of the Southeast Anatolia Project (GAP), Turkey's grand scheme to revitalise the economy of the troubled south-east.
 Ankara says the 14-year Kurdish rebellion, which has torn the region apart, is fuelled more by poverty and unemployment than by political repression. Eventually, 22 dams on the Tigris and Euphrates rivers will provide irrigation and hydroelectric power, transforming the local economy.
 There is more at stake. The dams will allow Turkey to control the flow of water to Syria and Iraq and give Ankara important political leverage in the Middle East. Syria and Iraq have already protested at the threat to their water supplies, and  there are fears that GAP could spark a regional war.
 And little attention has focused on the plight of the thousands like Mr Tatus, who will be displaced by GAP. The completed Ataturk dam alone has already affected more than 50,000 people. The Ilisu dam will submerge 50 villages and displace 20,000 people.
 Turkish intellectuals have founded the Friends of Hasankeyf to save the ancient town. Recep Kavus is the local representative. "Tourism could have saved Hasankeyf," he says. But there is no hotel in town. Ironically, it is illegal to build one because Hasankeyf is a protected area of historical importance. "They made Hasankeyf a protected area in 1978 and decided to submerge it in 1982," says Mr Kavus. "The people are in an impossible position. They can't build here, but the state can destroy the place."
 Only now are local authorities putting up tourism signs. The news that Hasankeyf is about to be destroyed has prompted a mini-boom, as Turks come to see the town while they can.
 There is another reason why foreign tourists do not come here. The town is on the edge of a war zone, where Turkish security forces fight the Kurdish rebels. The road south closes in early afternoon, and foreigners staying in the troubled next-door town of Batman are likely to be questioned by paranoid police. Hasankeyf is being destroyed by the fighting between the state of Turkey and the Kurdish rebels. Yet it has little stake in the fight: here the population is 80 per cent ethnic Arab.
 It is hard to believe that Turkey can squander so valuable an asset as Hasankeyf. Turkey claims in its tourism promotions that Mesopotamia is the cradle of civilisation, yet here it is preparing to wipe out a visible part of that heritage.
 The small town is littered with historical sights: there are cave churches from the period when Hasankeyf was an important centre for Syrian Christians, and ornate mosques and Islamic tombs. It is believed that the ruined bridge was once a giant drawbridge, protecting the town from attack. Archaeologists are hurriedly digging to find what they can before the waters arrive.
 But in the feudal society of south-east Turkey, most of the land belongs to a few powerful landlords who stand to collect huge compensation from the state. "We want the dam," one of them told me. "We're going to sell our land for good money and go west."
 Mr Kavus of the Friends of Hasankeyf says: "When that happens, the traces of a civilisation will disappear along the Tigris."
 Osman Turhan stared out over the river from the  ruins of the old citadel. "It's not just the beauty and history of the place that we'll miss," he says. "It's our traditional life. We water our fields from  the river and catch fish to eat from the river. Hasankeyf is the Tigris." (Justin Huggler, The Independent, May 24, 1999)

RELATIONS WITH THE WEST/RELATIONS AVEC L'OUEST

Turkey tops list for applications to European Court

 The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) has received a record number of applications from Turkey over the past year. Out of the 38 countries eligible to apply to the ECHR, Turkey topped the list with 1,825 applications, according to research conducted by the Human Rights Commission of the Izmir Bar Association (IBHAM).
 Arif Ali Cangi, a lawyer and representative of IBHAM, said that according to research conducted by the ECHR's information office, in 1998 the court received a total of 7,771 applications from 37 countries, with 1,825 coming from Turkey. Italy followed, with 1,191 applications; Poland, 861; the United Kingdom, 588; France, 471; and Austria applied 365 times to the court.
 Cangi asserted that these figures show that Turkey is not fulfilling the European human rights treaties it has signed.
 The issue of human rights has been on Turkey's agenda for years. Recently, the Izmir Branch of the Human Rights Association (IHD) presented a report on human rights violations in Turkey, pointing out that the country's human rights problems are continuing.
 "Unfortunately, almost half a century after the acceptance of the Human Rights Declaration, Turkey is still known as a country where torture is widespread and freedom of thought is punished," said IHD Izmir Branch Chairman Ercan Demir. "Violations against basic human rights and freedoms continue at full-speed, and it is not possible to talk about a single concrete step that has been taken on a legal basis," he continued.
 According to the report, in 1998, 42,991 people were taken into custody by the police, and 3,659 people were imprisoned, of whom 417 were assaulted and beaten. Of the total umber of people taken into custody, a large number applied to the IHD with claims of torture and threats against them; 498 people were reported to have been tortured.
 Other national figures presented in the report are as follows: The number of associations, newspapers and magazines ordered closed during the 1998 term was 152; 331 books and regular newspapers or magazines were banned and collected by officials. According to the report, 132 people were imprisoned for thought crimes.
 During the last year, 192 people died under mysterious circumstances; 29 people disappeared without information as to the circumstances; 129 people died as a result of extra-judicial executions or torture while in custody; 1,718 people lost their lives while fighting; and 91 people died and 185 were injured in attacks against civilians. (TDN, May 5, 1999)

Europeans ponder signing the death act of WEU

 Armed with NATO's blessing for the "EU's capacity to act autonomously," the Western Europeans have tackled the question of "killing" the Western European Union (WEU), their fragile defense arm, but they could not agree upon how or when.
 The foreign and defense ministers of the WEU who came together in Bremen showed divergent views on a future fusion of the WEU and EU. While the two-day meeting was continuing as the Turkish Daily News went to press, the debate showed that many EU countries were reluctant to approve a plan of EU-WEU fusion before the end of the year.
 The Bremen meeting takes place at a crossroads for the organization -- the European Union's Amsterdam Treaty has been ratified; NATO's Washington Summit approved arrangements for the WEU's use of NATO assets and capabilities and opened the way for direct cooperation between the EU and NATO; and in a few weeks, the European Union's Cologne Summit will most probably make decisions concerning the uncertain future of the WEU.
 Add to this the situation in Kosovo, where the main role appears to be played by NATO, and you will understand Belgian Defense Minister Poncelet's comment, "The WEU committed suicide by its inactivity in the Kosovo crisis."
 The champion of a quick merger between the EU and the WEU proved to be the German defense minister, Rudolf Scharping, who expressed hope that the fusion would be realized "by the end of 2000." However, even this shows a slowing down from Scharping's original plan for fusion to be decided on in the Cologne Summit in June and begun to be put in play by the end of the year.
 Germans have already prepared a presidency paper "on the principal decision on the integration of the WEU. This paper also contains a deadline, informed sources in Bremen said.
 "Frankly, if we intend to integrate the WEU into the EU, as foreseen in the Amsterdam Treaty that went into force on May 1, the best is to do it as quickly as possible and merge the two structures on the opposite sides of the street," an EU official told the TDN.
 But many believe that even if the EU signs the death warrant of the WEU, the process of its demise will be a long one. This skepticism is expressed by Belgium, and, on a softer note, by France. Two stumbling blocks appear in the need to change the WEU's rather binding Article Five and to reconcile the different statuses of the 28 countries within the organization.
 It is just this second point that Jose Cutileiro, the Portuguese secretary-general of the WEU, described as the success of the organization.
 "At Washington, NATO made two very welcome offers: to play its part in transferring this operational partnership from the WEU to the EU if the EU so decides, and to work to make the identification and release of assets an even more effective and reliable process in future. This is the kind of offer the EU surely cannot refuse. But the EU must also take into account the conditions that allowed the WEU and NATO to arrive at this point. They include above all the way the WEU has worked with all interested Europeans, giving non-EU Allies just the same access to our dialogue and operations with the EU that non-allied EU members have enjoyed to our work with NATO. Finding the way to reflect this balanced, inclusive approach in an EU-based system will not just be critical for retaining confidence and smooth interplay with NATO. It is vital if the EU itself is to bring a new unity to the field of European defense and security," he said.
 Cutileiro also maintained that decisions alone cannot ensure the success of the merger. "The simplest argument for passing WEU tasks to the EU," he said, "is that European security would thus benefit directly from the European Union's considerable clout. Another argument is the value of combining under the same roof the political control and strategic direction of military actions with the powerful non-military instruments the EU can wield. To exploit these political and practical advantages the EU will need to import or create new competencies, strengthen decision-making and find quicker ways to release operational funds from its budget. No one should underestimate the challenge of this, but like any great leap forward for integration, boosting Europe's defense capacity cannot be secured by broad-brush decisions alone."
 But Cutileiro made clear that he considered some of the criticism directed against the organization unfair. "Clear political will expressed in a strong Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union is one sine qua non condition for European action. Another one is larger defense budgets and, above all, a better use made of them, so that modern military forces properly equipped will bring real added value for Europe and for the wider security interests we should serve," he insisted.
 This view was readily adopted by Scharping. "The problem is not the military strength of the United States, but the weakness of the Europeans," he concurred.
 Turkey pushes for solid role
 As the uncertainty over the future of the WEU continues, Turkey is expending efforts to secure a solid place in the European structures that will replace it in the future.
 Defense Minister Hikmet Sami Turk, who represented Turkey in the gathering in Bremen, expressed satisfaction with what he considered to be the EU countries' changing attitude regarding the future role of non-EU countries in European defense structures.
 "We are pleased with statements by EU members that hinted at their approval of the need to include non-EU allies into the new European security and defense structures, keeping the rights they have attained to date," Turk told reporters.
 Turkey is only an associate member of the WEU. Since it is not an EU member, it fears that it may remain out of the European decision-making on security matters once the EU and the WEU merge.
 "Although we have opposed the artificial ties drawn between EU and WEU membership, we have contributed to all WEU activities on all levels. I hope this partnership, which has political, legal and financial dimensions, will continue when the EU and WEU merge," Turk said.
 He stressed that "Turkey is enthusiastic to participate in the process of establishing the new European security and defense structure."
 Turk said that he put Turkey's position forward clearly at the Bremen gathering, and stressed that the stance of the other non-EU WEU associate members was in line with the Turkish position.
 Turk meets with Greek counterpart
 In the sidelines of the gathering, Turk had a meeting with his Greek counterpart Akis Tzohatzopulos. Turk said they discussed issues related to the WEU and not bilateral matters, according to the Anatolia news agency.
 Turk stressed that the bilateral issues between Turkey and Greece should be solved before they grow into crises.
 "However, Greece's stance on certain issues, particularly its support for terrorism, is unacceptable," the soft-spoken Turk said.
 Turk also said that he and Tzohatzopulos had been friends since their school days, when they attended the same German language course in Munich. (TDN, May 12, 1999)

Time magazine withdraws Ataturk's name from the list

 The American magazine Time has withdrawn Mustafa Kemal Ataturk's name from its list for "Person of the Century," the Anatolia news agency reported on Monday. Ataturk had previously been dropped from the vote for the magazine's list of "People Who Marked the Century" as well.
 Turkish Internet users living in the United States reported that Ataturk was removed from the list for no obvious reason, despite holding the 8th position. Turks who have settled in the United States further declared that Ataturk's name was intentionally removed from the list, basing their assumption on an explanation given by Time magazine that the voting did not have any scientific value.
 The Turks emphasized that by removing Ataturk's name from the list, Time displayed disrespect for the voting rights of Internet users. This attitude also represents a discourtesy to the founder of the Turkish Republic on the part of the magazine, which kept Adolf Hitler on the list while removing Ataturk, who set an example by waging such a war of independence for the first time in history, thus giving Turkey its independence. Many Turks chastised Time's editors for being incapable of recognizing Ataturk's significance and announced that they will boycott the magazine.
 The 20 names currently included on Time magazine's "Person of the Century" list are as follows:
 1- Elvis Presley, 2- Adolf Hitler, 3- Pope John Paul ll, 4- Martin Luther King, 5- Gandhi, 6- Billy Graham, 7- Ronald Reagan, 8- Winston Churchill, 9- Albert Einstein, 10- Jesus Christ, 11- Mother Theresa, 12- Madonna, 13- Bill Gates, 14- Murray N. Rothbard, 15- Franklin Roosevelt, 16- John Lennon, 17- Princess Diana, 18- Nelson Mandela, 19- Milton Freedman, 20- Michael Jackson. (TDN, May 18, 1999)

La Turquie une nouvelle fois condamnée à Strasbourg

 La Cour européenne des droits de l'Homme a condamné jeudi à Strasbourg la Turquie après la mort d'un veilleur de nuit kurde tué à son travail d'une balle dans la nuque par les forces de sécurité.
 La victime, Musa Ogur, avait été abattue le 24 décembre 1990 au petit matin, alors qu'il terminait sa nuit de garde sur un chantier d'une entreprise minière située près du village de Dagkonak, dans la province de Siirt, soumise à l'état d'exception.
 La Cour européenne a octroyé 130.000 FF (19.820 euros) à sa mère, Sariye Ogur, qui avait porté plainte à Strasbourg au nom du droit à la vie.
 Elle a jugé que la Turquie avait violé ce principe lors de la conception et l'exécution de l'opération qui a conduit à la mort de cet homme (16 voix contre une) et pendant les enquêtes menées par les autorités nationales sur ce décès (unanimité).
 La Turquie, membre du Conseil de l'Europe, est liée par la convention européenne des droits de l'Homme et les jugements de la Cour des droits de l'Homme.
  Les juges strasbourgeois ont déjà à maintes reprises condamné le gouvernement d'Ankara pour des violations aux droits de l'Homme, notamment des cas de torture, d'homicides ou de destructions de villages commis par les forces de l'ordre dans la région kurde. (AFP, 20 mai 1999)

REGIONAL RELATIONS/RELATIONS REGIONALES

Un mariage gréco-italien célébré sur une île de l'Egée

 Un Grec et une Italienne, dont les noces ont failli provoquer une tension greco-turque, se sont mariés samedi sur une petite île de l'est de la mer Egée en présence des autorités locales de la région, a-t-on appris auprès de ces autorités.
 Mihalis Lambropoulos, un marin grec âgé de 47 ans, et Antonella Rissi, une économiste de 32 ans originaire de Parme (Italie), se sont mariés devant plus de 500 invités.
 Ce mariage et la prochaine installation, pendant les vacances d'été, du couple sur l'îlôt, qui n'est habité en permanence que par un moine, avaient amené la Turquie à effectuer une démarche de protestation "contre des plans de peuplement de la Grèce d'un îlot rocheux".
 Ankara a annoncé vendredi que le conseiller de l'ambassade de Grèce dans la capitale turque, Michael Christides, avait été convoqué au ministère turc des Affaires étrangères après les informations parues dans la presse turque selon lesquelles la Grèce envisagerait de peupler l'îlot de Platia, situé non loin des côtes turques.
 Mais les autorités grecques ont fait savoir que la souveraineté dans cette petite île "n'était pas contesté, ne l'a jamais été et figurait même sur les plus récentes cartes de la Turquie parmi les îlots grecs", selon une source autorisée grecque.
 "La Turquie a dû se tromper d'ilot, car le régime de Plati (bien Plati) n'a jamais été mis en doute", a affirmé cette source.
 Dimitris Reppas, porte-parole du gouvernement grec, avait pour sa part déclaré vendredi soir que les positions de la Grèce sur le régime en Egée "sont connues et restent stables. Le gouvernement grec protège les intérêts nationaux".
 "Un mariage ne peut pas constituer un domaine de discussion politique et encore moins une cause de problèmes", avait-il noté. (AFP, 15 mai 1999)

Opération militaire turque dans le nord de l'Irak

 L'armée turque a lancé vendredi une opération dans le nord de l'Irak contre les positions du Parti des Travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK, séparatistes kurdes de Turquie), a rapporté dimanche le quotidien turc à gros tirage Hurriyet.
 Aucune confirmation n'a pu être obtenue auprès des autorités sur cette opération.
 Les troupes turques, d'une quinzaine de milliers d'hommes, et plusieurs centaines de "protecteurs de village", miliciens kurdes pro-gouvernementaux armés par l'Etat, sont entrés en territoire irakien à partir de la région d'Uludere, dans la province de Sirnak, selon le journal.
 L'opération des troupes est soutenue par l'aviation turque qui a bombardé les positions du PKK dans les régions de la vallée de Haftaini et de Tusimiya, selon Hurriyet.
 Les soldats turcs ont pénétré jusqu'à 20 km en territoire irakien, a ajouté la même source, affirmant que des peshmergas du Parti Démocratique du Kurdistan (PDK) du chef kurde irakien Massoud Barzani aident les forces turques.
 Le PDK est l'allié de l'armée turque depuis mai 1997 contre le PKK dans le nord de l'Irak.
 Selon un bilan donné par Hurriyet, 45 rebelles du PKK et cinq soldats ont été tués en deux jours de combats.
 L'armée turque lance fréquemment des opérations similaires contre les hommes du PKK en Irak du Nord.
 Le PKK utilise comme base arrière le nord de l'Irak, qui échappe à l'autorité de Bagdad depuis la fin de la guerre du Golfe en février 1991 et est contrôlé actuellement par les Kurdes d'Irak.
 Le PKK mène une rébellion armée contre Ankara depuis 1984 pour créer un Etat kurde indépendant dans le sud-est de la Turquie à majorité kurde. Les violences liées à cette rébellion ont fait près de 31.000 morts. (AFP, 16 mai 1999)

La Ligue arabe appelle la Turquie à retirer ses troupes

 La Ligue arabe a appelé lundi la Turquie à retirer immédiatement ses troupes du nord de l'Irak et à mettre fin à l'opération lancée vendredi sur le territoire irakien.
 "La Ligue arabe suit de près cette nouvelle opération turque dans le nord de l'Irak et appelle Ankara à retirer immédiatement ses troupes du territoire irakien", a déclaré à la presse le secrétaire général adjoint de la Ligue, M. Mohamed Zakariya Ismaïl.
 "La Turquie justifie ses opérations dans le nord de l'Irak en affirmant qu'elle poursuit les militants du Parti des Travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK, séparatistes kurdes de Turquie), mais ce prétexte n'est plus convaincant", a ajouté M. Ismaïl.
 Le ministre irakien des Affaires étrangères a adressé un message à la Ligue arabe pour l'informer officiellement de la nouvelle opération turque dans le nord de l'Irak, a-t-on appris de source autorisée à la Ligue.
 Dans son message, M. Sahhaf accuse la Turquie de "coopérer avec les Etats-Unis et la Grande-Bretagne et leur fournir des facilités" pour qu'ils continuent à imposer une zone d'exclusion aérienne dans le nord de l'Irak.
 Selon le quotidien turc à gros tirage Hurriyet, quinze mille soldats turcs, et plusieurs centaines de miliciens kurdes pro-gouvernementaux armés par l'Etat, sont entrés en Irak à partir de la région d'Uludere, dans la province de Sirnak.
 L'opération des troupes est soutenue par l'aviation turque qui a bombardé les positions du PKK dans les régions de la vallée de Haftaini et de Tusimiya, a ajouté le journal selon lequel les soldats turcs ont pénétré jusqu'à 20 km en territoire irakien. (AFP, 17 mai 1999)

Russia Raps West Over Turkish Treatment of Kurds

 Russia said on Wednesday the West's failure to condemn  Turkish killings of Kurdish separatist guerrillas in northern Iraq highlighted its double standards in international policy.
 "It is important for the international community to respond to this intolerable situation... Ankara is taking action which rudely flouts...Iraq's international rights, sovereignty and territorial integrity," Russia's Foreign Ministry said in a statement.
 "However (any response) is being hindered by a selective approach and by double standards, which are influencing the policies of some powerful members of the U.N. Security Council."
 The statement appeared to be referring to the United States and its NATO allies Britain and France, all three of which are permanent members of the Security Council with Russia and China.
 Russia has fiercely opposed NATO's bombing campaign against its Slavic, Orthodox  Christian brethren in Yugoslavia but has led diplomatic efforts to end the crisis.
 Turkey is a staunch NATO member and has participated in the air strikes.
 Turkish security forces killed 37 Kurdish rebels loyal to jailed guerrilla chief Abdullah Ocalan last week for the loss of nine soldiers in clashes inside Turkey and in northern Iraq.
 Turkey maintains a semi-permanent military presence in the Kurdish-held enclave in Iraq,  which slipped from Baghdad's control shortly after the 1991 Gulf War.
 Turkish soldiers regularly mount operations against guerrillas from the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), who use the remote mountainous terrain in northern Iraq to launch attacks on mainly Kurdish southeast Turkey in their campaign for self rule.
 Ankara says it has all but defeated the PKK militarily and that the rebel group is in disarray. (Reuters, May 19, 1999)

Turkey joins bombardment of Yugoslavia

 Following the decision to open bases for NATO use, Turkish aircraft are said will be participating more actively in the bombardment of Yugoslavia.
 There was no confirmation from Turkish military or Foreign Ministry officials, nor has there been any reaction from Yugoslavia.
 There were also conflicting reports in the Turkish press, with some saying that Turkish jets joined in the bombardment of Yugoslavia on Apr. 29, with some of their weapons provided by NATO.
 According to those reports the active participation of the Turkish jets was kept secret by Ankara and Brussels.
 Earlier, 11 Turkish F-16 fighters stationed at the Italian Air Base of Ghedi were reportedly taking part in the air strikes, but they were only flying CAP -- combat air patrol -- missions to accompany the bombers. The Turkish aircraft did not have the sophisticated equipment to carry out attacks with pinpoint accuracy.
 Amid NATO claims that nearly 40 percent of the Yugoslav Air Force and its air defense systems have been destroyed, the alliance appears to have intensified its bombardment. NATO is also said to be running out of high-tech missiles and has therefore begun using less sophisticated ordinance.
 The daily briefing by the Turkish General Staff on Monday did not mention Turkish jets participating more actively in the strikes, instead distributing only routine information. It reported that NATO jets flew a total of 394 hours over Yugoslavia. Turkish jets contributed 29 hours to that total.
 Turkey also continues with plans to send a military unit to Albania to join the special NATO forces helping the refugees in that country. The first 45 soldiers arrived at the port of Durres and a plane carrying the second group will be arriving in Tirana early on Tuesday.
 Meanwhile, Turkey is preparing to open bases in the west of the country to NATO warplanes for attacks on Yugoslavia. The Cabinet gave approval last week to the move, which will open another front against Belgrade.
 Turkey has taken in more than 15,000 Kosovo refugees since the NATO bombing campaign began on March 24. (TDB, May 18, 1999)

Arrivée des premiers avions de combat américains en Turquie

 Des avions américains F-15 et F-16 ont commencé à arriver sur la base aérienne turque de Balikesir (ouest) dans le cadre des frappes de l'OTAN contre la Yougoslavie depuis la région des Balkans, a annoncé un haut responsable militaire turc.
 Trente-huit avions F-15 et F-16 seront déployés sur la base de Balikesir, a indiqué le commandant de cette base, le général Murat Bulgan, cité par l'agence Anatolie.
 Le général Bulgan n'a pas précisé combien d'avions américains étaient arrivés sur la base, ni à quelle date.
 "Les préparatifs pour des frappes aériennes (ndlr: depuis la Turquie) se trouvent dans la phase ultime", a ajouté le général.
 Selon l'agence Anatolie, depuis dimanche des avions cargo C-5 et C-17 transportaient du personnel de l'OTAN ainsi que du matériel militaire et logistique sur la base de Balikesir.
 Le nombre du personnel de l'OTAN a déjà atteint la barre des mille personnes et doit s'élever encore à 2.000, selon la même source.
 La semaine dernière, le chef de l'état-major général des armées turques, le général Huseyin Kivrikoglu, avait annoncé que la Turquie accueillerait au total 54 américains F-15 et F-16 sur la base de Balikesir et sur celle de Bandirma (ouest), à près de 70 km au nord de Balikesir.
 Il avait également indiqué que des négociations se poursuivaient concernant la base d'accueil des avions de ravitaillement en vol.
 Ces avions-citernes pourraient être déployés soit sur la base de Corlu, dans la province de Tekirdag (nord-ouest de la Turquie) soit sur la base d'Incirlik (sud, près d'Adana), avait indiqué le général Kivrikoglu.
 La base d'Incirlik accueille déjà des avions américains et britanniques opérant dans le cadre de l'opération Northern Watch, la surveillance de la zone d'exclusion aérienne imposée à l'Irak par les Alliés au nord du 36ème parallèle après la guerre du Golfe en 1991.
 La Turquie a déjà mis à la disposition de l'OTAN 18 avions de combat F-16 déployés sur la base italienne de Ghedi. Ces avions, qui étaient chargés au départ d'opérations de défense aérienne, participent également aux bombardements sur la Yougoslavie depuis fin avril.
 Le commandant en chef de l'armée de l'air turque, le général Ilhan Kilic, avait déclaré la semaine dernière que les troupes turques pourraient participer à une opération terrestre que l'OTAN déciderait contre la Yougoslavie.
 "Si l'OTAN décidait d'une opération terrestre contre la Yougoslavie, la Turquie, en tant que membre de l'Alliance, pourrait se joindre à cette opération", avait-il dit. (AFP, 31 mai 1999)

MIGRATION/IMMIGRATION

Allemagne: la réforme de la citoyenneté adoptée par le Parlement

 Le Parlement allemand a finalement adopté vendredi la réforme de la loi de 1913 sur la citoyenneté, malgré l'opposition acharnée des conservateurs, qui ont néanmoins obtenu un recul du gouvernement par rapport au projet de réforme initial.
 La nouvelle loi, adoptée vendredi par le Bundesrat (chambre haute basse du Parlement), annule le principe du droit du sang pour lui substituer celui du sol. Désormais, toute personne née en Allemagne se verra accorder automatiquement la nationalité allemande.
 Le texte prévoit également un allègement du système de naturalisation pour les étrangers résidant de longue date sur le territoire allemand. Le ministre de l'Intérieur Otto Schily a estimé que cette nouvelle législation permettait au pays de tendre vers une idée moderne de nation, prévoyant l'intégration des étrangers.
 Ces derniers, au nombre de 7,3 millions, dont deux millions de Turcs, constituent aujourd'hui 10% de la population allemande. "Le fait de définir la nation essentiellement par le lien du sang a été l'une des erreurs tragiques de notre passé", a souligné M. Schily devant le Bundesrat. Le Bundestag (chambre basse) avait donné son feu vert début mai au projet de réforme.
 Après des mois de débats houleux, au cours desquels la coalition de centre-gauche du chancelier Gerhard Schroeder a subi de fortes pressions de l'opposition, qui a réuni cinq millions de signatures contre le projet, le nouvelle loi sur la citoyenneté entrera en vigueur le 1er jajnvier prochain.  Elle autorise les enfants étrangers à conserver la nationalité de leurs parents tout en étant titulaire d'un passeport allemand jusqu'à l'âge de 23 ans. Passée cette limite, un choix est exigé.
 Comme dans la loi précédente, les adultes ne pourront que très rarement détenir deux passeports, le gouvernement ayant renoncé, sous la pression des conservateurs, à autoriser systématiquement la double nationalité. (AP, 21 mai 1999)

BELGIQUE-TURQUIE/BELGIUM-TURKEY

Chevaux de Troie du régime turc sur les listes électorales PS et PRL

 Une des particularités des élections du 13 juin 1999 en Belgique sera sans aucun doute le fait que plusieurs candidats allochtones figurent sur les listes électorales.
 L'enjeu de ces élections belges étant d'arrêter la montée menaçante des partis d'extrême-droite, il est indispensable que les citoyens d'origine étrangère s'intègrent dans la vie politique belge pour qu'ils puissent lutter effectivement contre le racisme et la xénophobie dans les plus hautes instances du pays.
 Heureusement la plupart des candidats allochtones (maghrébins, turcs, kurdes, assyriens, africains) ont déjà fait preuve de leur engagement et combativité contre l'extrême-droite dans la vie associative et politique.
 Toutefois, les déclarations récentes par certains candidats d'origine turque figurant sur la liste de deux partis politiques puissants à Bruxelles (le PS et le PRL), signalent déjà le danger de favoriser l'extrême-droite d'un autre pays sur le plan politique belge.
 Un candidat d'origine turque sur la liste PS (64e place] promet aux médias turcs qu'il ne deviendra jamais un deuxième Cem Ozdemir [le jeune député allemand écolo d'origine turc élu récemment pour une deuxième fois au Bundestag.]
 "Je ne travaillerai jamais comme Cem Ozdemir qui souille la Turquie pour pouvoir accéder à certaines positions. Moi et mes amis dans le parti [PS], nous croyons qu'on peut accéder à certaines positions sans faire de la propagande hostile à la Turquie!" dit-il. (Sabah, 8/5/1999)
 Il déclare également qu'il sera largement suffisant d'obtenir quelque 1.500 voix de préférence de la communauté turque pour accéder au Conseil régional bruxellois grâce au système électoral belge.
 Cem Ozdemir, en tant qu'Allemand démocrate, critique souvent la violation des droits de l'homme et des minorités non seulement en Allemagne mais également dans les autres pays dont la Turquie. C'est la raison pour laquelle Ozdemir, comme un autre élu allemand d'origine turque, Ozan Ceyhun (membre du parlement européen), est catalogué "ennemi de la Turquie" et fait  sans cesse l'objet des attaques des grands médias turcs.
 Toutefois, Ozdemir a été élu et réélu à un très jeune âge au Bundestag non grâce à quelques milliers de voix de préférence d'une certaine communauté, mais à cause de ses capacités de défendre les intérêts de tous les exclus de la société allemande et du monde, y compris des allemands autochtones, et avec la confiance de ces derniers.
 Une candidate PRL d'origine turque [46e place], présentée à la presse par le bourgmestre de la Ville de Bruxelles M. de Donnea, en réponse aux questions des journalistes turcs, condamne le leader kurde Ocalan comme "assassin" sans attendre même l'ouverture du procès de ce dernier.  (Sabah, 28/4/1999; Hurriyet, 29/4/1999) Et ce, bien entendu, pour attirer quelques milliers de voix du milieu nationaliste turc.
 Rappelons que l'extrême-droite turque, avec le même argument, réclame déjà une pendaison immédiate d'Ocalan alors que ce procès sommaire est fort contesté par toutes les institutions internationales des droits de l'Homme.
 Compte tenu de la montée alarmante du courant ultra-nationaliste en Turquie et dans l'immigration turque, une victoire électorale à Bruxelles ne semble pas illusoire pour les auteurs d'une telle rhétorique!
 Par ailleurs, le lobby du régime d'Ankara est déjà mobilisé par l'Ambassade de Turquie pour faire entrer ces bons enfants du régime turc aux assemblées belges.
 La question qui se pose:
 Les futur(e)s élu(e)s belges d'origine étrangère seront-ils(elles) représentant(e)s des citoyens de ce pays, allochtones et autochtones, ou serviront-ils(elles) comme défenseurs des positions ultra-nationalistes du régime répressif de leur pays d'origine?
 Et le PS et le PRL, afin d'obtenir quelques voix des milieux ultra-nationalistes dans les communautés d'origine étrangère, toléreront-ils de telles déclarations tenues par leurs candidats?
 Cette tolérance contribuera-t-elle à une cohabitation harmonieuse dans une ville comme Bruxelles qui se caractérise par sa population vraiment pluriculturelle et pluriethnique?
  Dans une ville qui héberge également une masse de victimes de la répression politique et ethnique du régime d'Ankara...
 Dans une ville qui, il y a quelques mois seulement, était la scène des actes criminels des Loups gris du mouvement d'extrême-droite turc contre les institutions kurdes et assyriennes. (Info-Türk, 19 mai 1999)

EN BREF/IN BRIEF

(TIHV news on human rights violations/Dépêches de la TIHV sur les violations des droits de l'Homme)

 Death Penalty Demand: Istanbul SSC Prosecution Office launched a trial against Ergin Atabay, Abdullah Günay and Azime Isik on the demand of the death penalty on charges of participating in the attack against the Mavi Çarsi Mall in Göztepe, Istanbul, during which 13 people were killed on 13 March. Previously a trial had been launched on the demand of the death penalty against Metin Yamalak, who had been remanded on 6 April on the accusations that "he was the one who ordered the attack." (Evrensel-TIHV, May 1, 1999)
 Death Penalty Demand: Ankara SSC Prosecution Office launched a trial against Kemal Erturk, Lale Acik, Nihat Konak and Bulent Erturk, who were remanded on the accusations of "carrying out the bomb attack against Çankiri Governor Ayhan Çevik" on 5 March. The 4 defendants were indicted on the demand of the death penalty under Article 146 of the Turkish Penal Code. (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 1, 1999)
 Mayor Remanded: Ihsan Celik, the Mayor of Patnos, Agri who has been elected from the HADEP list, was detained on 30 April. Çelik was remanded by Erzurum SSC on 1 May on the accusations of "disseminating separatist propaganda" in a program broadcast on local radio channel Patnos Radyo on 21 April. Abdullah Ezgi, an executive member of the HADEP Seyhan (Adana) District Organization, was detained during the ID check carried out by soldiers in the bus he took when he was coming back from Ceyhan Special Type Prison to Adana on 30 April. (Ozgur Bakis -TIHV, May 1, 1999)
 Izmir IHD Branch Raided: IHD Izmir Branch was raided by the police on 30 April. The police carried out an ID check during the raid, and seized certain publications, photographs and text of signature campaigns. (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 1, 1999)
 Journalist Remanded: Ishak Benek, Izmir Representative of the journal Ozgur Halk who was detained in the police raid against the journalís office on 28 April, was remanded on the next day. Meanwhile, Erdal Guner, a staff member of the journal Halkin Gunlugu, and his brother, Binali Guner, were detained by the police who raided their house in the night of 29 April. (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 1, 1999)
 Pressure in Prisons: Cennet Gunes and another convicted woman prisoner whose name could not be revealed, who were transferred from Kurkculer (Adana) Prison to Nigde Prison, were reportedly beaten on the way to Nigde and put in cells. Cennet Gunes had attempted to set herself on fire in Antep Prison on 23 October 1998 to protest the assassin attempt against PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan.  (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 2, 1999)
 Halkevleri Branches Closed: Kecioren, Mamak and Kalaba branches of the Halkevleri (community centers) were closed in the evening of 3 May for 7 days by Ankara Governorate on the grounds of "allowing minors and non-members in the branches," were re-opened on 12 May. (TIHV, May 4, 1999)
 Trade Unionists Detained: The resistance put up by 39 workers who have been ousted by Swisscard for being members of a trade union, is under way. A statement made by Basin-Is (trade union of workers in media), which is affiliated with the DISK (Confederation of Progressive Trade Unions), read that the trade unionists and the workers were forcibly hindered by the police, and that Kamil Kartal, the Secretary General of the Basin-Is, and Murad Akincilar, one of the specialists with the same, had been detained. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, May 4, 1999)
 Demonstration Barred: Students were hindered by the gendarmerie when they attempted to hold a demonstration in commemoration of Kenan Mak, a student of Bolu Abant Izzet Baysal University who was killed by a group of Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) adherents on 3 May 1998. The gendarmerie dispersed the students when they assembled outside the campus, and detained one of the students. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, May 4, 1999)
 Detentions, Arrests: Ali Bayar, Mustafa Dayan, Mehmet Sitki Tatli, Fehmi Özalp and Ahmet Oztas, who were detained in Adana on 27 April on the accusations of "being members of the PKK," were remanded by Adana SSC on 2 May, whereas Sedat Zamir and Orhan Aksu were released pending trial. (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 4, 1999)
 Attack in Sivas: Two persons named Ali Kaya (17) and Ali Yildirim (19) were killed by an armed group who blockaded the road in the vicinity of Koyulhisar District of Sivas on 3 May. Hasan Yaylaci was wounded in the incident. (Sabah-TIHV, May 4, 1999)
 Torture in Detention: Hamza Balci, Mehmet Soylu and Betul Kilicaslan, staff members of the journal Ozgur Gelecek, were reportedly tortured in detention. They were reportedly beaten throughout 4 days they were kept in detention after their arrest during the raid against the journal on 29 April. (Evrensel-TIHV, May 5, 1999)
 Prisoner Prevented from Receiving Treatment: Filiz Gulkokuer, a prisoner in Ankara Central Closed Prison who has been suffering from ìthalassemiaî and ìsickle cell anemia,î was reportedly prevented from receiving the necessary medical treatment. (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 5, 1999)
 Writer Convicted: Aydogan Vatandas was sentenced to 8 months in prison and fined TL 13,333,000 on the accusations of belittling Second Chief of the General Staff Office, General Cevik Bir in his book, "Armagedon, Türkiye-Israil Gizli Savasi (Armagedon, Secret War of Israel-Turkey)." In the trial that ended at Istanbul Penal Court of First Instance No. 2, Osman Okcu, the publisher of the book in question, was also sentenced to 6 months in prison and fined TL 10,000,000. Both of the sentences were reprieved. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, May 5, 1999)
 Prosecution of Dogu Perincek: The trial launched against Workers' Party (IP) Chairperson Dogu Perincek and 8 executive members of the IP continued at Ankara SSC on 4 May. Dogu Perincek, who is in Haymana Prison in connection with the sentence he had been given in another trial, was not brought to the hearing. Perincek was indicted on the accusations of "aiding an illegal organization and sheltering its members," "publishing the secret documents of the State," and "acting in contravention of the Law on Weapons," with the demand of a sentence up to 20 years 6 months in prison (Evrensel-TIHV, May 5, 1999)
 Association Executives on Trial: The trial launched against 3 executive members of Izmir Branch of the Mesopotamian Cultural Center (MKM) continued at Izmir SSC on 4 May. In the hearing, the court board decided to change the charges against the defendants. Accordingly, the 3 executive members of the MKM will be prosecuted on the accusations of "disseminating separatist propaganda" under Article 8 of the Anti-Terror Law. (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 5, 1999)
 Mayor on Trial: The trial launched against Feridun Celik, Diyarbakir Metropolitan Mayor who has been elected from the list of the Peopleís Democracy Party (HADEP), continued at Ankara SSC on 4 May. In the trial, Celik was indicted on the demand of an imprisonment term between 4 years 6 months and 7 years 6 months under Article 8 of the Anti-Terror Law and Article 169 of the Turkish Penal Code on the accusations that he "disseminated separatist propaganda" when he participated via phone in a program broadcast on the MED TV and he "aided the PKK and sheltered its members." (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 5, 1999)
 Mayor Arrested: Ihsan Çelik, the Mayor of Patnos, Agri, who has been elected from the list of the Peopleís Democracy Party (HADEP) was released upon his lawyersí objection with Ercis Heavy Penal Court against the decision of remand. Ihsan Çelik was remanded by Erzurum SSC on 1 May on the accusations of "disseminating separatist propaganda" in a program broadcast on local radio channel Patnos Radyo on 21 April. (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 5, 1999)
 Trade Unionists on Trial: A trial was launched against Suleyman Sili, Urfa Branch Chairperson of the Tarim Gida Sen (Trade Union of the Agriculture and Food Workers), Kadri Gonullu, Urfa Branch Chairperson of the Trade Union of Health and Social Service Workers (SES), and Seyhmus Cakirtas, Urfa Branch Secretray of the Egitim Sen (Trade Union of Education, Science and Culture Laborers), on charges of ìorganizing a signature campaignî during the period they were on remand. In the trial, which was launched at Penal Court of First Instance No. 2, imprisonment terms between 3 and 6 months are sought for the 3 trade unionists. (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 5, 1999)
 Singer and Association Executive on Trial: The trial launched against singer Ferhat Tunc and Kemal Mutlu, the Chairperson of Izmir Association of Culture and for Solidarity Between People from Tunceli (Izmir Tuncelililer Kultur ve Dayanisma Dernegi), continued at Izmir SSC on 4 May. The trial was postponed to a further date for compilation of missing documents. They are accused of "having disseminated separatist propaganda" during a night organized by the association on 18 April 1997. (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 5, 1999)
 Halkevleri Branches Closed: In Ankara, Keçiören, Mamak and Kalaba branches of the Halkevleri (a kind of a cultural house) were closed for one week, each, on the grounds of ìcarrying out activities beyond the objectives listed in the statute of the association.î Police officers, who went to the aforesaid branches on the evening of 3 May, closed the branches without giving a written notification. (Evrensel-TIHV, May 5, 1999)
 Detentions, Arrests: Ahmet Oztas, Vahit Demir and Bedriye Çelik, who were detained in Soke and Kusadasi districts of Aydin, on 3 May, were remanded by Izmir SSC. It was reported that the 3 persons had each been sentenced to 3 years 9 months in prison by Izmir SSC on the accusations of "aiding the PKK and sheltering its members," and arrest warrants in absentia had been issued against them. (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 5, 1999)
 Teacher Beaten by the Police: Teacher Medeni Alpkaya, who worked as a returning officer in Diyarbakir during the general elections held on 18 April and who kept a minute against police officers when they attempted to intervene in the count of votes, was beaten by the police on 3 May. Alpkaya was given a medical report certifying his inability to work for 5 days. (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 6, 1999)
 Political Party Executives on Trial: A trial was launched against Mehmet Salih Yalçinkaya, Bismil (Diyarbakir) Mayor elected from the HADEP list, and Sukru Abay, former Diyarbakir Chairperson of the Laborís Party (EMEP), on the accusations of "disseminating separatist propaganda." According to the indictment, Yalcinkaya and Abay had participated via phone in a program broadcast on the MED TV on 13 April, and said "Amed" instead of Diyarbakir and mentioned the local people as "Kurdish people." (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 6, 1999)
 Doctor on Trial: The Supreme Court upheld the acquittal decision issued in the trial launched against doctor Eda Guven who is in charge at the Health Center in Incirliova, Aydin. The trial against Eda Guven had been launched in connection with the medical reports certifying the torture inflicted on 6 persons, who had been taken to the Health Center by the gendarmerie. The trial had ended in her acquittal in the first hearing held on 10 March 1998. (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 6, 1999)
 Detentions, Arrests: Ahmet Turan, Mustafa Pektas and Mehmet Kutlu, who were detained in Istanbul during the May Day celebrations were remanded by Istanbul SSC on 5 May. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, May 6, 1999)
 Mayor Remanded: The trial launched against Tunceli Mayor Hasan Korkmaz (CHP), Seyfi Kiliç, the Mayor candidate for Tunceli (DYP), Celal Yasar, the Chairperson of Tunceli Chamber of Trades and Industry, Metin Cetindere, Chairperson of Tunceli Provincial Organization of the closed down Welfare Party (RP), and businessman Seyit Ali Kizilaslan, under Article 169 of the Turkish Penal Code on the accusations of "aiding the PKK and sheltering its members," continued at Malatya SSC on 6 May. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, May 7, 1999)
 Journalist on Trial: The trial launched against Tulay Kocak, the editor-in-chief of the journal "Ezilenlerin Kurtulusu Icin Isci Demokrasisi (Workerís Democracy for the Salvation of the Repressed)," on the accusations that "separatist propaganda was disseminated" in certain articles published in the journal, continued at Ankara SSC on 6 May. (Evrensel-TIHV, May 7, 1999)
 Detentions, Arrests: The police intervened in the demonstration held at Istanbul Mimar Sinan University Faculty of Science on 6 May, at the anniversary of the executions of Deniz Gezmis, Huseyin Inan and Yusuf Arslan in 1972, and detained 22 students. Out of the 7 people who were detained in Adana during the incidents that broke out in the 1 May celebrations were remanded.  (Ozgur Bakis-Evrensel-Hurriyet-TIHV, May 7, 1999)
 Torture in Detention: Kamuran Aslan, who was detained in Beytussebap, Sirnak, on 16 April and who was remanded on 26 April, was reportedly tortured in detention. (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 9, 1999)
 Prisoners on Trial: A trial was launched against 6 prisoners in connection with the incidents that broke out in Erzurum Prison on 28 October 1998 and resulted in the wounding of 26  prisoners. The trialxill start at Erzurum Penal Court of First Instance No. 2 on 3 June.î (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 10, 1999)
 Repentant Militants Convicted: The trial launched against 9 repentant militants on the demand of the death penalty for torturing to death a repentant PKK militant, Sinan Er, in the wing allocated for the repentant militants in Diyarbakir E Type Prison in 1993, ended at Diyarbakir SSC on 7 May. Mustafa Gunes, Halit Aslan and Kasim Çatak were each sentenced to 8 years 4 months in prison, whereas Ahmet Tosun, Ramazan Soylu, Aslan Asal, Yüksel Önen, Mahmut Estas and Ahmet Aslan were acquitted. (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 10, 1999)
 Pressure in Prisons: Political prisoners in Istanbul Umraniye Prison occupied the section allocated for the prison officials for about 7 hours on 7 May, on the grounds that the wings were overcrowded and when rumors went around about "transfer of some prisoners to Yakacik Prison,î which will be opened soon. The occupation ended around 21.30 without any incidents. The prisoners in Siirt Prison started to stage a hunger strike as of 4 May, on the grounds that the prisoners were searched during visits. (Cumhuriyet-Evrensel-Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 10, 1999)
 Newspaper Closed: Siirt Governorate reportedly closed the weekly newspaper Guney on 28 April on the grounds that certain news stories published in the issue of the newspaper dated 27 April ìbelittled the State.î (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 10, 1999)
 Pressure on the HADEP: A trial was launched against Ali Riza Yurtsever, a HADEP Council Member, on the accusations that he "disseminated separatist propaganda" in an article published in the issue of the daily Ulkede Gundem on 31 October 1997. The trial launched by Istanbul SSC Prosecution Office, shall commence in the forthcoming days. (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 10, 1999)
 Incidents in Malatya: In Malatya, a demonstration was held on 7 May in order to protest a circular which banned headscarved students to enter inside the buildings of Malatya Inonu University. A clash with stones and clubs arose between the demonstrators and the police, who wanted to quell the demonstration. Ten of the police officers were poised because of the gas bombs, 5 police officers and many people were injured during the incidents, and 236 people, 44 of whom are women, were detained. Twenty-eight of the detained women were remanded on 9 May, and 16 of them were released pending trial. (Cumhuriyet-Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 10, 1999)
 Iranian Citizens Killed: Seven Iranian citizens of Kurdish origin were reportedly detained and then killed by soldiers while they were going from Mirgever region in the city of Urmiye, Iran to Semdinli, Hakkari, Turkey, to sell fuel-oil. The dead bodies of the Iranians were reportedly taken by their families back to Iran and buried. (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 11, 1999)
 Closure Trial against the HADEP: The hearing of the trial launched for the closure of HADEP was held on 6 May at the Constitutional Court. In the hearing, the Court Board decided to ask from Ankara State Security Court (SSC) the indictment prepared by the Ankara SSC Prosecution Office and the testimonies of the executive members of the HADEP. The Court Board also gave time to HADEP to prepare its additional defense until 24 June. (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 11, 1999)
 Students on Trial: The trial launched against 14 students, 3 under arrest, who were detained for hanging posters on the walls of the canteen of Istanbul University Literature Faculty on 8 March Womenís Day commenced at Istanbul SSC on 10 May. The students are accused of "aiding the PKK and sheltering its members" under article 169 of the Turkish Penal Code. (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 11, 1999)
 University Student Killed: The trial launched against 20 persons in connection with the murder of Kenan Mak, who was a student at Bolu Abant Izzet Baysal University, on 3 May 1998, continued at Izmir Criminal Court No. 4 on 10 May. An imprisonment term between 24 and 30 years is sought for Soner Gökgül, who is claimed to have stabbed Mak, for "deliberate murder," and prison terms from 6 months to 6 years 6 months for the other 15 adherents of the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) for "taking part in the quarrel." (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, May 11, 1999)
 Detentions, Arrests: Sabri Ulgen, who went to Adana Kurkculer Prison in order to visit his brother Hakki Ulgen on 6 May, was detained by soldiers, whom he had a discussion with when the soldiers did not let him in the prison. Sabri Ulgen was remanded subsequently, and reportedly out in a cell for one person. (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 11, 1999)
 Suspicious Incident in Istanbul: On 10 May, the corpses of Yildirim Tas and Hasan Huseyin Mercan were found in a house in Deniz Koskler Quarter of Avcilar, Istanbul. It was claimed that the dead persons were members of the DHKP-C. (Hurriyet-TIHV, May 11, 1999)
 A student sentenced: The trial launched against some students of Cukurova University in Adana on the accusations of "aiding the PKK and making its propaganda" in connection with the press statement they made when PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan was brought to Turkey, ended at Adana SSC on 11 May. Emel Toker, who was prosecuted on remand, was fined TL 3,600,000,000, and she was released, taking into consideration the period she was kept on remand. (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 12, 1999)
 Leaflet Banned: The leaflet released by Izmir War Resistersí Association (ISKD), reproaching the NATO operation against Yugoslavia was banned by Izmir Governorate, on the grounds that "there were expressions belittling the Turkish State and it would have negative impacts on the Turkish foreign policy.î (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 12, 1999)
 Journal Office Raided: The office of the journal Atilim in Gazi Quarter of Istanbul was raided by the police on 11 May. Staff members of the journal, Derya Algin and Arif Kose, and a person whose name could not be revealed were detained during the raid. (Evrensel-TIHV, May 12, 1999)
 Trade Unionist Detained: On 11 May, the police and the gendarmerie intervened in the resistance staged by workers of Istanbul Tuzla Leather Industry Region after having been fired because of membership to a trade union. Upon this, the workers began to stage a sit-in act, but the police harassed them and detained Cemal Taskin, the Chairperson of Tuzla Branch of Deri-Is (trade union of leather workers). (Evrensel-TIHV, May 12, 1999)
 Youths Beaten by the Police: Youths named Serkan Cavuslaroglu and S. U. (17) disclosed that they were beaten at Istanbul Kucukçekmece Security Directorate after they were detained on 9 May. (Evrensel-TIHV, May 13, 1999)
 Members of the HADEP on Trial: Officials and members of HADEP) Çigli District Organization are condemned on May 12 by Izmir SSC on 12 May. Suzan Erdogan, Erdem Kiliç, Fikret Güçer, Feyyaz Yilmaz, Abdullah Yilmaz, Yetkin Alkan, Emircan Aktas, Fatma Erik, Halime Koprutas and Zeytin Kiyak were each sentenced to 3 years 9 months in prison. (Ozgur Bakis--TIHV, May 13, 1999)
 Students on Trial: The trial launched against 20 students (9 remanded) of the Aegean University on the accusations of "participating in the Newroz celebrations held in the campus on 21 March," started at Izmir SSC on 12 May. (Ozgur Bakis--TIHV, May 13, 1999)
 Incidents in Malatya: Out of the people who were detained in Malatya during the demonstration held on 7 May after the Friday prayer in order to protest a circular which banned headscarved students to enter inside the buildings of Malatya Inonu University, 168 male detainees were referred to the Court House on 12 May. Of these people, 153 were remanded. Thus, the total number of the people remanded in connection with the incidents arose to 181, as 28 women detainees had been remanded on 9 May. Meanwhile, 20 more people were reportedly detained in Malatya, including Lutfu Inan, the editor-in-chief of the local daily Malatya Gundem, and some executive members of certain associations and foundations, on charges of participating in the demonstration. (Hürriyet--TIHV, May 13, 1999)
 Human Rights Defenders on Trial: The Supreme Court overturned for the second time Istanbul Heavy Penal Court No. 4ís verdict which convicts some members of the ìWork Group for Peace,î including Sanar Yurdatapan, Ercan Kanar (IHD Istanbul Branch former Chairperson) and Münir Ceylan (Petrol-Is Trade Union former Chairperson) for ìinsulting the security officers of the stateî under Article 159 of the Turkish Penal Code. (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 14, 1999)
 Daily Banned: The State of Emergency Regional Governorate forbid the daily Ozgur Bakis to enter within the borders of the State of Emergency Region (Diyarbakir, Siirt, Sirnak, Van, Tunceli and Hakkari), starting from 7 May. The decision of banning the daily Özgür Bakis, which was first published on 18 April, was grounded on Article 11 of the State of Emergency Law. Filiz Duman, the editor-in-chief of the daily Özgür Bakis, disclosed that none of the issues of the daily were confiscated, and that their request to meet the officials from the Governorate were rejected. (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 14, 1999)
 Pressure on the HADEP: The trial launched against Eyüp Karageçi, the Chairperson of HADEP Adana Provincial Organization, on the accusations of ìviolating the Law on Electionsî under Article 298 of the Turkish Penal Code, started at Adana Penal Court of First Instance No. 3 on 13 May. Meanwhile, the trial launched against Eyüp Karageçi and Arzu Ates, a Party Assembly Member of the HADEP, and Hüseyin Beliren, HADEP Yüregir District Chairperson, on the accusations of ìdisseminating separatist propaganda,î under Article 169 of the Turkish Penal Code and Article 8 of the Anti-Terror Law, continued at Adana SSC on the same day.  (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 14, 1999)
 Actors on Trial: The re-trial of Mehmet Vahi Yazar, the writer of and one of the actors in the play ìA Godís Enemy (Bir Hak Düsmani) staged by Izmir Fetih Theater who was sentenced to 24 years in prison on the accusations of ìinsulting the army,î and 4 actors in the play, who were each sentenced to 16 years in prison, was concluded at Ankara SSC on 13 May. In the hearing, Mehmet Vahi Yazar was sentenced to 11 years in prison under Article 312 of the Turkish Penal Code, whereas Osman Yavuz, Nazmi Kar, Fuat Basarili and Zekeriya Özen were each given 5 years 6 monthsí imprisonment. The defendants were released, taking into consideration the period they served in prison. (Cumhuriyet-Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 14, 1999)
 Attack by Grey Wolves: Muammer Kalçik, who was detained in Van on 12 May in connection with an ordinary crime and who was released by the prosecution office the next day, was reportedly beaten by MHP adherents. It was reported that Muammer Kalçik, after having been released, had forcibly been taken from the Court House to the Ülkü Ocaklari (ultra-nationalist youth centers activating in line with the MHP ideology) by MHP adherents and beaten there, and that he suffered from right shoulder subluxation and nasal fracture, and two of his fingers had been broken because of the beating. Necmi Kalçik, the brother of Muammer Kalçik, said that his brother had been set free on the evening of the same day, but his ID card had been seized. (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 15, 1999)
 IHD Executive Member on Trial, Death Penalty Demand: The trial launched against 17 people, including the IHD Denizli Branch Chairperson Sevgi Yamaç and 13 of whom are on remand, on charges of ìmembership to the Revolutionary Peopleís Liberation Party-Front (DHKP-C),î continued at Izmir SSC on 14 May. (Cumhuriyet-Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 15, 1999)
 Trial on Gazi Massacre: The trial launched against 20 police officers who were established to have used their guns during the incidents which resulted in the deaths of 19 people in Gazi, Istanbul, in March 1995, continued at Trabzon Heavy Penal Court on 14 May. In the hearing, it was disclosed that the bullets, which have been missing for long, were sent to Istanbul SSC by Fatih Public Prosecution Office. Besides, bloody clothes of Reis Kopal, one of the persons killed in Gazi incidents, were presented to the court board as evidence. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, May 14, 1999)
 Journalists on Trial: Selma Isikgün, the owner of the journal Odak, was fined TL 100,000,000 in the trial that was launched at Istanbul SSC on the accusations that ìseparatist propaganda was disseminatedî in certain articles published in the journal. In the hearing on 14 May, the court board also ordered the closure of the journal Odak. (Evrensel-TIHV, May 15, 1999)
 Journalist and Writers on Trial: The trial launched against writer-journalist Haluk Gerger, Doç. Dr. Yalçin Küçük, who is in prison, Kemal Burkay, the leader of the Kurdistan Socialist Party, and Mahir Sayin and Mehmet Çanakçi in connection with their speeches broadcast on the MED TV on 19 November 1995, ended at Ankara SSC on 14 May. Yalçin Küçük was sentenced to 1 year 4 months in prison and fined TL 137,000,000 under Anti-Terror Law on the accusations of ìdisseminating separatist propaganda.î Haluk Gerger was acquitted, and the case files against Mahir Sayin, Mehmet Çanakçi and Kemal Burkay were separated. (Radikal-TIHV, May 14, 1999)
 Writer on Trial: The trial launched against Writer Hasan Basri Aydin and publisher Saban Taban on the accusations that ìreligious sentiments were belittledî in Aydinís book ìTanriya Mektuplar (Letters to God),î started at Cigli Penal Court of First Instance on 14 May. (Evrensel-TIHV, May 15, 1999)
 Play Banned: ìKomara Dinan Sermola (Cermola, Republic of the Mad),î a play in Kurdish which has been staged by Teatra Jiyana Nü, was banned by Adana and Içel Governorates. The play, which was banned under Article 8 of the Anti-Terror Law, was reportedly performed in the same provinces in April 1998 without any constraint. (Evrensel-TIHV, May 15, 1999)
 Closed Radios and TV Channels: The Radio and Television Supreme Board (RTÜK) decided the closure of Radyo Press, a local radio station in Bursa, for one month. The RTÜK also decided the closure of TV channels Kent TV and BTV (Bartin), for one day, each, and BTV, which is on cable, for 2 days. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, May 15, 1999)
 Pressure in Prisons: The hunger strike staged by Imam Çelikdemir, who is in Iskenderun Prison, is on 47th day. Çelikdemir started the hunger strike in protest of the pressure in Iskenderun E Type Prison and he demanded transfer to another prison in Bursa or Çanakkale. (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 17, 1999)
 Political Party Executives on Hunger Strike: Osman Özçelik, the Deputy Chairperson of the HADEP, disclosed that himself and 34 executive members of the HADEP began to stage a 3-day hunger strike on the demands of ìabolishment of the State of Emergency legislation, the village guard system and special teams, and a general amnesty be declared, and a new constitution be worked out.î (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 15, 1999)
 Doctor on Trial: The trial launched against Nevin Semerci, doctor in charge at the health center in Oguzlar District of Çorum, on the accusations of ìfurnishing a false medical report and negligence in forensic duty,î started at Oguzlar Penal Court of First Instance on 12 May. Doctor Semerci was put on trial in connection with a medical report she gave for a person who had been detained on charges of ìtheft.î In the trial, an imprisonment term up to 3 years in prison is sought for Doctor Semerci. (Cumhuriyet-Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 16, 1999)
 Journalist Detained: Monalya Gültekin, a reporter with the journal Alinterimiz, was reportedly detained during the strike staged at HAVAS on 16 May. The 29th issue of the journal Kurtulus was confiscated by Istanbul SSC in connection with certain articles published in the journal. (Ozgur Bakis-Evrensel-TIHV, May 17, 1999)
 Hezbollah Members on Trial: Diyarbakir SSC Prosecution Office launched a trial against 44 people on the accusations of ìbeing members of the ëIlimí wing of the radical Islamic Hezbollah organization and preparing to stage a guerilla war.î (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, May 17, 1999)
 The Week for the Disappeared Persons: The IHD Istanbul Branch started its activities for the ìWeek for the Disappeared Persons, 17-31 May,î with a press statement. The press statement, which was planned to be read out outside the IHD Istanbul Branch, was hindered by the police. A total of 543 people had gone missing since 1991, according to the information compiled by the IHD. (Evrensel-TIHV, May 17, 1999)
 RP and MGV Executives on Trial: The trial against 28 people, including executive members of the Welfare Party (RP) which was closed by the Constitutional Court, the National Youth Foundation (MGV) and the Independent Industrialists and Businessmen Association (MÜSIAD), started at Ankara SSC on 17 May. The indictment accused the defendants of ìcarrying out activities to establish a state basing on religion.î They were indicted on the demand of imprisonment terms between 7 years 6 months to 22 years 6 months under Article 146 § 3 of the Turkish Penal Code and Article 5 of the Anti-Terror Law (Cumhuriyet-Radikal-TIHV, May 18, 1999)
 Death in Prison: Oktay Yildirim, a political prisoner in Istanbul Bayrampasa Prison, was killed on 19 May. The authorities alleged that Oktay Yildirim, who had been sentenced to 12 years 6 monthsí imprisonment on charges of ìbeing a member of the Revolutionary Peopleís Liberation Party-Front (DHKP-C),î was killed by members of the DHKP-C on the grounds that ìhe would declare himself a repentant militant.î (Hürriyet-TIHV, May 20, 1999)
 Hunger Strikes in Prisons: Political prisoners in all prisons launched a 3-day alternate hunger strike ìin protest of the conditions of PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan in prison and limitation of his right to defense.î Meanwhile, political prisoners in Erzurum E Type Prison started a 3-day hunger strike on 18 May in protest of the pressure in the prison. The prisoners disclosed that their personal belongings were destroyed during the searches and the visits were arbitrarily restricted. (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 20, 1999)
 Attack by MHP Adherents: It has been reported that folk singers Dilaver Eren, Yilmaz Çelik and Erdal Erzincan sustained injuries in an armed attack by an armed group of the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) adherents who raided their house in Istanbul on 12 May. Dilaver Eren was seriously wounded in the attack and hospitalized, whereas Yilmaz Çelik and Erdal Erzincan were slightly wounded. (Evrensel-TIHV, May 20, 1999)
 Demonstration on 19 May: Students wearing headscarves demonstrated in Kadinhani District of Konya when they were not allowed to participate in the celebrations held on 19 May, on the National Festival of Remembering Atatürk, Youth and Sports. Fifteen students were detained by the police. (Milliyet-TIHV, May 20, 1999)
 Journalist Convicted: The Supreme Court upheld the 5 months 25 daysí imprisonment given to Ahmet Erdogan, the owner and the editor-in-chief of the local newspaper Üç Eylül in Dursunbey District of Balikesir, for ìinsulting former Mayor Mehmet Filizî from the Welfare Party (RP). Ahmet Erdogan was imprisoned on 20 May in order to serve for this sentence. (Hürriyet-TIHV, May 21, 1999)
 MKM Staff on Trial: The trial launched under Article 8 of the Anti-Terror Law against Hamide Yüksel, the Director of the Mesopotamian Cultural Fcneter (MKM) Izmir Branch, and Fadime Genç, a staff member of the MKM, continued at Izmir SSC on 20 May. Hamide Yüksel and Fadime Genç were released in the hearing. (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 21, 1999)
 Student Kidnapped: A high schooler named S. C., who was kidnapped in Denizli by MHP adherents, disclosed that he had been tortured by these persons. S. C. stated that he had previously been kidnapped and threatened by members of the MHP, and that he had been halted by MHP members recently, at the backyard of the stadium where he had gone to participate in the rehearsals of the 19 May National Festival of Youth and Sports. He said that these persons had carved a slogan, ìThe Nationalist movement cannot be stopped,î and the emblem of the MHP, the three crescent, on his arms and feet with a knife. (Evrensel-TIHV, May 21, 1999)
 HADEP Executive Member Detained: Hamza Omak, the Chairperson of the HADEP Central District Organization in Bingöl, Yüksel Azak, a member of the HADEP, and 4 workers, who work at the restaurants of Omak, were detained by the police in a raid against the restaurant on the evening of 19 May. The 4 workers were reportedly released later on. (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 21, 1999)
 Writer Convicted: The trial launched against poet-writer Gülsüm Cengiz, and Ahmet Ergin and Halit Keskin, the editor-in-chief and the owner of the defunct daily Emek, respectively, on the accusations that ìpeople were incited to hatred and enmityî in Cengizís article published in Emek on 21 March 1998, ended at Istanbul SSC on 21 May. In the trial, Gülsüm Cengiz was sentenced to 2 yearsí imprisonment under Article 312 of the Turkish Penal Code, but the sentence passed on her was reprieved for 5 years. In the trial, Ahmet Ergin was fined to TL 590,000,000 and Halit Keskin TL 680,000,000. (Evrensel-TIHV, May 22, 1999)
 Doctor and Lawyer on Trial: The prosecution of Zeki Rüzgar, one of the lawyers of the Peopleís Law Office, Cumhur Akpinar, a doctor in charge at Forensic Medicine Institute and a former executive member of Ankara Medical Chamber, Ayse Betül Gökoglu, the Chairperson of the Association for Solidarity with the Relatives of Arrested Prisoners and for Human Rights (TAYAD), and Ali Ercan Gökoglu continued at Ankara SSC on May 20. (Evrensel-TIHV, May 22, 1999)
 Sivas Massacre Trial: The trial launched in connection with the killing of 37 people in Sivas on 2 July 1993, continued at Ankara SSC on 21 May. In the hearing, it was disclosed that Haydar Sahin, one of the defendants arrested in absentia, was captured in Erzurum. Besides, the court board decided to issue arrest warrants in absentia against Mustafa Töre and Engin Durna, who were prosecuted without arrest, for not attending to trial in order to give their comment on the ruling by the Supreme Court. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, May 22, 1999)
 Trial against Demonstrators: The prosecution of 57 people, who were remanded in Malatya during the demonstration held in protest of a circular which banned headscarved students to enter inside the buildings of Malatya Inönü University, started at Malatya Penal Court of First Instance No. 2 on 21 May. (Zaman-TIHV, May 22, 1999)
 Refugees Killed: On 19 May, soldiers opened fire on a group of about 45 people, who attempted to trespass the Turkish border in the region between Baskale and Saray districts of Van. Nine persons were killed in the incident, whereas 5 persons were wounded. The group reportedly consisted of Iranian and Iraqi citizens of Kurdish origin who wanted to enter Turkey. (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 22-23, 1999)
 Lawyer on Trial: Istanbul SSC Prosecution Office launched a trial against Lawyer Niyazi Bulgan, one of the lawyers who has undertaken the defense of PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan, and Sibel Ceylan, a Belgian citizen who works as a translator with the Centuryís Legal Bureau (Asrin Hukuk Bürosu), on the accusations that ìthey attempted to take abroad the documents on Öcalan trial.î Sibel Ceylan was reportedly detained at Istanbul Atatürk Airport on 15 May, and the indictment against Abdullah Öcalan, certain documents, films and video cassettes were found on her. Sibel Ceylan reportedly said that she had obtained the documents and films from Lawyer Niyazi Bulgan. Thereupon, the testimony of Lawyer Bulgan was received. In his testimony, Lawyer Bulgan reportedly declared that he had given the documents and films in order to be delivered to the lawyers of Öcalan in Europe. Sibel Ceylan was remanded when she was referred to the court on 17 May, and she was put in Ümraniye Prison. Istanbul SSC Prosecution Office launched a trial against Bulgan and Ceylan on the demand of imprisonment terms between 4 years 6 months and 7 years 6 months on the accusations of ìaiding the PKK.î (Sabah-TIHV, May 25, 1999)
 Former MPs and Singers on Trial: The trial launched against former Democracy Party (DEP) MPs, who had sent messages to the Peopleís Democracy Party (HADEP) Ankara Provincial Organizationís congress that was held on 4 October 1998 continued at Ankara SSC on 24 May. Members of the MKM Music Band, Hasan Kocadag, Nurcan Degirmenci, Sengül Pak, Hidir Çelik and Arife Düzdar, and Sinan Ugur, the reporter of the congress, against whom arrest  warrants in absentia had been issued, attended the hearing. (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 25, 1999)
 Journalists Convicted: The trial launched on the accusations that ìseparatist propaganda was disseminatedî in certain articles published in the issue of the defunct daily Emek dated 11 July 1998, ended at Istanbul SSC on 25 May. In the trial, Halit Keskin, the owner of the daily, was given a fine of TL 237,075,0000, and Ahmet Ergin, the editor-in-chief of the same, was sentenced to 5 monthsí imprisonment and given a fine of TL 118,037,000. The imprisonment given to Ergin was commuted into a fine. The SSC also ordered the closure of the daily Emek for 10 days. (Evrensel-TIHV, May 26, 1999)
 Journalists and Students on Trial: The trial launched against 30 people, including journalist Abdurrahman Dilipak, Ekrem Kiziltas, the editor-in-chief of the daily Milli Gazete, and Ahmet Tasgetiren, a writer with the daily Yeni Safak, and Adem Albayrak, in connection with the rally "All Turkey Hand to Hand for Respect to Belief and Freedom to Thoughtî that was held on 11 October 1998 in protest of the ban on wearing headscarves at universities, continued at Istanbul SSC On 25 May. (Milliyet-TIHV, May 26, 1999)
 Radical Islamists on Trial: The trial launched against 29 people, 14 of whom are on remand, on the accusations of ìbeing members of a radical Islamic ëAnatolian Federated Islamic Stateí (AFID),î continued at Istanbul SSC On 25 May. The journalists were not allowed to take photographs in the hearing. Some of the defendants who are prosecuted without arrest, harassed some lawyers and journalists after the hearing. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, May 26, 1999)
 Political Party Executive Released: Feridun Yazar, a HADEP Assembly member and former Chairperson of the closed down Peopleís Labor Party (HEP), was released from Suruç Prison on 25 May on the completion of 1 yearís imprisonment, with remission. (Sabah-TIHV, May 26, 1999)
 HADEP Members on Trial: The trial launched against 47 executive members of the Peopleís Democracy Party (HADEP), including HADEP Chairperson Murat Bozlak, in connection with the hunger strikes staged at HADEP offices during the period when PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan was in Italy, continued at Ankara SSC on 25 May. Meanwhile, the trial launched against 20 people, including HADEP Aydin Provincial Chairperson Ibrahim Alçiçek and some executive members of the HADEP, in connection with the hunger strike staged in support of Öcalan, continued at Izmir SSC on 26 May. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, May 27, 1999)
 Journalist Remanded: Fatma Sesli, a staff member of the journal Kizil Bayrak who was detained in the police raid against her house, was remanded by Adana SSC where she was referred to on 24 May, in connection with the sentence of 3 monthsí imprisonment and the fine of TL 40,000,00 that she received previously. Sesli is put in Kürkçüler Prison. (Evrensel-TIHV, May 27, 1999)
 Attacks against the Press: Adana Office of the journal Alinterimiz was reportedly raided by the police on 25 May. Certain issues of the journal and some posters were seized during the raid. Emin Duman, one of the vendors with the daily Özgür Bakis office in Ceyhan, Adana, disclosed that he had been threatened to death by the police. Emin Duman lodged an official complaint with Ceyhan Public Prosecution Office against the police officers who had threatened him. (Ozgur Bakis-Evrensel-TIHV, May 27, 1999)
 Journalists on Trial: The trial launched against reporters with Malatya Office of the closed down daily Ülkede Gündem, Ayse Oyman, Ali Kemal Sel and Eylem Kaplan, under Article 169 of the Turkish Penal Code on the accusations of ìaiding the illegal organization,î and under Article 8 of the Anti-Terror Law on the accusations of ìdisseminating separatist propaganda,î ended at Malatya SSC on 27 May. In the trial, Ali Kemal Sel, Ayse Oyman and Eylem Kaplan were each sentenced to 3 years 9 months in prison under Article 169 of the Turkish Penal Code. The 3 journalists were released by the court, taking into consideration the period they served in prison. (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 28, 1999)
 Mayor on Trial: The trial launched against Tunceli Mayor Hasan Korkmaz (CHP), Seyfi Kiliç, the Mayor candidate for Tunceli (DYP), Celal Yasar, the Chairperson of Tunceli Chamber of Trades and Industry, Metin Çetindere, Chairperson of Tunceli Provincial Organization of the closed down Welfare Party (RP), and businessman Seyit Ali Kizilaslan, under Article 169 of the Turkish Penal Code on the accusations of ìaiding the PKK and sheltering its members,î continued at Malatya SSC on 27 May. (Evrensel-TIHV, May 28, 1999)
 IHD Rally Banned: The rally scheduled for 30 May in Ankara by the IHD within the framework of the IHD campaign for freedom to thought, was banned in line with a circular issued by the Ministry of Interior Affairs. Ankara Governorate and the Security General Directorate allowed the meeting of ìFreedom to Thought,î but the meeting was reportedly postponed for 2 months, in line with the circular issued by the Ministry of Interior Affairs, which bans all meetings and demonstrations in Turkey prior to the trial of PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan, which shall commence on 31 May. (TIHV, May 28, 1999)
 Incident in the University: On 27 May, students adhering the MHP attacked on the left-wing students at Ankara University Faculty of Statistics, History and Geography with clubs. The incidents started at the History Department of the school, and spread with the participation of students from other departments. In the attack by the MHP adherents, students named Aydin Kivrak, Serife Aslan, Didem Eras, Murat Önür and Aytekin Akar were wounded. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, May 28, 1999)
 Confiscated Journal: Antep Penal Court of Peace No. 3 decided the confiscation of 15th and 16th issues of the journal Firatíin Sesi published in Antep under Article 312 of the Turkish Penal Court, on the grounds that ìpeople were incited into enmityî in certain articles. (Evrensel-TIHV, May 29, 1999)
 Child Killed by Village Guards: A child named Berivan Bilen (10) was killed in the fire launched by village guards, who were standing guard around a gas station in the vicinity of Yanikkaya Village of Kozluk, Batman, on 29 May. (Ozgur Bakis-TIHV, May 30, 1999)
 Incidents at Universities: Mustafa Karakus and Tuncay Nuralis, students at Kastamonu Faculty of Education, were beaten by some MHP adherents who came to the Student Dormitory of Credit and Dormitory Institution on 27 May. Tuncay Nuralis was reportedly detained after the incident and Mustafa Karakus was taken to hospital. On 28 May, radical Islamist students attacked on the leftist students at Istanbul Marmara University Beykoz Campus. (Evrensel-TIHV, May 29, 1999)
 Trial on Killing of Abdi Ipekçi: Oral Çelik, a prominent figure among the ultra-nationalists who has been on trial in connection with the killing of Abdi Ipekçi, the editor-in-chief of the daily Milliyet, on 1 February 1978, was acquitted in the hearing held at Istanbul Heavy Penal Court No. 4 on 28 May. The decision was taken on the grounds that ìthere were no concrete and convincing evidence to indicate that the defendant had organized and personally participated in the murder.î (Evrensel-TIHV, May 30, 1999)
 Mazlum Der Malatya Branch Closed: Malatya Branch of the Mazlum Der (Association for Human Rights and Solidarity with Oppressed People) was closed down. Malatya Governorate decided to close the Branch until the trial launched on the demand of the closure of the Branch ended, and this decision was approved by Malatya Penal Court of First Instance No. 2. Subsequently, Malatya Branch of the Mazlum Der was sealed by the police on 28 May. (TIHV, May 30, 1999)
 Incidents in Universities: Pursuant to the attack of MHP adherent students on leftist students at Ankara University Faculty of Linguistics, History and Geography on 27 May, incidents arose again on 28 May. In the morning of 28 May, two MHP adherent students, who had participated in the attack on 27 May, were beaten by a group of students. Around noon, Ertugrul Düz, the student who is among the leaders of the MHP in the university, and a group of MHP adherent students walked over the leftist students with knives in the hand. In the aftermath, the police in the university detained the leftist students under beating. (Cumhuriyet-Evrensel-TIHV, May 29-30, 1999)
 Teachers Arrested: Ebubekir Yildirim, Hurettin Kart and Hülya Buzlu, teachers of a high school in Solhan, Bingöl, and 27 students were detained on 24 May. While the students were released on the same day the teachers were arrested on 28 May on the claims of ìaiding the PKK.î (Özgür Bakis-TIHV, May 31, 1999)
 Death Penalty Demand: Malatya SSC Prosecution Office launched a trial against 75 people (43 on remand) in connection with the demonstration held on 7 May in protest of a circular which banned headscarved students to enter inside the buildings of Malatya Inönü University. In the indictment, the death penalty was sought for 51 of the defendants under Article 146 of the Turkish Penal Code, which is on the offense of ìattempting to change the constitutional order by using force,î and imprisonment terms between 5 and 15 years for 24 defendants. (Milliyet-TIHV, May 31, 1999)
 Journalist Convicted: Ahmet Ergin, the editor-in-chief of the defunct daily Emek, was sentenced to 6 monthsí imprisonment and fined TL 135,712,500 in the trial launched in connection with certain articles in the issue of the daily dated 5 December 1997. The accusations against Kamil Tekin Sürek, one of the columnists with the Emek, were dropped because of ì6-month prescription.î In the trial that ended at Istanbul SSC on 31 May, Halit Keskin, the owner of the daily, was given a fine of TL 260,685,000. The SSC also ordered the closure of the daily Emek for one month. (Evrensel-TIHV, May 31, 1999)
 Detentions, Arrests: The persons named Devrim Turan, Aziz Dönmez and Erdal Bektas, and the journal Kurtulus reporter Aynur Siz, who were detained in Tokat on the claims of ìbeing members of the Revolutionary Peopleís Liberation Party-Front (DHKP-C),î were remanded on 31 May. (Evrensel-TIHV, May 31, 1999)

 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 

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