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 Chief Editor /Rédacteur en chef: Dogan Özgüden - Responsible editor/Editrice responsable: Inci Tugsavul


Earlier bulletins / Bulletins précédents

26e Année - N°284

Avril / April 2002

Alors que son gouvernement rejette catégoriquement toute allusion
au "génocide arménien" perpétré en 1915 sous l'Empire ottoman

Ecevit accuse Israël
de "génocide palestinien"


Toutefois, il a immédiatement dû faire un recul sans précédent à cause des réactions des militaires qui sont en collaboration étroite avec l'Armée d'Israël et du lobby juif aux Etats-Unis qui a empêché jusqu'ici la reconnaissance du "génocide arménien" par Washington
LE TERRORISME DE L'ETAT / STATE TERRORISM PRESSIONS SUR LES MEDIAS / PRESSURE ON THE MEDIA QUESTION KURDE / KURDISH QUESTION POLITIQUE INTERIEURE / INTERIOR POLICY FORCES ARMEES / ARMED FORCES AFFAIRES RELIGIEUSES / RELIGIOUS AFFAIRS SOCIO-ECONOMIQUE / SOCIO-ECONOMIC RELATIONS AVEC L'OUEST / RELATIONS WITH THE WEST RELATIONS REGIONALES / REGIONAL RELATIONS


Ecevit accuse Israël de "génocide palestinien"

Le Premier ministre turc Bulent Ecevit a dressé le 4 avril un réquisitoire en règle contre Israël, l'accusant de perpétrer un "génocide" contre les Palestiniens, dans une déclaration d'une sévérité inédite venant d'un dirigeant turc pour son principal allié dans la région.

"Un génocide est perpétré contre les Palestiniens devant les yeux du monde entier", a déclaré M. Ecevit, cité par l'agence semi-officielle Anatolie, devant le groupe parlementaire de son parti de la Gauche démocratique (DSP). "Ce n'est pas seulement (le président de l'Autorité palestinienne) Yasser Arafat, mais aussi l'Etat palestinien, qui sont détruits pas à pas", Ecevit a ajouté lors de sa même intervention.

L'emploi du mot "génocide" par M. Ecevit est d'autant plus remarquable que la Turquie le manie généralement avec prudence, dès lors qu'elle le rejette catégoriquement pour qualifier les massacres perpétrés en 1915 sous l'Empire ottoman envers les Arméniens et qui ont fait 300 à 500.000 morts selon elle, 1,5 million selon les Arméniens.

D'ailleurs, on affirme souvent que les autres peuples anatoliens, notamment les Assyriens, les Grecs et les Kurdes, auraient eux aussi subi les opérations exterminatrices par les autorités turques ottomanes ou républicaines.

Toutefois, suite aux réactions des militaires qui sont en collaboration étroite avec l'Armée d'Israël et du lobby juif qui a empêché jusqu'ici la reconnaissance du "génocide arménien" par Washington, Ecevit a dû faire le 5 avril un recul sans précédent. Lors d'une conférence de presse avec son homologue danois Anders Fogh Rasmussen, Ecevit a affirmé qu'en accusant Israël de "génocide" envers les Palestiniens, il visait à exprimer le malaise de la Turquie face à l'offensive militaire israélienne. "Nous attachons une grande importance à nos relations avec Israël", a souligné Ecevit.

En effet, si le génocide arménien n'est pas encore reconnu comme un fait historique par plusieurs pays occidentaux, notamment par les Etats-Unis, c'est Grâce aux efforts du lobby juif et de l'Etat d'Israël qui oeuvraient depuis des décennies pour défendre la position négationniste d'Ankara.

Tout récemment, Israël avait réaffirmé sa position sur l'unicité de la Shoa en refusant d'employer le terme de génocide pour la "tragédie" vécu par le peuple arménien en 1915. Début février, l'Ambassadrice d'Israël en Arménie, Rivka Cohen, avait affirmé que "s'agissant de l'extermination planifiée d'une nation tout entière, l'holocauste est un événement unique et en ce sens rien ne peut lui être comparé." Tout en faisant part de la tristesse du peuple et du gouvernement israélien pour la "tragédie de 1915", l'Ambassadrice avait indiqué qu'"aucun parallèle ne pouvait être établi" entre ces événements et l'holocauste.

Qui plus est, en réponse à la réaction du ministère des affaires étrangères d'Arménie, le ministère des affaires étrangères d'Israël a confirmé la position officielle de l'Etat d'Israël: "Israël reconnaît les évènements tragiques dont furent victimes les Arméniens en 1915. Néanmoins, ces évènements ne peuvent être comparés à un génocide."

La revue arménienne Haiastan, dans son numéro de mars 2002, réagit en ces termes: "On peut croire que ce négationnisme n'est qu'une façade, et que les hommes politiques israéliens subissent, bon gré mal gré, le chantage de leurs alliés turcs. Ces déclarations insultantes d'Israël à l'égard de la mémoire collective arménienne seraient donc sans doute dictées mot par mot par l'Etat turc, toujours très habile lorsqu'il s'agit de manipulations diplomatiques."

Les médias pro-gouvernementaux ainsi que les milieux ultranationalistes turcs sont forts inquiets des impacts négatifs des déclarations d'Ecevit. Ils expriment l'inquiétude que le lobby juif aux Etats-Unis, en colère à cause des déclarations d'Ecevit, se désolidarisera d'Ankara et ne défendra plus la position négationniste, surtout pendant que l'anniversaire de la tragédie du 24 avril 1915 s'approche.

La Turquie, pays musulman mais à l'Etat laïque, est le principal allié régional d'Israël depuis 1996, date de la signature d'un accord de coopération militaire qui a soulevé la colère de la plupart des pays arabes et de l'Iran.

Ils sont liés par un accord de coopération militaire depuis 1996 dénoncé par la plupart des pays arabes et l'Iran. Depuis, les deux pays sont de plus en plus engagés dans des manoeuvres aériennes et navales et ont élargi le champs d'action de leur alliance aux domaines culturels et économiques. Ils négocient aussi un important contrat de fourniture d'eau potable à Israël.

La Turquie, avec la plus grande armée en nombre au sein de l'OTAN après celle des Etats-Unis, son plus important fournisseur d'armes et allié stratégique, entend dépenser quelque 150 milliards de dollars sur les trente prochaines années pour moderniser son système de défense.

La Turquie avait décidé le 8 mars dernier de confier la modernisation de 170 chars M-60 de fabrication américaine à la compagnie publique israélienne Israeli Military Industries (IMI) pour un montant de 668 millions de dollars, a annoncé vendredi le Premier ministre turc Bulent Ecevit. Or, en raison de difficultés économiques dues à une grave crise qui a éclaté en février 2001, elle avait repoussé sine die plusieurs projets, dont l'achat d'un millier de chars d'assaut pour un montant de quelque 7 milliards de dollars, dans lequel 4 firmes étaient en lice: Krauss-Maffei (Allemagne) General Dynamics (Etats-Unis), GIAT (France) et Ukrspetseksport (Ukraine).

Malgré les critiques des partis d'opposition, M. Ecevit a exclu l'annulation du projet de modernisation de 170 chars confié à la compagnie israélienne. Et le vice-Premier ministre turc Mesut Yilmaz a relevé le 3 avril que "la Turquie ne peut jeter ses relations et l'avenir de ses liens avec Israël à la poubelle".
 

Premier Ecevit apologizes to Jewish people

Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit apologized to the Jewish people for the third time for his statement, which described Israel's actions in Palestine as "genocide."

Turkey's Embassy in Washington issued a written statement called, "Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit's response to certain reactions in the United States." Ecevit said in the statement that he was sorry about the misunderstanding of his statement, adding that he and the Turkish government were closely monitoring the tragic developments in the Middle East. "My interest and determination in the perseverance of the peace process will continue," he added.

"I told both parties that Turkey was ready to help many times in recent days. Turkey has always been a friend to both Israel and Palestine. Turkey's balanced approach has remained unchanged for years. This approach also reflects the Turkish nation's will and the expectation for peace in the Middle East at the same time," Ecevit stressed in the statement.

Ecevit noted that a single word he had used in one of his statements had caused astonishment among Turkey's Jewish-American and Israeli friends, adding that he well understood the reactions and the feelings of the Jewish people, who had suffered greatly during World War II. "My intention was not to offend Jewish society. The extremely worrisome violence staged on innocent people from both sides made me to use that word (genocide) in order to underline the importance of the situation. I am very sorry for the misunderstanding that it caused," he added.

Jewish institutions announced that they were disappointed by Ecevit's statement, which described Israel's actions as genocide. The representatives of these institutions later visited Turkey's Ambassador in Washington, Faruk Logoglu. (Turkish Daily News, April 17, 2002)
 

2.000 Arméniens brûlent des drapeaux turcs ornés de l'étoile de David

Environ 2.000 jeunes Arméniens ont défilé mardi dans Erevan à la veille de la commémoration du génocide de 1915, brûlant des drapeaux turcs sur lesquels avaient été accrochés des étoiles de David et accusant Israël de commettre un nouveau génocide contre les Palestiniens.

Le défilé, organisé par l'organisation étudiante du parti arménien Dachnaktsoutioun, a commencé Place de la Liberté au centre d'Erevan où a été brûlé un premier drapeau turc.

Un second drapeau a été brûlé face à l'ambassade américaine, puis un troisième devant le monument aux victimes du génocide de 1915, situé sur une hauteur d'Erevan.

"Nous condamnons Israël pour sa politique menée contre le peuple palestinien", a déclaré un des organisateurs de la manifestation, Areg Savgalian.

"Le peuple israélien, qui a vécu lui-même l'holocauste, mène maintenant un génocide contre le peuple palestinien, tout en refusant de reconnaître le génocide du peuple arménien", a-t-il ajouté.

Il a également fustigé "le pouvoir turc qui est incapable de reconnaître le génocide du peuple arménien", empêchant toute normalisation des relations entre les deux pays.

Les manifestants ont également réclamé la reconnaissance du génocide par le gouvernement américain, et ont adopté un appel lancé à 30 pays pour "tirer les leçons du passé au nom de l'avenir". (AFP, 23 avril 2002)
 

8.000 Arméniens manifestent à Téhéran contre la Turquie et Israël

Quelque 8.000 Arméniens ont manifesté mercredi à Téhéran pour commémorer le génocide de 1915, scandant des slogans contre la Turquie, mais aussi contre Israël, a constaté un journaliste de l'AFP.

"Pays du monde, reconnaissez le génocide", "A bas le gouvernement fasciste turc", "Palestine vaincra, Israël sera vaincu", scandaient les manifestants, emmenés depuis la cathédrale Saint-Sarkis par l'archevèque arménien de Téhéran Mgr Sabou Sarkissian, de nombreux prêtres et des personnalités arméniennes. Le rassemblement a pris fin devant le siège de l'ONU à Téhéran.

"Ceux qui oublient le passé, sont ceux qui peuvent le rééditer", arboraient de nombreux jeunes manifestants sur leurs T-shirts.

Les manifestants, dans un communiqué, ont demandé la reconnaissance et la condamnation du "fait indéniable du génocide", notamment par le Parlement iranien. Le texte demande aussi à l'Union européenne de "rejeter" la demande d'adhésion de la Turquie.

Il condamne en outre "les tueries massives de Palestiniens par le gouvernement sioniste fasciste", et demande la protection des Palestiniens par l'ONU.

Les massacres et déportations d'Arméniens sous l'empire ottoman, de 1915 à 1917, ont fait 1,5 million de morts selon les Arméniens, entre 300 et 500.000 selon les Turcs.

La Turquie rejette catégoriquement la thèse d'un génocide, parlant d'une répression contre les Arméniens dont certains s'étaient alliés avec l'ennemi russe en pleine Première Guerre mondiale.

L'Iran compte quelque 200.000 arméniens, en majorité de rite grégorien, la plupart y étant implantés depuis des siècles, mais beaucoup étant venus aussi depuis le génocide. (AFP, 24 avril 2002)
 

L'Arménie commémore les victimes du génocide de 1915

L'Arménie a commémoré mercredi les victimes du génocide perpétré sous l'Empire Ottoman de 1915 à 1917, le président Robert Kotcharian réclamant "la condamnation de ce crime contre l'humanité" par l'ensemble de la communauté internationale.

"Le peuple arménien, vivant dans sa patrie ou éparpillé dans le monde entier, continue d'attendre la reconnaissance et la condamnation de ce crime contre l'humanité", a déclaré M. Kotcharian, selon un communiqué diffusé par la présidence arménienne.

"Il ne s'agit pas d'une vengeance, mais d'une volonté d'éviter que cela se reproduise", a ajouté M. Kotcharian qui a déposé dans la matinée une gerbe au monument érigé à la mémoire des victimes, sur la colline Tsitsernakaberd.

Par ailleurs, à 82 ans, le peintre français d'origine arménienne Jansem, de son vrai nom Jean Semerdjian, est venu à Erevan offrir mercredi au musée du Génocide 34 de ses toiles consacrées à ce sujet et peintes d'après les descriptions de ses parents. (AFP, 24 avril 2002)
 

Bush appelle la Turquie à normaliser ses relations avec l'Arménie

Le président américain George W. Bush a exprimé l'espoir mercredi que la Turquie transcende le passé et normalise ses relations avec l'Arménie, en rappelant les victimes du génocide arménien perpétré de 1915 à 1917 sous l'Empire Otoman.

Le président a, dans un communiqué, appelé le monde à tirer les leçons de cette "affreuse tragédie" que la haine se nourrit de la diabolisation de tiers.

"Transcender cette tendance empoisonnée requiert une introspection douloureuse du passé et une déterminatioon éclairée pour forcer un nouvel avenir fondé sur la vérité et la réconciliation. Dans cet esprit, j'espère que la Turquie restaurera ses liens économiques, politiques et culturels avec l'Arménie", a déclaré M. Bush dans ce communiqué publié lors d'un déplacement présidentiel à Sioux Falls, dans le Dakota du Sud (Nord).

M. Bush a par ailleurs affirmé la solidarité des Américains avec les Arméniens et rappelé l'appui apporté par le gouvernement d'Erevan aux Etats-Unis dans la guerre contre le terrorisme.

Il a affirmé que les Etats-Unis renforceraient leur coopération en matière de sécurité avec l'Arménie et ses voisins, "pour combattre la terreur et rechercher un règlement juste et durable dans le conflit du Nagorny-Karabakh qui renforcera la paix et la stabilité dans le Caucase". (AFP, 24 avril 2002)
 

Manifestation à Londres pour commémorer le génocide arménien

Près de 1.000 personnes ont manifesté samedi dans le centre de Londres pour commémorer le 87ème anniversaire du début du génocide des Arméniens sous l'Empire ottoman, a indiqué la police.

Hratche Koundarjian, responsable de la communication du groupe pour la Campagne de reconnaissance du génocide arménien (CRAG), qui participait à la commémoration, a déclaré : "Si nous marchons pendant deux heures et que nous avons mal aux pieds, nous pouvons juste commencer à nous faire une idée de ce que c'est que de marcher vers sa propre mort".

La manifestation s'est terminée devant le Cénotaphe de la capitale. (AFP, 27 avril 2002)
 

Ethnic Roots May Be at the Bottom of Hoteliers' Woes

Nestled beneath snowcapped mountains along the border with Iran, this area wrapped around a vast lake and brimming with archeological treasures is among Turkey's best-kept secrets. So why not open a hotel here for adventurous travelers, tour operator Victor Bedoian from Arizona wondered during a visit in 1998.

After several years of meticulous planning and plenty of encouragement from the Turkish government, Bedoian did just that in March 2001. Two months later, police in Van told Bedoian and his wife, Kristy, that the couple could not operate the hotel.

"There's only one reason," said Bedoian during a recent interview here. "It's because I'm an ethnic Armenian." He's probably right. Muslim Turks and Christian Armenians remain bitterly divided, much of the anger traced back to the slaughter of hundreds of thousands of Armenians in eastern Turkey around the time of World War I. Turkey denies charges of genocide and says many of the dead fell victim to starvation and exposure while fleeing wartime fighting.

The neighboring nation of Armenia's refusal to recognize its existing borders with Turkey also feeds the anger, as does Armenia's occupation of territory claimed by this nation's closest regional ally, Azerbaijan.

Here in Van, where some of history's bloodier clashes between Turks and ethnic Armenians took place, some residents still fear that Armenians who fled will one day return to reclaim their lost property.

The local branch of the Nationalist Action Party is at the forefront of a campaign to portray Bedoian as an Armenian agent whose "sinister agenda," according to local party boss Coskun Tatar, is to sow the seeds of "a greater Armenia" in Van by buying property in Van province.

Media reports have accused Kristy Bedoian of links with ethnic Kurdish rebels who long fought Turkish troops in the region.

"We are not against foreign investment; that would be really stupid," said Feyat Erdemir, a spokesman for the ultranationalist party. "But this man has different intentions, he is a mischief-maker."

Yet, when Victor Bedoian first approached Turkish officials in 1999 about the possibility of investing here--together with 10 American partners, none of them ethnic Armenians--"they promised us the moon," he said. Operating licenses, work permits, all were swiftly issued amid smiles and piping hot glasses of tea.

"Having an Armenian freely operating here would have been a great propaganda tool for Turkey," noted Kaan Soyak, co-chairman of the Turkish-Armenian Business Development Council, which is seeking to promote trade and cultural exchanges between the two ethnic groups. "They blew it."

In May 2000, the couple opened a carpet showroom in Van to "test the waters" and made national television headlines as the first foreigners to invest in the largely Kurdish-populated region. "People were really thrilled to have Americans here, they knew we would help the local economy," said Kristy Bedoian, 49.

Her husband said it was only after he bought the hotel, paying $700,000, that his troubles began.

Police began to visit the premises repeatedly, demanding to see the couple's papers and grilling Victor Bedoian about his ancestry. Employees were threatened and asked why they were "working for those Armenians." Pressures escalated last May when Bedoian was informed that his residency application had been rejected and he was no longer authorized to do business in Turkey. As a result, all of his other permits were rendered invalid.

The couple could get no further explanation from officials. Rumors were rife in Van that the provincial governor was opposed to their presence because of Bedoian's Armenian roots. Fearing official reprisal, friends began to stay away from the hotel.

Last July, police entered the hotel and kicked out a group of foreign tourists who were trying to check in. In November, while the Bedoians were in the United States, police evicted employees and sealed the hotel's doors.

When pressed for an explanation, Gov. Durmus Koc declined to comment. A senior Turkish official who requested anonymity said the Bedoians' case did not "reflect Turkey's national policy" and was a "local problem."

During an official visit to Turkey in December, Secretary of State Colin L. Powell pressed national leaders to resolve the issue. A senior U.S. official familiar with the case terms the treatment of the Bedoians "outrageous."

"All it does is scare away foreign investors and tarnish Turkey's reputation, which admittedly isn't that great anyway," said the official, who asked not to be identified.

However, further prodding from the Bush administration has yielded no results, and U.S. officials say there is little else they can do.

Bedoian disagrees.

"If America wanted to fix this problem, it could do so right now," said Bedoian, 48. "We are facing systematic persecution by the Turkish state, and the American government, our local senators and representatives have all abandoned us."

Privately, many Turkish and U.S. officials argue that the hotel's name--Vartan, the Armenian word for victory--lies at the root of Bedoian's woes.

"It's like waving a red rag at a bull," said Haydar Celik, the hotel's 26-year-old Turkish manager. "Local sensitivities have been inflamed."

Bedoian said he named the hotel after his only son and had no political agenda. "That stuff happened nearly a hundred years ago," he said of the widespread Armenian deaths. "It's time to move on, the accusations are insane."

Born in the Astoria neighborhood of Queens, New York, Bedoian is a second-generation American. His grandmother was spirited out of central Turkey during the wartime violence by Turkish neighbors after her family "disappeared," as he puts it.

Bedoian hardly fits the stereotype of the revenge-seeking nationalist. Describing himself as "an ex-bum until I discovered Christianity," he defied family pressure to marry "a nice Armenian girl" and instead chose Kristy, a Scottish American from Alaska. They opened a travel agency in Wickenburg, Ariz.

When the couple first decided to set up a business here they had no inkling of the troubles that lay ahead.

"It made perfect sense at the time," Victor Bedoian recalled. "It was a ground-level opportunity to bring in American tourists for cultural tours."

Bedoian has launched four lawsuits against the governor and government agencies over what the couple says is the illegal revocation of the hotel's licenses and denial of his residency. Hearing dates have not been set for the cases. The couple has vowed to keep returning on tourist visas until justice is done.

"The irony is that Armenians back home kept calling us traitors, warning us that it would all go horribly wrong," said Kristy Bedoian. "Sadly, they proved to be right in the end."(Amberin Zaman, Los Angeles Times, April 8, 2002)

Annulation de la fermeture pour un jour d'une radio chrétienne

Un tribunal d'Ankara a annulé la décision de suspendre pour un jour une chaîne de radio privée religieuse, estimant que les programmes pour lesquels elle était sanctionnée ne relevaient pas de la "propagation du christianisme" en Turquie, pays à 99% musulman, a indiqué jeudi à l'AFP le directeur de la radio, Ismail Serinken.

Une cour administrative d'Ankara saisi par un recours déposé par la chaîne a décidé qu'il n'y avait pas lieu de la suspendre le 25 avril comme l'avait décidé le mois dernier le Haut Conseil de l'audiovisuel turc (RTUK).

"Dans les programmes en question, il n'y pas de propagation du christianisme et pas de mention de caractère à détériorer la liberté de conscience", souligne la décision de la cour, obtenue par l'AFP.

"Nous sommes très contents, nous savions que la justice nous donnerait raison", a commenté M. Serinken.

C'est la première fois que le RTUK avait décidé de suspendre une radio privée chrétienne.

Shema radio, première radio chrétienne d'Ankara lancée en octobre dernier, dépend de l'Eglise protestante Kurtulus (le Salut en turc) qui compte quelque 500 fidèles, pour la plupart Turcs.

Elle diffuse des programmes sur la Bible et la vie du Christ mais aussi des chansons et des émissions axées sur la philosophie et l'environnement.

Depuis sa création en 1994, le RTUK, organe controversé, a déjà suspendu pendant des laps de temps divers plus de 500 chaînes de radio et de télévision, notamment islamistes et kurdes, selon les chiffres officiels. (AFP, 11 avril 2002)
 

LE TERRORISME DE L'ETAT / STATE TERRORISM

IHD Report: Human Rights Violations by the regime in 2001

The Human Rights Association of Turkey (IHD) has recently issued the following balance sheet of human rights violations in Turkey for 2001:

Violations against the right to life and security of person


Prisons
 


Violations against the working population


Violations against the freedom of thought and organisation

La 90e mort dans la résistance des prisonniers politiques

La grève de la faim contre la réforme des prisons turques a fait une 90e victime le lundi 1er avril, avec le décès à l'hôpital à Istanbul d'une prisonnière d'extrême gauche. Meryem Altun, 26 ans, est décédée au 301e jour de son jeûne.

La détenue était jugée pour appartenance au groupe clandestin de gauche Front-Parti de libération du peuple révolutionnaire (DHKP-C). Détenue à la prison de haute sécurité de Kartal, elle avait été hospitalisée pour être traitée mais n'avait pas pour autant abandonné le mouvement.

La grève a été lancée en octobre 2000 par un millier de prisonniers politiques de gauche pour protester contre l'entrée en service de prisons dites "de type F" où des cellules pour 1 ou 3 détenus remplacent le système des vastes dortoirs. Ils estiment que ce régime d'isolement les expose aux mauvais traitements et les désocialise.

La résistance des prisonniers politique s'est soldée par la mort de 50 détenus ou leurs proches décédés des suites de leur privation.

En décembre 2000, un assaut des forces de gendarmeries pour réduire le mouvement dans une vingtaine de prisons avait fait 32 victimes dont deux gendarmes, et le gouvernement avait alors ouvert quatre de ces nouvelles prisons dites "de type F".

Quatre prisonniers se sont en outre immolés par le feu en soutien aux grévistes et quatre autres personnes ont été tuées lors d'une intervention de la police en novembre dernier contre une maison d'Istanbul occupée par des grévistes.

Les grévistes de la faim ont considérablement abaissé leurs exigences pour mettre fin à leur grève et sont prêts à accepter un compromis avancé par les chefs des 4 principaux barreaux du pays. Ce compromis, résumé sous la formule, 3 clefs 3 portes, permettrait aux détenus de 3 cellules de 3 détenus (9 personnes), de pouvoir communiquer entre eux pendant huit heures par jour. Toutefois, le ministre de la justice, M. Hikmet Sami Türk, la refuse en invoquant des obstacles de nature technique et sécuritaire.

Actuellement quelque 10.000 des 55.000 détenus que compte la Turquie sont des détenus politiques accusés de terrorisme ou d'appartenance à un parti ou une organisation politiques illégaux.

Etant donné que quelque 200 prisonniers poursuivent toujours la grève de la faim, le nombre de victimes peut s'élévér dans les jours qui viennent au plus de 100.

Le premier ministre Ecevit (DSP), le chef de l'Etat-major des forces armées le général Kivrikoglu --également l'homme fort du Conseil de la Sûreté nationale (MGK)--, les vice-premiers ministres Devlet Bahçeli (MHP, néo-fasciste) et Mesut Yilmaz (ANAP, de droite) ainsi que le ministre de la Justice Hikmet Sami Türk (DSP) sont les responsables principaux de la mort des dizaines des prisonniers politiques dans ce pays au seuil de l'Union européenne.
 

17,000 signatures to stop death fasts

The Human Rights Association on Monday presented 17,000 signatures, collected in the "Three Doors, Three Locks" campaign to put an end to death fasts, to Parliamentary Human Rights Committee Chairman Huseyin Akgul.

Akgul said that the interlocutor of the issue was in fact the Justice Ministry, adding that he would transfer the signatures to them. Commenting on the continuing death fasts in the prisons, Akgul noted that they were making attempts to stop them, but added that they have so far failed to obtain an outcome.

Human Rights Association Chairman Husnu Ondul thanked Akgul for his tolerant and democratic approach and hoped that the dialogue between nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and the State would further improve. Stressing that death fasts could only be stopped in this way, Ondul said that a total of 89 people have lost their lives during the fasts and added that 450 convicts and prisoners have developed the illness known as 'Korsakoff Syndrome", because of their actions.

Meanwhile, a group of Human Rights Association members and the relatives of some of the F-type prison convicts staged a sit-in in front of the association's Ankara branch to protest the F-type prisons.

The protesters called on the government to remove the isolation in F-type prisons in order to stop deaths. They unfolded banners reading, "The three doors and locks should be opened. Deaths should be stopped."

Hundreds of leftist prisoners and many of their supporters started the death fasts more than a year ago, protesting plans to introduce new F-type prisons with small cells. The protestors say the cells isolate prisoners and leave them open to abuse. The government says the new prisons meet European standards and refuses to negotiate with the protesters. The strikers have prolonged their protest by drinking sugared and salted water and taking vitamins to help them stay alive. (Turkish Daily News, April 2, 2002)
 

Justice Minister says no return from F-types

Justice Minister Hikmet Sami Turk said on Wednesday that Turkey would not abandon the maximum security F-type prisons.

At the opening speech of a three-day seminar entitled, "Evaluation on F-type prisons," Turk said that F-type prisons were a part of state policy.

The maximum security prisons, having one or three-inmate cells, have been causing a controversy between the state and human rights advocates.

SInce October 2000, leftists inmates have been carrying out a death fast protest against the F-types. This week, Meryem Altun starved to death, becoming the 50th death in the protest.

There are still 64 inmates on the death fast, according to the figures of the Justice Ministry.

Inmates are reacting against the policy of moving prisoners from large wards housing up to 100 people to one- or three-inmate cells.

Prisoners say that small cells leave them isolated and vulnerable to abuse by guards. The government says that the large wards were unruly and became virtual training camps for militants.

Turk on Wednesday said that a group of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) had presented a petition titled, "Three doors three locks," asking the government to unlock the doors of cells in an effort to eliminate the isolation.

Stating that F-type prisons conform to the United Nations and the European Council prison standards, Turk said legal and physical conditions did not allow them to accept the "Three doors three locks" suggestion. (Turkish Daily News, April, 4, 2002)
 

Manifestations pour l'allègement de l'isolement en prison

Plusieurs organisations se sont rassemblées le 13 avril dans les rues d'Ankara pour réclamer l'allègement de l'isolement des prisonniers politiques d'extrême gauche, qui poursuivent leur grève de la faim depuis octobre 2000, rapporte l'agence Anatolie.

La manifestation était organisée par l'Association des Droits de l'Homme (IHD), le HADEP, la Confédération des syndicats des employés du Service public (KESK), la Confédération des syndicats des Travailleurs Révolutionnaires (DISK) et des associations des familles de détenus.

Les protestataires ont défilé pour réclamer la mise en place d'une formule "3 clefs, 3 portes" qui permettrait aux prisonniers de trois cellules de passer un peu de temps libre en commun, dit Anatolie.

Le président de l'IHD Husnu Ondul a rappelé que seule cette condition pouvait mener à la fin du mouvement de jeûne qui se poursuit dans plusieurs établissements pénitentiaires.

De grandes clefs de couleurs ont été brandies par une foule de plusieurs centaines de personnes qui s'est ensuite dispersée sans incident, après avoir fait un sit-in de 10 minutes la bouche barrée d'un bandeau noir, selon l'agence de presse.

Les détenus d'extrême gauche avaient lancé en octobre 2000 un large mouvement de grève de la faim pour s'opposer à la mise en place de prisons dites "de type F" faites de cellules d'une ou trois personnes, où ils disent être plus vulnérables aux mauvais traitements des forces de sécurité et "désocialisés".

Ce mouvement de grèves de la faim a fait sa cinquantième victime le 1er avril dernier, outre 44 autres morts (dont 4 gendarmes) lors d'interventions de maintien de l'ordre, par immolation ou dans un attentat suicide à la bombe.

Une douzaine de personnes ont été interpellées le 14 avril à Istanbul lors d'une manifestation pour réclamer un allègement de l'isolement de prisonniers politiques d'extrême gauche, a rapporté l'agence Anatolie.

La police n'a pas laissé les manifestants crier leurs slogans ou distribuer leurs tracts, selon l'agence, et 12 personnes --des proches de détenus-- ont été placées en garde à vue. (AFP, 13-14 avril 2002)
 

European Anti-Torture Committee visits Turkey

A delegation of the Council of Europeís Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CPT) carried out an ad hoc visit to Turkey from 21 to 27 March 2002.

The visit was carried out by two members of the CPT: Silvia CASALE (a British criminologist and President of the CPT) and Davor STRINOVIC´ (a Croatian forensic doctor). They were assisted by Dan DERMENGIU (a Romanian forensic doctor) as well as by Trevor STEVENS (Executive Secretary) and Michael KELLETT of the CPTís Secretariat.

One of the main purposes of the visit was to examine the implementation in practice of recent legal reforms concerning custody by law enforcement agencies. The CPTís delegation also explored recent cases of resort to the provisions of Article 3(c) of Legislative Decree No. 430, under which prisoners who have to be questioned as part of the investigation of offences giving rise to the declaration of a state of emergency may be returned to the custody of law enforcement agencies. In this connection, the delegation visited Ankara Police Headquarters (Anti-Terror Department) as well as various police and gendarmerie establishments in the Diyarbak?r province. Further, prisoners were interviewed in the Diyarbak?r I and II prisons.

In addition, the CPTís delegation reviewed the development of communal activities for inmates in the new F-type prisons. For this purpose, a visit was carried out to Sincan F-type Prison.

During the visit, the CPTís delegation met Mr Hikmet Sami TÜRK, Minister for Justice, and had discussions with senior officials from the Ministries of Justice, the Interior, Foreign Affairs and Health. Other officials met included Mr Gökhan AYDEMIR, Governor of the State of Emergency Region, Mr Sait GÜRLEK, Chief Public Prosecutor of the Republic in the Diyarbak?r province, and Mr Faban ERTÜRK, Chief Public Prosecutor at the Diyarbak?r State Security Court.

The CPTís delegation also held talks with representatives of the Human Rights Association in Ankara and Diyarbak?r, as well as with representatives of the Bar Association in Diyarbakir. (CPT, 21 avril 2002)
 

Les conditions carcérales continuent de susciter des craintes

Dans une lettre adressée au ministre turc de la Justice, Hikmet Sami Turk, Amnesty International a une nouvelle fois exprimé ses préoccupations quant aux conditions de détention dans les prisons de type F, exhortant le ministre à prendre dans les plus brefs délais des mesures visant à mettre un terme au régime d'isolement cellulaire de facto appliqué à plusieurs milliers de prisonniers politiques.

Les conditions de détention dans les prisons de type F sont la cible de protestations incessantes et une grève de la faim, entamée en octobre 2000, se poursuit, ayant déjà entraîné la mort de 50 personnes et étant susceptible de laisser de graves séquelles à des centaines d'autres. Amnesty International a souligné à maintes reprises que le régime d'isolement cellulaire individuel ou en petits groupes peut nuire sérieusement à la santé mentale et physique des détenus et être constitutif de torture et de mauvais traitements.

L'organisation de défense des droits humains s'est félicitée des mesures prises par les autorités en faveur d'un droit de visite sans restriction et de l'utilisation de zones collectives mais reste préoccupée quant à leur application. Le ministre de la Justice a rejeté de récentes propositions de défenseurs des droits humains turcs qui demandaient notamment que les portes de cellules des blocs restent ouvertes pendant la journée pour permettre aux neuf prisonniers de chaque bloc de se rencontrer.

« La nouvelle disposition prise par le ministère de la Justice, qui vise à favoriser la communication entre prisonniers par groupes de dix, cinq heures par semaine, est insuffisante pour mettre fin de facto à l'isolement. Il faudrait que les détenus soient autorisés à se réunir au moins huit heures par jour. Par ailleurs, l'accès aux zones collectives ne devrait pas être soumis à des conditions telles que l'engagement des détenus à se ranger à une opinion politique ou à se soumettre à un programme de réinsertion ».

Amnesty International ajoute par ailleurs qu'un contrôle indépendant des conditions de détention par des défenseurs des droits humains, des médecins et des avocats indépendants devrait être rendu possible. La libération de dizaines de grévistes de la faim aurait été ajournée en dépit des rapports de l'Institut médico-légal ou des hôpitaux recommandant leur sortie pour raisons médicales. Amnesty International a prié instamment le ministre de réexaminer la situation de ces prisonniers dont la vie est sérieusement menacée s'ils demeurent en détention sans avoir accès aux soins médicaux que requiert leur état. (Amnesty International, 22 avril 2002)
 

Appel à la solidarité pour les prisonniers grévistes de la faim

Un collectif d'intellectuels sous l'égide de la Fondation turque des droits de l'Homme (TIHV) a appelé jeudi à la solidarité pour soigner et nourrir les anciens détenus ayant cessé leur grève de la faim, dont la détention est suspendue pour raisons de santé.

"441 personnes, dont 294 à Istanbul, ont sollicité notre aide pour subvenir aux dépenses de leur nourriture et de leur traitement médical", a indiqué la neuropsychiatre Sükran Irençin lors de la présentation à Istanbul de la campagne "Soutien urgent pour les survivants".

"Jusqu'à début avril, 200 milliards de livres turques (environ 163.000 Euros) ont été dépensées à ces fins, mais nous allons avoir des difficultés à continuer", a expliqué pour sa part Fatos Güney, l'épouse du cinéaste Yilmaz Güney qui emporta la Palme d'Or au Festival de Cannes en 1983, après avoir connu les geôles du coup d'Etat militaire de 1980.

Selon les organisateurs de cette campagne, le coût des soins pour une personne s'élève à 1.000 dollars par an et s'étalent au minimum sur deux ans, les séquelles demeurant pour l'essentiel irrémédiables. (AFP, 25 avril 2002)
 

Leading Turkish human rights activist stands trial

A leading human rights activist denied in court Thursday that she advocated a separate Kurdish state when she used the word "Kurdistan" during a speech at a women's rights conference.

Eren Keskin, a lawyer and the head of the independent Human Rights Association, faces up to three years in prison if found guilty of charges of separatist propaganda for saying that "women in Kurdistan face harassment and rape the most" during a speech she gave in November 2001.

Keskin, who defended herself in the opening hearing of her trial Thursday, said she had used the word "Kurdistan" to describe a geographic region and not to refer to a state separate from Turkey.

"I advocate Turks and Kurds living together," she told the court.

The court adjourned trial until July 4.

As head of the human rights group, Keskin is frequently in court for breaching Turkish laws that curb freedom of speech. She has some 90 cases pending against her for criticizing Turkey's human rights record and treatment of its estimated 12 million Kurds.

Turkey fought a 15-year war against Kurdish rebels demanding autonomy in the southeast and is sensitive toward the use of the word "Kurdistan" in describing Turkey's mainly Kurdish southeast region. Many see it as an expression advocating the country's breakup.

The PKK announced a unilateral cease-fire in 1999. The government rejected the cease-fire and sporadic fighting continues. About 37,000 people, mostly Kurdish rebels and civilians, have been killed in the fighting since 1984.

Earlier this year, Turkey's parliament relaxed laws limiting freedom of expression to boost the country's bid to join the European Union but left laws dealing with separatism largely unchanged.

Meanwhile, an Ankara court on Tuesday acquitted an Islamic leader who was jailed last year for claiming that an earthquake was God's revenge against Turkey for its secular policies.

The court overturned the conviction of Mehmet Kutlular after his lawyers argued that the case should be retried because of the changes to Turkey's freedom of speech laws.

Kutlular served some nine months of a two-year sentence before he was released early at the request of his lawyers, pending the new hearing.(AP, April 11, 2002)
 

Rape horror of troops and village guards

A 14-year-old girl returning to her village from picking beetroot and wild plants has been raped by 2 NCOs and three village guards.

A statement by the HADEP Womenís Sections Centre condemned the rape and demanded the prosecution of the assailants. The statement by the HADEP Womenís Sections Centre (WSC) mentioned to an article of 4 April 2002 in the local F?rnak Haber newspaper, saying: ìRape, the most horrendous crime against women, has once again been committed.î The 14-year-old girl ëEí was returning to her home in Yeni Aslan Bafak village when she was raped by 2 NCOs and 3 village guards.

The statement referred to ëEí, whose rape has been confirmed by a forensic report, and her family having been pressurised to change statements. The HADEP WSC said: ìWe condemn this horrendous attack and will strive to ensure the perpetrators are brought to justice. The State of Emergency and Village Guard system, which are the biggest obstacle to peace and democratisation in our country, should be abolished immediately.î (Ozgur Politika, April 9, 2002)
 

CPT: Chambres de torture et brutalités policières en Turquie

Chambres de tortures, brutalités policières et conditions indignes de détention pour les femmes détenues: la Turquie doit encore faire des progrès pour améliorer ses prisons et commissariats, selon le Comité anti-torture (CPT) du Conseil de l'Europe.

Les experts du CPT, qui ont visité une quarantaine de locaux de détention (gendarmeries, commissariats et prisons) du 2 au 14 septembre en Turquie, ont salué l'"amélioration graduelle" de la situation, mais réclamé des efforts sur certains points "préoccupants", dans un rapport publié mercredi à Strasbourg avec l'accord du gouvernement turc.

En particulier, les suspensions par les bras et les électrochocs "sont beaucoup moins fréquents" que par le passé, mais les plaintes pour mauvais traitements restent nombreuses, et sont, dans certains cas, attestées par des preuves physiques que les experts européens ont pu constater eux-mêmes.

Le CPT a aussi regretté que rien n'ait changé dans l'est du pays concernant l'équipement des salles servant pour les interrogatoires, conçues à dessein pour mettre le suspect en condition d'avouer.

Dans la section anti-terroriste du quartier général de la police de Van, par exemple, la salle d'interrogatoire est une pièce insonorisée, longue et étroite, et entièrement peinte en noir. Au bout, une estrade avec une table où s'installent les enquêteurs. La personne interrogée doit s'asseoir sur une chaise fixée au sol, face aux enquêteurs. Un gros projecteur est suspendu au dessus du suspect pour l'éblouir.

L'atmosphère est sinistre et un interrogatoire conduit dans ces conditions peut s'apparenter à une forme de mauvais traitement psychologique, selon les experts. En outre des détenus affirment qu'ils ont été torturés physiquement dans ces pièces, qui existent également à Agri, Elazig et Erzurum.

Le CPT dénonce aussi, dans ce rapport, l'usage durant les interrogatoires d'un bandeau destiné à empêcher les suspects de reconnaître leurs tortionnaires. "Ces pratiques d'un autre âge ne conviennent pas à une police moderne", selon le CPT.

Les conditions de détention des hommes, mais surtout de femmes détenues avec leurs enfants, sont parfois désastreuses.

Dans la prison de Sanliurfa, huit femmes et six enfants, dont un nouveau-né et deux bébés, partageaient huit lits, équipés de six matelas et de quelques draps et de couvertures. Aucune buanderie, pas assez d'eau chaude, pas de nourriture spéciale pour les femmes enceintes, les femmes allaitantes et les bébés. Dans la prison pour femmes de Van, 15 femmes vivaient dans 20 m2 dans des conditions d'hygiène également effroyables.

Les experts du CPT ont par ailleurs relevé les conditions brutales dans lesquelles plusieurs centaines d'immigrés d'origine africaine ont été expulsés, forcés de traverser une rivière dans une zone rurale, dans la région d'Ipsala. Certains se seraient noyés lors ces opérations, selon des témoignages qui n'ont pu être étayés, indique le CPT. (AFP, 23 avril 2002)
 

Le président met son veto à une loi controversée d'amnistie

Le président turc Ahmet Necdet Sezer a mis son veto samedi à une loi d'amnistie qui a suscité de vives controverses dans la mesure où des condamnés tels que Mehmet Ali Agca, qui avait ouvert le feu sur Jean Paul II en 1981, en bénéficieraient.

M. Sezer s'est opposé à l'adoption de la loi arguant de lacunes constitutionnelles et de vices de forme au cours du vote jeudi au Parlement, a indiqué un communiqué de la présidence.

La loi, qui réduit les peines de prison de dix ans pour une série de crimes, devait assurer la libération de près de 5.000 prisonniers s'ils s'engageaient à ne pas récidiver.

Elle a été vivement critiquée, plusieurs juristes estimant qu'Agca, un militant d'extrême droite qui a déjà purgé 19 ans de prison en Italie pour avoir ouvert le feu sur le Pape en 1981, verrait sa peine réduite et serait libéré.

L'Italie a extradé Mehmet Ali Agca en juin 2000 après qu'il eut été pardonné pour cette tentative d'assassinat qui avait grièvement blessé le saint père.

A son retour en Turquie, M. Agca a été condamné à dix ans de prison en liaison avec l'assassinat d'un célèbre journaliste turc, Abdi Ipecki, ainsi qu'à sept autres années de prison pour vol à main armée.

Un autre homme de main de l'extrême droite, Haluk Kirci, en prison pour le meurtre de sept militants d'extrême gauche à la fin des années 70, devait également être libéré si la loi avait été adoptée.

Cette loi étend en fait le champ d'application d'une loi d'amnistie de 1999 accusée de pratiquer une discrimination parmi les condamnés susceptibles d'en bénéficier.

Le président de la République ne peut exercer son droit de veto sur une même loi qu'une seule fois. Si le Parlement lui renvoie inchangé le texte de la loi il doit le signer ou déposer un recours en annulation auprès de la Cour constitutionnelle. (AFP, 27 avril 2002)
 

Human Rights violations in brief

Demonstration Hindered in Izmit

On 1 April the police dispersed a demonstration by staff from 20 municipalities in Kocaeli (Izmit) province, who wanted to march from Gölcük to Izmit in protest at not being paid, under force. About one thousand people were stopped after 5 kilometers. Discussion between the police and the demonstrators did not bare any results and, after the demonstrators had crossed the barricades of the police, officers used truncheons and tear gas to disperse the crowd. Reportedly two workers were injured. (Evrensel-TIHV, April 2, 2002)

Detentions and Arrests in Selcuk

In Selçuk district (Izmir) Süleyman Süer (29) was detained. Izmir Police HQ stated that he had been mentioned by suspects in Adana as a person recruiting militants for the PKK. He was sentenced to 45 monthsí imprisonment for the same offence in 1997. Nurcan Yeler, member of the parliament in Konukkuran town, Malazgirt district (Mus), and the HADEP member Sadrettin Basaçik were detained on 1 April, but released after testifying to the public prosecutor. On 1 April Adana SSC arrested the HADEP members and executives Mehmet Çakmak, Mahmut Bagriyanik, Ali Aslan and Mustafa Alkis, who had been detained during operations on 30 March, on charges of supporting the PKK. (Hürriyet-Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 2, 2002)

Death in Kula Prison

Rifat Özman, imprisoned on 29 March for his debts to the Ministry of Forests, totaling TL 47 million (app. $ 35), died in Kula Prison (Manisa) on 30 March. He had been convicted to a prison term of 10 days, of which he would have had to serve 5 days, since he had not made a declaration on his possession. When the gendarmes came to arrest him on 28 March he reportedly told them that he was suffering from asthma and could not stay in closed places. They refrained from arresting him, but he came to the prison the following day and the physician stated that he could stay in prison, if equipped with medicine. On 30 March he died from an asthmatic stroke. His family alleged that he had not been allowed to take his medicine. (Sabah-TIHV, April 3, 2002)

Torture Victim on Trial

On 2 April Istanbul SSC continued to hear the case of Günes Baltas, who had been arrested on 28 November 1998 and his co-defendants Mehmet Salih Adanmis, Özlem Aydemir, Sakir Ulug and Abdürrahim Ulug (not under arrest) on charges of being members of the PKK. Defense lawyer Eren Keskin stated that her client had been raped in detention and received a report certifying traumatic effect. She added that her client accepted a connection to the PKK, but rejected charges of armed activities. She asked for medical treatment. The court did not release the defendant and adjourned the hearing to a later date. Günes Baltas is charged under Article 125 TPC that requires the death penalties. The other defendants are charged under Article 169 TPC and might expect suspension of their sentences. (Evrensel-TIHV, April 3, 2002)

Investigation against Eren Keskin

Eren Keskin, chairwoman of the Istanbul branch of the Human Rights Association (IHD) testified to the prosecutor at Istanbul SSC on 2 April concerning a special edition of the monthly report on "Newroz" and a press conference by the organizing committee for the Newroz celebrations. When Eren Keskin asked why she was being prosecuted the prosecutor Halil Salihoglu replied that everybody knew that she was organizing such events and, therefore, the case had been brought against her. (Evrensel-TIHV, April 3, 2002)

Trial for Protest against "Return to Life" Operation

On 2 April Izmir Penal Court No. 18 concluded the trial against representatives of trade unions and organization of civil society, who on 21 December 2000 had protested against the "Return to Life" operation that started in various prisons on 19 December 2000. The declaration had been made under the heading of "stop the transfers". Izmir Penal Court No. 18 sentenced Haluk Tekeli, chairman of the Freedom and Democracy Party (ÖDP) for Izmir province, to 18 monthsí imprisonment and a fine of TL 91,26 million. Kazim Bozkurt, Hayri Özzeybek, Elif Bakir and Celil Orhan, representatives of the Association of Contemporary Journalist (CGD) and associations to promote Haci Bektas Veli, received sentences of six monthsí imprisonment each. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 3, 2002)

Civil Servants on Trial in Izmir

On 2 April Bornova Penal Court No. 1 acquitted 64 civil servants working for the National Directorate for Water Supplies in Izmir, who had participated in the one-day óno-work action on 1 December 2000. (Evrensel-TIHV, April 3, 2002)

Trial of Anarchists in Izmir

On 3 April Izmir SSC heard the case of Muammer Özgür Küçüktekin, Ahmet Serkan Tomar, Sabri Serkan Kazak, Onur Ayaz and Rahmi Tiril charged according to Article 7/1 of the Law to Fight Terrorism with membership of an anarchist organization. On 1 December 2001 they had distributed leaflets in Usak during an action of workers. During the hearing the defendants stated that anarchism was opposed to terrorism. Tayfun Gönül, who according to the Directorate for Security is the leader of the "Anarchist Youth Organization", testified to the effect that anarchism has no model of organizing in its philosophy. The court ordered the release of the defendants and adjourned the hearing to a later date. (Radikal-TIHV, April 4, 2002)

Detentions and Arrests in Mersin

In Mersin detentions that started after the Newroz celebrations continued during the night of 2 April. During operations in Yenipazar, Günes, Sevketsümer, Yenimahalle, Afetevler, Batikent and Egriçam quarters the police detained Sadiye Güngör, Mehmet Güngör, Necmettin Güngör, Serpil Dorak, Nizamettin Hanezay, Mazlum Vesek, Güzel Serin, Bahattin Serin, Hüsnü Özlü, Hayrettin Özlü, Abdurrahman Özlü and Sabri Ilge. In Istanbul Hakan Ince, Bahtiyar Gönen, Fatih Meclis, Mehmet Boz and Seydi Boz, who had been detained in connection with the bank robbery of a branch of the Is Bankasi in 4. Levent (Istanbul), were arrested by Istanbul SSC. Gültekin Ince, Celal Çiftçi, Zafer Sahin and Fadime Inci, accused of having assisted them, were released. Allegedly Hakan Ince was about to build a radical Islamic organization. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 4, 2002)

Trial of Akin Birdal in Diyarbakir

On 4 April Diyarbakir SSC started to hear the case of Akin Birdal on charges of supporting an illegal organization. The hearing was adjourned to 16 May to wait for the testimony of the defendant to be taken by another court. The case had been opened after a speech on a conference by the Diyarbakir branch of the Human Rights Association (IHD) on 20 March 2001 entitled "Multi-Cultural Life and Human Rights". Akin Birdal is charged under Article 169 TPC and Article 5 of the Law to Fight Terrorism. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 5, 2002)

The Bahçelievler Case

On 3 April Ankara Criminal Court No. 3 continued to hear the case of Mahmut Korkmaz (under arrest) and Kadri Kürsat Poyraz (arrest warrant issued in absentia) charged with the demand of the death penalty for their involvement in the killing of 7 juveniles from the Turkish Workersí Party (TIP) on 8 October 1978. The court adjourned the hearing to a later date rejecting demands for the release of Mahmut Korkmaz. (Evrensel-TIHV, April 5, 2002)

Lawyers on Trial in Istanbul

On 4 April Beyoglu Criminal Court No. 1 started to hear the case of the lawyers Dogan Erbas, Aysel Tugluk, Irfan Dündar and Hatice Korkut, defense lawyers of PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan. The defendants testified to the effect that the statement that appeared in the press had not been made by them and asked for acquittal. The court adjourned the hearing to 10 July for a completion of the files. The lawyers are accused of having informed the press by facsimile of statements of Abdullah Öcalan and, thereby committing a misconduct of their duties. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 5, 2002)

Politicians on Trial in Ankara

On 4 April Ankara SSC No. 1 started to hear the case of Ibrahim Güçlü, deputy chairman of the Rights and Freedoms Party (HAK PAR), Cevdet Kemal Kara and Resit Deli charged with membership of illegal "Democratic Party of Northern Kurdistan". The defendants argued that the charges dated back to a time before 1990 and contested the view by the Ministry of the Interior that the organization was an "illegal armed organization". Resit Deli said that he had been tried on similar charges before, but the cases had been dropped. Cevdet Kemal Kara alleged that his statement to the police had been extracted under torture and rejected the charges of membership. The court adjourned the hearing to 14 May. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 5, 2002)

Death in Aralik Prison

On 31 March Cumali Basaran died in Aralik Prison (Igdir province). He was serving a sentence of 4 months for illegal possession of arms and had another 17 days to serve in prison. His family alleged that they were not informed about the causes of death. (Evrensel-TIHV, April 5, 2002)

An Eritrean Refugee Drowned

On 5 April, three women from Eritrea reached the shore near Akyarlar village (Bodrum) and alleged that the Greeek authorities had imprisoned them after they reached the island of Istanköy (Kos) on 3 April. Later they had been put on a boat and thrown into the water. Miki Cheber (25), fiancée of Melina Meles (24) had drowned, but she, Chlebah Ebolette (21) and Marine Casberg (22) had reached the shore. (Milliyet-TIHV, April 7, 2002)

Incident at Ankara University

During a fight between students sympathizing with the Workersí Party (IP) and left-wing students on Cebeci Campus of Ankara University 10 people were injured. On 5 April left-wing students had prevented the followers of the IP to make a press statement. On 8 April some 80 followers of IP came to the university and beat three students. When the police arrive another fight with sticks and stones broke out in front of the Pedagogical Faculty. Some 10 students were injured. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 9, 2002)

Prisoners Beaten During Their Transfer

During a press conference at the Istanbul branch of the Human Rights Association (IHD) lawyer Ahmet Aslan alleged that prisoners on trial for membership of the radical Islamic organization IBDA/C were beaten during their transfer from Kartal to Bolu F-type Prison on 23 January and from Eskisehir Special Type to Bolu F-type Prison on 20 February. In particular Kazim Albayrak had been subjected to physical force. (Evrensel-TIHV, April 10, 2002)

Death Penalties Forwarded to The National Assembly

The files of Mehmet Fidanci and Mehmet Siddik Biçer (sentenced to death under Article 125 TPC) and Adem Kepeneklioglu, Mehmet Hakan Canpolat and Turhan Tarakçi (sentenced to death under Article 146/1 TPC) were forwarded to the President of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM). The number of files with confirmed death penalties waiting at the Judicial Committee in the TBMM has reached 65 concerning 127 persons awaiting execution. Since October 1984 the TBMM has not made a decision on executions of death penalties. (Hürriyet-TIHV, April 10, 2002)

Detentions and Arrests in Istanbul

The names of two people, detained in Istanbul on 6 or 7 April in connection with an operation of the police in Bursa against alleged members of the "Beyit Al Imam" (Union of Imams) organization, were given as Ali Üzüm and Fatih Sultan Çalis. In Antep the police conducted an operation against the Marxist-Leninist Communist Party (MLKP) and detained Hatice Aydemir, Yüksel Bulut (working for the journal "Atilim") and the teachers Eylem Çolak and Vehpi Koç (from Nizip). Vehpi Koç was released by the prosecutor, but the other suspects were arrested. (Hürriyet-TIHV, April 10, 2002)

Trial of Akin Birdal in Ankara

Akin Birdal, former chairman of the Human Rights Association (IHD), testified today at Ankara SSC in connection with the case opened against him at Diyarbakir SSC. The next hearing will be on 16 May. Akin Birdal is charged under Article 169 TPC for a speech he made on 20 March 2001 during a conference by the Diyarbakir branch of the IHD on "Multi-Culture and Human Rights". (TIHV, April 11, 2002)

Mayor of Küçükdikili beaten by Police

The Mayor of Küçükdikili Municipality (Adana), Mehmet Yasik, filed an official complaint against a police officer by the name of Ali. The officer allegedly beat him at the airport of Adana, from where Mehmet Yasik wanted to go to a meeting in Cyprus. The officer had shown the hostile reaction, when Mr. Yasik said that he was mayor of Küçükdikili. He had torn his ID into pieces and kept him in detention for 3-4 hours. (Evrensel-TIHV, April 11, 2002)

Right-Wing attack on student in Istanbul

On 10 April three right-wingers ("idealists") attacked the student Hüseyin Camci, when he left Yildiz Technical University (Istanbul), kicked and beat him. One of them used a hatchet and injured Hüseyin Camci to his head. His friends took him to Sisli Etfal Hospital, where his wound had to be stitched. Hüseyin Camci said that he knew two of the attackers from school and accused the police not to have intervened. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 11, 2002)
 

PKK trial in Adana

On 10 April Adana SSC passed a verdict on three defendants charged with membership and support for the PKK. Mehmet Arancak was sentenced to 12.5 yearsí imprisonment, Semsettin Bilencek and Emin Ünal were sentenced to 45 monthsí imprisonment. (Evrensel-TIHV, April 11, 2002)
 

Civil Servants on Trial in Urfa

On 11 April Ceylanpinar Penal Court (Urfa) passed its verdict on 16 civil servants, who had particiapted in an action by the Confederation of Trade unions in the Public Sector (KESK) on 1 December 2001. 7 of the defendants were sentenecd to 4 monthsí imprisonment, fines of TL 91 million each and deprived of the civil servant status for three months. The sentences were commuted to a fine of TL 380 million and suspended. The other 9 defendants were acquitted. (Evrensel-TIHV, April 12, 2002)

Eren Keskin on Trial in Istanbul

On 11 April Istanbul SSC started to hear the case of Eren Keskin, chairwoman of the Istanbul branch of the Human Rights Association in connection with a speech she made during a conference on "violence against women". Being charged with dissemanting separatist propaganda Eren Keskin said that she used the word "Kurdistan", but did not mean a separate State. The hearing was adjounred to 4 July. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 12, 2002)

Death in Sincan Prison

On 11 April Halik Koçyigit committed suicide in Sincan F-type Prison. He had been imprisoned as a leading figure of a criminal organinzation and hanged himself in his cell for one person by the bedlinen. Halil Koçyigit had been put under isolation, after he had had a fight with other prisoners. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, April 12, 2002)

Refusal to the demand of release for an ailed prisoner

During a hearing of 11 April Ankara SSC refused to release the prisoner Kemal Yarar, despite a medical report certifying that he is suffering from the Wernicke-Korsakoff disease. Kemal Yarar had been transferred to Ankara Numune Hospital on 15 September 2001 and the Forensic Institute had issued a report on 25 October 2001 recommending temporary release according to Article 399 of the Criminal Procedure Code. However, Ankara SSC refused to release the prisoner arguing that he could be treated in prison. Similarly Istanbul SSC did not release the prisoners Erkan Tepeli, Binnaz Demirbas, Samil Camekan, Serdar Güzel and Murat Basusta despite medical reports recommending a temporary release. On 14 April the police intervened in a demonstration in Beyoglu (Istanbul) staged in favor of the recommendation of the bar association for "three doors, three locks" and detained 12 people under beatings. (Cumhuriyet-Evrensel-TIHV, April 13-14-15, 2002)

Trial on Action in Umraniye Prison

On 12 April Üsküdar Criminal Court No. 1 continued to hear the case of 399 prisoners, who had been in Ümraniye Prison during the "return to life" operation of December 2000. The police intervened, when the defendants Gülten Özdemir, Asuman Özcan, Tülin Soyhan, Ergül Uzundiz and Nuriye Yesil shouted slogans on entry to the courtroom. The police also tried to remove lawyers from the courtroom, who had an argument with them. Lawyer Ömer Kavili was kicked at and prisonersí relative Saadet Yesil was detained. At the hearing the defendants stated that prisoner Alp Ata Akçaöz had been alive at the end of the operation, but was killed by soldiers. Demands of the defense to collect further evidence were rejected and the court adjourned the hearing to 17 July. (Evrensel-TIHV, April 13, 2002)

Trial against IHD in Malatya

On 12 April Malatya SSC concluded the trial against Cafer Demir, chairman of the Elazig branch of the Human Rights Association (IHD), Kenan Çetin, secretary in Elazig and Osman Baydemir, deputy chairman of the IHD, in connection with speeches during a "Solidarity Night" organized by the Elazig branch on 21 April 2001. The defendants were acquitted from charges brought under Article 312 TPC. (Evrensel-TIHV, April 13, 2002)

Environment defender Oktay Konyar Arrested

Oktay Konyar, the leading figure of the resistance against the company Normandy trying to search for gold using cyanide in Bergama district (Izmir), was arrested on 12 April. In order to get permission for a speech during a press conference of the teachersí union Egitim-Sen in Soma (Izmir) he had gone to the police headquarters in Soma. When he was told that he had to ask the prosecutor for permission a discussion arose during which Oktay Konyar allegedly said, "This country will never develop, if you remain like this". The arrest warrant was based on charges of "insulting the security forces". (Evrensel-TIHV, April 14, 2002

Demonstration Prevented

On 13 April the Confederation of Trade Unions in the Public Sector (KESK) organized demonstrations for "equal wages for equal jobs" in various towns. Except for the demonstration in Istanbul no incidents were reported. When members of the teachersí union Egitim-Sen tried to march from Saraçhane Park to Aksaray the police intervened and detained some 40 people under beatings. The police also prevented a demonstration in Unkapani and one on the Ziya Gökalp Boulevard in Ankara. (Evrensel-TIHV, April 14, 2002)

Detentions and Arrests in Istanbul

On 13 April 50 members of the Turkish Communist Party (TKP) were detained in Istanbul, when they tried to put up posters under the slogan "The People will Place its Referendum on 1 May". At Çukurova University (Adana) the students Hava Aktop and Özer Metin were detained on 11 April, reportedly in connection with petitions they presented to the rector. They were released on 12 April. Police operations continuing in Cizre, Güçlükonak and Idil district (Sirnak) for about a week many people were detained including the Mayor of Findik town, Methi Olcay. Further names were given as Hasan Özdemir, Hasan Duman, Mahmut Duman, Ömer Ecer, Ali Adabal, Sabri Sen, M. Serif Sen, M. Sefik Saka, M. Faysal Saka, A.Kadir Inedi, Halil Inedi, M. Sadik Inedi, Hasan Ertas, Sait Kayar, Nimet Yerit, Izzettin Hazar, Irfan Ike, Havil Adibelli, Ismail Malgöz, Mehmet Karavis, Abdullah Hazar, Halil Öner and Bengin Karavis. (Evrensel-Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 12-14, 2002)

Cases at the European Court

In answering a question by Karaman MP for the Justice and Development Party (AKP), Zeki Ünal, Justice Minister Hikmet Sami Türk provided the following information on cases against Turkey at the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR). Among some 5.000 complaints 2.250 are from Cyprus and 1.500 from the region under a state of emergency. According to the provisions of the European Convention of Human Rights applications concern the following violations: the right to life: 149; torture and ill-treatment: 328; freedom and security: 391; right to fair trial: 671; freedom of expression and religion: 281; right to private possession: 701; protection of privacy and family: 361. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 14, 2002)

The Manisa Case

On 15 April Manisa Criminal Court continued to hear the case of 10 police officers, charged with having tortured the juveniles from Manisa. During the hearing defense lawyers Hülya Ada, Roza Karkan, Maha Tekkiliç and Talat Tekkiliç declared their withdrawal from the trial. During the hearing of 25 March 9 lawyers had already withdrawn from the trial. Serhan Özbek, chairman of Manisa Bar Association, suspected that the real aim was to prolong the trial so that the defendant will benefit from the period of limitation that expires in June 2003. The hearing was adjourned to 6 May. (Radikal-TIHV, April 16, 2002)

Former party leader Güzel on Trial

Hasan Celal Güzel, former chairman of the Rebirth Party (YDP) appeared at Ankara Criminal Court No. 6 on 16 April. He is being tried for a speech he made on 10 May 2000, when he was released from Ayas Prison and said that he was imprisoned by the tyrans. The prosecutor found this to an insult to the judiciary, an offence under Article 159 TPC. (Evrensel-TIHV, April 17, 2002)

Detentions and Arrests in Istanbul

In Istanbul 14 alleged members of the "Kadiyanilik" sect, all of them from Pakistan, were detained. The center of the sect is said to be in London, its leader Mirza Tahir Ahmet (also from Pakistan) and since 1995 its members are allegedly active in Istanbul, Ankara, Amasya, Çorum, Manisa, Samsun, Antalya, Hatay and Cyprus. Soldiers conducted a raid on Alibeyusagi village in Pinarcik district (Maras) and detained Mehmet Aydogan, Haydar Renkli, Ismail Ülger, Cuma Renkli, Ahmet Menek, Ali Çiftçi, Hüseyin Güryol, Selma Gonca and Serpil Menek. The raid was reportedly conducted on suspicion that Mehmet Renkli and Ibrahim Renkli, members of an illegal organization were there. After release the villagers Hüseyin Güryol and Ali Çiftçi stated that the detainees were subjected to violence. (Evrensel-TIHV, April 17, 2002)

Right-Wingers Clash in Ankara

On 17 April a crowd of some 300 armed "idealists", led by Atilla Kaya, chairman of the "Idealistsí Union" (close to the Nationalist Movement Party - MHP) entered Gazi University in Ankara and attacked another group of "idealists" (close to the Great Unity Party ó BBP). The attack followed the change in the lead of the Idealistsí Union at Gazi University to the "Alperen Youthí Union" (idealists close to the BBP). During the attack five people were injured. The police detained 115 people and confiscated various weapons. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, April 18, 2002)

Detentions and Arrests in Edremit

In Edremit district (Balikesir) Ilhan Kizil was detained. Being wanted for various actions in the name of the PKK he was arrested on 17 April, because of an arrest warrant issued by Diyarbakir SSC. In Istanbul Osman Seker, Kubilay Çil and Muhammed Talat Simas (from Pakistan) were arrested on charges of being members of an illegal organization. They had been among 8 people detained in connection with missionary activities of the "Kadiyani" sect. On 16 April the teacher Meliha Kahraman reportedly beat the student Ferhat Çelik from the first class at the lyceum in Hazro district (Diyarbakir), because during the break he had spoken to his classmates in Kurdish. The father Kutbettin Çelik wanted to complain to the prosecutorís office, when he saw the wounds of his son, but Mesut Kahraman, police officer and husband of the teacher stopped him on his way and allegedly detained him under beatings. (Cumhuriyet-Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 18, 2002)

Trial against Diyarbakir Office of TIHV

The trial against lawyer Sezgin Tanrikulu, representative of the Human Right Foundation of Turkey (TIHV) in Diyarbakir on charges of opening a health center without permission concluded at Diyarbakir Peace Penal Court No. 2 today. The court ruled that the offence described in Law 2219 on Private Hospitals had not materialized and acquitted the defendants. The court rejected responsibility on charges of "importing banned publication to the region under a state of emergency (OHAL)" and sent the file to Diyarbakir Penal Court of First Instance. Following the search of the TIHV offices in Diyarbakir on 7 September 2001 Sezgin Tanrikulu had been charged under Article 119 TPC for not paying a fine and Article 526 TPC for not obeying orders of officials. (TIHV, April 19, 2002)

Killing of Kemal Türkler

On 18 April Bakirköy Criminal Court No. 2 continued to hear the case of Ünal Osmanagaoglu, charged with the killing of former chairman of the trade union confederation DISK, Kemal Türkler, in 1979. The defence asked that one person, who had been charged for the same offence at a military court, be heart as witness and demanded the release of the defendant. Sub-plaintiff and lawyer Rasim Öz asked for the complete file, currently at Ankara Criminal Court No. 5. The court followed this demand and adjourned the hearing to 13 June. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, April 19, 2002)

Torture allegation in Antep

Yüksel Bulut, reporter of the journal "Atilim" and Eylem Çolak, member of the teachersí union Egitim-Sen, who were arrested in Antep on 8 April, were released on 19 April on objection of their lawyers. After their release they held a press conference at the Antep branch of the Human Rights Association (IHD) and stated that during police custody they had been suspended by their arms, hosed with water under high pressure and sexually assaulted. (Evrensel-TIHV, April 21, 2002)

Students Beaten at Diyarbakir University

The students Hüseyin Uçak and Baran Ok from Dicle University in Diyarbakir complained that they had been beaten by police officers, when they came out of the canteen. The officers had taken them to the Medical Faculty and beaten them inside the building. (Evrensel-TIHV, April 22, 2002)

Trial for Comments on F-type Prison

On 19 April Bursa Penal Court No. 2 started to hear the case of Fikri Saglar, former Minister of Culture, Oral Çalislar and Ataol Behramoglu, writing for the daily "Cumhuriyet", Senay Senol and Yalçin Çakir, working for Flash TV and Akif Han, Hülya Imak, Hasan Sonkaya and Melek Altuntas, who had participated in a discussion on the F-type prisons. The defendants are charged with having insulted the government, the judiciary, the armed forces and the police. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, April 20, 2002)

Incident at an Ankara University

On 18 April the prosecutor Ahmet Mutlu, who stated that he could also have them arrested, released some 100 students, who had been detained on 17 April, after a fight of right-wing students at Ankara Gazi University. (Radikal-TIHV, April 20, 2002)

Detentions and Arrests in Istanbul, Bitlis and Izmir

On 19 April Savas Velioglu, journalist for the daily "Evrensel" was detained in Esenler district (Istanbul), where he had gone to follow a press conference by ex-prisoner Özkan Güzel, suffering from the Wernicke-Korsakoff syndrome. He was released in the evening hours. Bülent Kiliç, Turan Kara, Deniz Çetin and Günay Ayaz were detained in Bornova (Izmir), when they distributed leaflets of the Labor Party (EMEP). Istanbul SSC arrested Düzgün Akyol, working for the journal "Dayanisma" on 19 April. The arrest is reportedly based on Article 312 TPC for a speech he held during a meeting. On 19 April Celalettin Toktas, working in Bitlis State Hospital, was detained on orders of the prosecutor at Van SSC. The detention is based on allegations by the PKK repentant Sami Demirkiran. In his book "Frightening Confessions" he alleged that Celalettin Toktas provided help for PKK militants, who killed the teachers Nazif Özbagriaçik and Ergun Komut in Yolalan village (Bitlis) on 26 October 1993. The journalist Faruk Aktas, who had been detained on 18 April, was released on 19 April. In Istanbul some 40 members of the Turkish Communist Party (TKP) were detained on 19 April, when they put up posters concerning "1 May". In Sirnak 15 out of 32 people detained on charges of supporting the PKK, were arrested. Names could be established for Sabri Sen, his son M. Serif Sen, Sefik Saka, his son Faysal Saka, Havi Adibelli, Izzettin Hezer, Abdullah Hezer, Ismail Malgaz, Bengin Karavis, Mehmet Karavis and Irfan IIke. (Evrensel-Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 20-21, 2002)

Torture in Istanbul

Gökmen Alakus, who had been detained last week on suspicion of theft, alleged that he was tortured at Gayrettepe Police HQ. On 17 April he was apprehended in Küçükyali and taken to the local police station. Later he was taken to Gayrettepe Police HQ. His hands were tied and his eyes blindfolded. When he rejected the accusations of theft, he was allegedly stripped naked, given electric shocks to his hands and his testicles were squeezed. He screamed and fainted after 15 minutes. The police officers hosed him with water to make him conscious again. Gökmen Alakus was released after two days. He said that he would file an official complaint against the police officers. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, April 24, 2002)

Detentions and Arrests in Istanbul

Yilmaz Meral was detained in Istanbul as an alleged member of the PKK. He was later taken to Izmir and arrested by Izmir SSC on 23 April. In Istanbul Hasan Alman and a woman with the first name of Helin, who were detained on 9 April, when they put up posters for "Freedom and Democracy Congress of Kurdistan (KAGEK), the new formation of the PKK, were arrested on 23 April. (Evrensel-TIHV, April 24, 2002)

Operation in an Istanbul Prison

On 24 April Eyüp Penal Court No. 3 continued to hear the case against 155 guardians and 1460 soldiers of the gendarmerie in connection with the operation in Bayrampasa Prison on 19 December 2000. The prisoners of that time were heard as witnesses and stated that they had been tortured. The hearing was adjourned to 18 September. (Evrensel-TIHV, April 25, 2002)

Massacre in Ulucanlar Prison

On 24 April Ankara Criminal Court No. 6 continued to hear the case of 161 members of the security forces, charged in connection with the massacre in Ulucanlar Prison, during which 10 prisoners died on 26 September 1999. Hasan Mentes was heard as witness. He stated that he had been in that prison among the common criminals. The soldiers had attacked the prisoners with their arms. Ismet Kavaklioglu had been killed right in front of their eyes. Lawyer Kazim Bayraktar asked for a confrontation for the prisoners to identify the attackers. The court adjourned the hearing to 27 June asking for the photographs of the defendants, so that the prisoners can identify them from the pictures. (Evrensel-TIHV, April 25, 2002)

Trade Unionist on Trial in Erzurum

The prosecutor at Erzurum SSC indicted Nuri Koç, chairman of the teachersí union Egitim-Sen in Erzincan, in connection with a speech he held on a congress of his union on 2 February. Allegedly he read out a statement in Kurdish and demanded education in Kurdish. The prosecution interpreted this as support for an illegal organization and indicted him under Article 169 TPC. (Evrensel-TIHV, April 25, 2002)

Ankara IHD on Trial

On 25 April Ankara SSC continued to hear the case against the Ankara branch of the Human Rights Association (IHD) with the demand of closure and sentences for "supporting illegal organizations". The hearing was adjourned to 6 June to wait for a report on the defendant Ali Riza Bektas. For the protests against the F-type prisons the former chairman Lütfi Demirkapi and the board members Ilhami Yaban, Ismail Boyraz, Erol Direkçi, Mesut Çetiner, Zeki Irmak, Riza Resat Çetinbas, as well as members of the prison commission Ali Riza Bektas, Selim Necati Ort, Saniye Simsek, Ekrem Erdin, Gökçe Otlu and Emrah Serhan Soysal are charged under Article 169 TPC. The prosecutor has also asked for closure of the branch according to Article 7/4 of the Law on Fighting Terrorism. (TIHV, April 25, 2002)

Detentions and Arrests in Ankara

On 24 April Kemal Yildiz, Nihat Bogan, Hüseyin Zeytin, Yüksel Öztürk and Fatma Tosun, board members of the Culture and Solidarity Association of People from Tunceli, were detained and taken to Ankara Police HQ. Their detention is reportedly related to speeches they held on a festival on 20 April. In Ankara the staff members of the journal "Isçi-Köylü", Betül Kiliçarslan and Erdinç Özbay, plus Hakan Hakverdi, Sevtap Kulaksiz, Hasem Atay, Ulas Atalay, Leyla Çakirca and Eren Emre Korkmaz were detained. In Istanbul Mehmet Turp, Dilek Aslan, Memis Adabas, Ibrahim Demirci and a person by the name of Murat were detained on 25 April, when they put up posters of the Party of Labour (EMEP) concerning 1 May Labour Day. In Nigde 7 of 9 students, who had been detained on 24 April in connection with a fight between left and right-wing students, were arrested on 25 April. The anti-terror squad had detained the left wing students Muhammed Okulmus, Halil Kapazan, Haydar Oguz, Irfan Çaynak, Ali Çicek, Ismail Kama, Zeki Kabalci, Rical Disibüyük and Can Tuna at their homes. The public prosecutor released Muhammed Okulmus and Halil Kapazan. The other students were sent to Nigde E-type Closed Prison. (Evrensel-Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 26, 2002)

Political prisoner died at hospital

On 27 April Hidir Demir died in Ankara Sanatorium Hospital, where he had been taken two weeks ago, after his health deteriorated as a result of the death fast action. He was serving a sentence of 12.5 yearsí imprisonment as member of the Turkish Communist Party/Marxist Leninist -Workersí and Peasants Liberation Army of Turkey (TKP/ML TIKKO). (Evrensel-TIHV, April 29, 2002)

Torture in Istanbul

On 28 March the woman H.T. (23) from Agri appealed to the Project for Legal Aid against Sexual Assault and Rape in Custody. She stated that she had been detained in Maltepe-Istanbul during an operation against suspected PKK militants on 8 March. She had been taken to the department to fight terrorism at Istanbul Police HQ. During the four days of her detention she had been tortured and raped by pouring water under high pressure into her vagina. She had been stripped stark naked and forced to sit on excrements. Lawyer Eren Keskin from the Project for Legal Aid stated that they had filed an official complaint to the public prosecutor in Fatih. Eren stated that, because of the treatment including assault with hands and being blindfolded with a wet cloth her client was unable to sleep and shivering. Therefore, they had asked the prosecutor to send her to the Psychological Trauma Center at Çapa Medical Faculty. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 27, 2002)

Verdict in TIKB Trial, Death Penalty

On 26 April Istanbul SSC passed its verdict on 23 defendants, 9 of them in pre-trial connection in with the killing of Nihat Uygun, chairman of the MHP in Kartal (Istanbul) and Ethem Ekin, prosecutor in Adana. Among the alleged members of the Revolutionary Communist Union of Turkey (TIKB) Tamer Tuncer and Sefa Gönültas were sentenced to death according to Article 146 TPC. Ergül Çelik, Kenan Güngör, Nuri Akalin and Turgay Ulu were sentenced to life imprisonment. Mete Tuncer and Zeynep Saral were sentenced to 18 yearsí, 4 monthsí imprisonment according to Article 168/2 TPC. The sentences of the other defendants were suspended according to the Law on Conditional Release and Suspension of Sentences. After the verdict the defendants shouted slogans and were attacked by relatives of Nihat Uygun. Outside the courtroom they bear the elderly brother of Tamer Tuncer and Mete Tuncer, Nihat Tuncer. (Evrensel-TIHV, April 27, 2002)

DHKP/C Trial, Death Penalty Demanded

On 26 April the retrial of Ercan Kartal, Fadime Bastug and Berkan Abatay, who are accused to have planned the assassination of Kenan Evren, the 7th State President of Turkey, as members of the Revolutionary Peopleís Liberation Party/Front (DHKP/C), started at Istanbul SSC No. 6. The first trial had ended on 22 April 1999. Fadime Bastug and Berkan Abatay, for whom the death penalty had been demanded, were sentenced to 12.5 yearsí imprisonment as members of the organization. Ilhan Uçar had been sentenced to 45 monthsí imprisonment for supporting the organization. Ercan Kartal, for whom the death penalty had been demanded, and Filiz Gencer, Serif Minaz and Canan Ferai Köker had been acquitted. The Court of Cassation had quashed the sentences and acquittal of Ercan Kartal, Fadime Bastug and Berkan Abatay and in a first retrial Ercan Kartal had been sentenced to death according to Article 146 /1 TPC. Fadime Bastug and Berkan Abatay had been sentenced to 15 yearsí imprisonment for membership of the organization. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, April 27, 2002)

Diyarbakir IHD on Trial

The public prosecutor in Diyarbakir indicted Osman Baydemir, chairman of the Diyarbakir branch of the Human Rights Association (IHD) and the board members Fikret Saraçoglu, Selahattin Demirtas, Abdulkadir Aydin, Reyhan Yalçindag, Meral Danis Bestas and Piruzhan Dogrul for a violation of Article 6 of the Law on Associations providing that the distribution of brochures, leaflets and written statements has to be in Turkish. The board of Diyarbakir IHD had written "Newroz" instead of "Nevruz", when on 14 March they decided to organize a reception on 20 March. The board of the Elazig branch of the IHD was indicted for a press conference on the so-called adjustment laws on 29 January. The trial will start at Elazig Penal Court No. 2on 26 June. (Cumhuriyet-Evrensel-TIHV, April 28, 2002)

Lawyer on Trial in kirikkale

The public prosecutor in Kirikkale indicted lawyer Filiz Kalayci (from Ankara) for an article she wrote in the daily "Cumhuriyet" on the situation of some of her clients on hunger strike. The prosecutor in Kirikkale maintained that she insulted the Ministry of Justice and asked for a prison term between 1 and 6 years. The trial will start at Kirikkale Criminal Court. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, April 29, 2002)

An Environmentalist on Trial

Oktay Konyar, chairman of the Environmental Executive Committee in Bergama, who was arrested in Soma (Izmir) on 12 April, appeared at Soma Penal Court on 26 April. He was charged with "insulting the police", when he went to the police station to ask for permission to speak during a press conference of the trade union Egitim-Sen in Soma. After the hearing Oktay Konyar was released. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, April 27, 2002)

Teachers on Trial in Diyarbakir

In Diyarbakir 1.032 members of the teachersí union Egitim-Sen were indicted for their participation in a one-day no-work action organized by the Diyarbakir branch on 7 June 2001. The prosecution has asked for prison terms of between 1 and 3 years for 15 executives and the other defendants have to expect sentences between 4 monthsí and 1 yearís imprisonment. The trial will start at Diyarbakir Penal Court No. 4 on 6 May. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 29, 2002)

Refugees die on lorry near Istanbul

Following a tip-off the police wanted to search a lorry on a parking place of the highway near Çatalca (Istanbul). 12 persons from Bangladesh were detained, but the lorry escaped. The testimony of the detainees revealed that three persons had suffocated and thrown out of the lorry. The corpses were found near the parking place. (Milliyet-TIHV, April 30, 2002)
 

PRESSIONS SUR LES MEDIAS / PRESSURE ON THE MEDIA

Une journaliste turque bloquée à Ramallah dénonce l'armée israélienne

Une journaliste turque bloquée à Ramallah (Cisjordanie) a accusé mardi l'armée israélienne de mettre en danger la vie des reporters, dénonçant son inertie pour les faire sortir de la ville alors même qu'ils en sont bannis.

"Un responsable du service de presse de l'armée (israélienne) m'a informé qu'ils ne disposaient pas de véhicule pour nous sortir", a expliqué à l'AFP Ayse Karabat, de la télévision d'information en continu NTV, interrogée par téléphone depuis Ankara.

"Il a alors suggéré: Pourquoi ne prenez-vous pas un taxi? Je suppose qu'il était sérieux", a indiqué Mme Karabat, 30 ans, qui écrit aussi pour le quotidien turc Radikal.

La journaliste indique avoir expliqué à son interlocuteur que Ramallah a été déclaré "zone militaire fermée" et que les taxis ont été chassés de la ville. "Il m'a donné raison et m'a assuré avant de raccrocher que je n'avais pas à craindre pour ma vie", a-t-elle dit.

Mme Karabat, qui est basée à Jérusalem, s'est rendue à Ramallah jeudi dernier, la veille de l'occupation par les troupes israéliennes de la ville et du siège imposé au QG du président palestinien Yasser Arafat.

Elle est bloquée dans un appartement avec un journaliste danois et son épouse et ils manquent de vivres.

D'autres responsables israéliens lui ont suggéré d'appeler des ambulances palestiniennes pour quitter la ville.

"C'est amusant quand vous savez combien il est sûr de voyager dans des ambulances palestiniennes", ironise-t-elle en référence aux informations selon lesquelles ces véhicules auraient été bloqués par les soldats.

Les autorités turques sont à pied d'oeuvre pour évacuer la journaliste et lui ont conseillé de ne pas quitter le bâtiment tant qu'Israël n'envoie pas un véhicule blindé pour l'évacuer.

"Comme les Israéliens sont occupés à démolir Ramallah, je ne sais pas si je dois m'attendre à une telle éventualité", confie-t-elle.

A Ankara, l'Association des correspondants diplomatiques a appelé Israël à l'évacuer, estimant que sa "vie est en grand danger".

Karabat a finalement été évacuée avec l'aide de la Croix-Rouge mardi,. (AFP, 2 avril 2002)
 

Turkey Under Fire Over Censorship Trials

A New York-based press freedom watchdog Monday said it was "deeply concerned" about the criminal prosecution of a Turkish publisher who is being charged with "separatist propaganda" for publishing a book by a retired Washington Post reporter about the plight of the Kurdish people.

A statement from the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) addressed the trial of Abdullah Keskin, the head of the Istanbul-based Avesta publishing house, which is to begin Wednesday morning in an Istanbul State Security Court. Keskin is being charged under Article 8 of Turkey's anti-terror law for publishing Jonathan Randal's 1997 book, 'After Such Knowledge, What Forgiveness? - My Encounters in Kurdistan.'

The book's Turkish edition, which was published last year, was confiscated in mid-January for containing a number of references to "Kurdistan," which, according to the indictment, amounts to "separatist propaganda through publication in order to sabotage the indivisible integrity of the state and nation of the Republic of Turkey." If convicted, Keskin could face from one to three years in prison.

The case follows the resumption last week of another celebrated censorship case in which 15 writers and intellectuals are being tried in connection with their collective publication two years ago of a book entitled 'Freedom of Expression 2000,' which contains 60 articles that allegedly violate four separate laws penalizing free speech.

Hearings in the case, which concern articles on subjects ranging from Kurdish rights to government corruption, resulted in acquittals last year that were subsequently reversed on appeal.

The book is part of a general civil disobedience movement by intellectuals and writers which began in 1995 to test a number of censorship laws which have been used by the Turkish authorities to stifle dissent and public debate on key issues. The defendants contend that the censorship laws violate the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), to which Turkey is a signatory, as well as other international covenants.

The embarrassment caused by such cases persuaded the Turkish parliament last year to pass constitutional reforms aimed at enhancing freedom of expression and amend existing laws to reduce penalties which have been imposed under anti-terror legislation and other statutes which curb free speech.

Those efforts also followed a landmark decision in September 2000 by a Turkish court to acquit a journalist charged with "insulting" Turkey's powerful military in a book of interviews with veterans of Turkey's counter-insurgency campaign against the Kurds in the country's southeastern region.

Nadire Mater, the author of 'Mehmed's Book: Soldiers Who Have Fought in the Southeast Speak Out,' and its publisher, Samih Sokmen, faced prison sentences of up to 12 years but were let go largely on the basis of an expert report that the interviews did not constitute an "insult" to the military rather than on the basis of any judicial reprieve or legislative change.

As a result, laws on censorship have remained largely intact, according to CPJ and other press watchdogs, such as Article 19 and Index on Censorship, and provided a basis for pursuing a case against Randal's book, which has been published in several countries and languages outside Turkey without incident.

The indictment cites several passages in the book which, according to the prosecutors, "speaks of a Kurdish nation and also of a Kurdish state within territories of the Turkish Republic." Moreover, according to the indictment, the book also includes a map "that contains certain districts, which are in the Turkish Republic. Hence it follows that separatist propaganda has been accomplished through this publication."

A "friends of the court" brief submitted to the court by CPJ and several other groups, argues that the prosecution violates free speech principles contained in the ECHR's Article 10 and is similar to other Turkish cases involving "separatist propaganda" that have been struck down by the European Court on Human Rights since 1999.

"The Court has held repeatedly that simply describing, explaining or providing opinions on the Kurdish situation in southeastern Turkey cannot constitute a risk substantial enough to outweigh the rights of the publisher and the public to free expression," the brief asserted. (OneWorld US, April 2, 2002)
 

Journalists and writers face harsh conditions in Turkish prisons

The following is a WiPC report on conditions in Turkish prisons:

On 5 March 1999, Suleyman Yeter, Turkish journalist and trade union activist, died while under interrogation by police. He and four other staff of his newspaper, Dayanisma, had been taken to the anti-terrorist branch of the Istanbul police headquarters where they were set upon by sixteen policemen. While under questioning, Yeter was reportedly stripped and beaten, sprayed with cold water and forced to lie on ice. Yeter's colleagues testify that throughout the night of their detention, they could hear cries from the cell next door where Yeter was held. The next morning, the prosecutor reported that he was dead. Yeter was one of several detainees who had previously reported being tortured in early 1997. His allegations were under investigation at the time of his re-arrest. His colleagues believe that he may have been singled out by police for his previous torture testimony. The trial against the sixteen policemen accused of involvement in Yeter's death is still underway.

This incident is just one illustration of the brutality that is meted out to political prisoners in Turkey, including writers. International PEN has recorded hundreds of arrests of writers, journalists, editors and publishers in recent years. Although for most their treatment was relatively humane, others, such as Yeter, did not survive and there is concern that the officers involved have escaped proper prosecution.

A prominent PEN current case is that of Asiye Güzel Zeybek, a young woman who became embroiled in left-wing politics in the mid-1990s. In February 1997, she was arrested after a demonstration protesting links between the mafia and government. Charged in connection with her editorship of the Marxist Leninist Communist Party (now defunct) newspaper Isçinin Yolu (Worker's Path), she is accused under Article 168 of the Turkish Penal Code of being a member in an "illegal organisation". Over five years later, she is still on trial and yet to be sentenced. What has brought her case to the fore has been Zeybek's testimony that she was raped by eight policemen while under interrogation. The accused policemen were brought to court in November 1998, but in November 2000 it was decided to drop the case against them. Zeybek remains defiant, having published a book in prison detailing her ordeal. As Zeybek's own case drags on without conclusion, International PEN grows increasingly concerned that she is being held in denial of her right to a speedy and fair trial. It is also calling for a review of the decision to drop proceedings against the police accused of her rape.

Zeybek was one of the prisoners who found themselves caught up in a wave of prison protests, some of which led to the killings of inmates. In December 2000, an operation was underway to transfer political prisoners to new "F-type" prisons. Prisoners were concerned that the new prisons would increase the number of isolation cells and in turn this would lead to a rise in ill-treatment by prison guards. Thus, more than 1,000 inmates nationwide staged prison protests. The result was clashes between prisoners and guards. Gunfire, gas, stun-guns and explosives were used in an attempt to quell the protests. Thirty prisoners and two officers were killed as the security services rounded up and transferred the prisoners. Many more were wounded, among them Zeybek who sustained bullet wounds to her back and legs.

Another observer of these events was Nevin Berktas, imprisoned since 1994 for her membership in an organisation accused of extremist activities, for which she was sentenced to twelve and a half years. She had previously served a prison term from 1978 to 1991 for her radical political activities. In 2001, Berktas wrote a book in prison entitled The Cells, on her experiences of the F-type prison riots. In November that year, she and her publisher, Elif Camyhar, found themselves brought before the courts under Article 169 of the Penal Code for "supporting terrorists". Statements that are seen to side with the prison protests and hunger-strikes are deemed tantamount to support for terrorism. Both were found guilty. Berktas was given 45 months in addition to her existing sentence. Camyhar was sentenced to a fine. While International PEN has no position on the reasons for Berktas' twelve and a half year sentence, it is alarmed that she is to serve an additional three years and nine months in prison only for having written her account of the events in December 2000.

The new F-type prisons were already causing concern in Turkey, well before the events of December 2000. In July 2000, photographer Mehmet Özer issued a press statement condemning the new prisons, for which he has found himself before the courts. Outraged, a group of fourteen writers and artists formed the Initiative of Intellectuals and Artists, published their own condemnation of the situation, and presented themselves for prosecution in September 2001. They were duly charged under Article 169 of the Criminal Code and their first trial hearing has been set for 8 April 2002 before the Ankara State Security Court.

In her report to the United Nations Commission on Human Rights, Special Rapporteur on Summary, Arbitrary and Extra-Judicial Killings, Asma Jahangir, describes the state of Turkey's prisons as "critical" and refers to the "callous attitude towards . those killed during the December 2000 security operation." She recommends that the issue be addressed as a matter of urgency and that an amnesty of political prisoners be granted. She refers to the impunity that the security services enjoy and urges that mechanisms for punishing those accused of human rights abuses need to be strengthened. International PEN fully endorses Ms Jahangir's recommendations and adds its voice to calls for change as a matter of urgency. (WiPC/IFEX, April 2, 2002)
 

Writer of book on the Laz people to appear in court

Writer Selma Koçiva and her publisher Muammer Akyüz will stand trial on 3 April 2002 for Koçiva's book on one of Turkey's many minority groups. International PEN considers the case against them to be in direct breach of Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights, which specifically protects the right to freedom of expression.

The first trial hearing against Koçiva, author of "Lazona, the Reality of the Laz People", and the book's publisher, Akyüz of the Tum Zamanlar Publishing House, is to be held on 3 April. Koçiva's book was confiscated at the end of January and charges were laid against her and Akyüz under Article 312 of the Turkish Penal Code (incitement to hatred and enmity), often used to penalise those who write on minority issues.

The Laz community is based in the Eastern corner of the Pontus, on the Turkish Black Sea coast, bordering Georgia. It has a separate identity from the Pontic community, about which the writer Omer Asan has published "The Culture of the Pontus". Asan is also threatened with prosecution for his writings.

International PEN is alarmed by the high numbers of writers on minority issues who are on trial in Turkey at present. Koçiva and Akyüz are among at least sixteen other writers who face fines and even imprisonment under the same legislation. The organisation is calling for the dropping of the charges against Koçiva and Akyüz and the discontinuance of the trials against other similarly accused writers. (WiPC/IFEX, April 2, 2002)
 

Trials of writer and publishers postponed until June

The trials against writer Selma Koçiva and her publisher Muammer Akyüz, and publisher Abdullah Keskin, whose first hearings were held on 3 April 2002, were postponed to second hearings in June. International PEN considers these trials to be in direct breach of Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights, which specifically protects the right to freedom of expression.

The first trial hearing against Koçiva, author of "Lazona, the Reality of the Laz People" and the book's publisher, Akyüz of the Tum Zamanlar Publishing House, was held on 3 April. Koçiva's book was confiscated at the end of January and charges were laid against her and Akyüz under Article 312 of the Turkish Penal Code (incitement to hatred and enmity). Article 312 is often used to penalise those who write on minority issues. Their trial will resume on 26 June.

The trial against Keskin also opened on 3 April under Article 8 of the Anti-Terror Law. He is accused in connection with the Turkish publication of a book by American author and former "Washington Post" correspondent Jonathan Randal entitled, "After Such Knowledge, What Forgiveness? My Encounters in Kurdistan". The book was originally published in English in 1997 and subsequently translated into Farsi, Italian and Arabic. Charges appear to relate to the author's references to "Kurdistan" in a number of passages. If convicted, Keskin could serve up to three years in prison. Randal was present at the first hearing but was not granted permission to testify in support of Keskin. This trial will resume on 7 June.

International PEN is alarmed by the high numbers of writers on minority issues who are on trial in Turkey at present. Koçiva, Akyüz and Keskin are among at least fifteen other writers who face fines and even imprisonment under the same legislation. The organisation is calling for the dropping of the charges against the three defendants and the discontinuance of the trials against other similarly accused writers. (WiPC/IFEX, April 4, 2002)
 

Le livre d'un journaliste américain jugé en Turquie pour séparatisme

Le journaliste américain Jonathan Randal, spécialiste des Kurdes, a tenté de défendre le 3 avril devant un tribunal d'Istanbul un de ses livres, interdit en Turquie et dont l'éditeur turc est poursuivi pour propagande séparatiste, sans être entendu par la Cour.

"Nous faisons notre possible pour éviter la prison à l'éditeur turc", a expliqué à l'AFP l'auteur de l'essai "After such knowledge, what forgiveness? - my encounters in Kurdistan" (Sachant cela, quel pardon? Mes rencontres au Kurdistan), déplorant que la Cour de sûreté de l'Etat n'ait pas daigné entendre son témoignage, lui-même n'étant pas poursuivi personnellement.

L'ouvrage, traduit en turc après le kurde, l'arabe et le persan, a été saisi par la police en Turquie en janvier.

L'éditeur, Abdullah Keskin, qui dirige la maison d'édition Avesta, risque jusqu'à 3 ans de prison et 3 milliards de livres turques (2.500 euros environ), a précisé à l'AFP son avocat maître Hasip Kaplan.

"Ce que j'ai entendu me laisse penser que tout cela se terminera bien, à un moment où la Turquie cherche à faire partie de l'Union européenne", a estimé Jon Randal, qui a fait le déplacement en Turquie pour assister à l'audience.

Le procès, auquel ont assisté des représentants du consulat américain et de l'association de défense des journalistes Reporters sans frontières, a été ajourné au 7 juin prochain

"Il est inacceptable que des livres soient censurés et que des éditeurs soient emprisonnés", a encore regretté le journaliste américain.

Le livre utilise le mot -- tabou en Turquie -- "Kurdistan" sans pour autant dénoncer la politique de la Turquie vis-à-vis de sa population kurde, ni même épargner ses critiques envers le PKK, qui a déposé les armes il y a 30 mois. (AFP, 3 avril 2002)
 

HRW on Freedom of Expression and Language Rights in Turkey

Turkeyís human rights record is marred by its severe restrictions on the right to freedom of expression.

Individuals in Turkey face prosecution and prison terms merely for using forbidden minority languages or expressing opinions on certain taboo subjects.

The European Union indicated that it expected Turkey to resolve its free expression problems by March 2002. Recent months have seen the Turkish government trying to meet that goal with legislative half-measures that have brought little real change.

The following are answers to basic questions about respect for the right to free expression and language rights in Turkey.

Which laws affect the right to free expression?

The Turkish Human Rights Association has calculated that Turkish law and regulations contain more than 300 provisions constraining freedom of expression, religion, and association. Many of the repressive provisions found in the Press Law, the Political Parties Law, the Trade Union Law, the Law on Associations, and other legislation were imposed by the military junta after its coup in 1980.

Article 312 of the Turkish criminal code imposes three-year prison sentences for incitement to commit an offence and incitement to religious or racial hatred. Turkish courts have had a very idiosyncratic view of what counts as incitement to hatred. In 1999 the mayor of Istanbul Recep Tayyip Erdog an was sentenced to 10 months' imprisonment under Article 312 for reading a few lines from a poem that had been authorized by the Ministry of Education for use in schools. With his conviction, he had to forfeit his status as mayor. In 2000 Akin Birdal was imprisoned under Article 312 for a speech in which he called for "peace and understanding" between Kurds and Turks. He was obliged to resign his post as president of the Turkish Human Rights Association, as the Law on Associations forbids persons who breach this and several other laws from serving as association officials.

Article 159 of the criminal code imposes three-year prison sentences for insulting "Turkishness, the Republic, the Grand National Assembly, the spiritual personality of the government, ministries, the military, security forces or judiciary of the state." Most of the thirty-seven people known to Human Rights Watch as currently facing proceedings under Article 159 are journalists, but the list also includes three human rights defenders and the president of the Istanbul Chamber of Commerce, who is accused of insulting the National Security Council. In March 2001, nineteen organizers and speakers of a conference on sexual assault and rape in custody were put on trial in Istanbul for "insulting the State authorities." One of those charged was a nurse who had been tortured and raped with a truncheon in police custody in 1992. This trial continues, along with proceedings against the Women Pensionersí Union, which published the conference proceedings in a book entitled Voice and Courage.

Article 8 of the Anti-Terror Law (Law 3713) imposes three-year prison sentences for "separatist propaganda." Despite its name, the Anti-Terror Law punishes many non-violent offences. Those imprisoned under Article 8 for their non-violent statements have included pacifists and people who strongly and publicly criticize political violence. The publisher Fatih Tas¸ was recently prosecuted under Article 8 at Istanbul State Security Court for translating and publishing writings by Noam Chomsky, summarizing the history of human rights violations in southeast Turkey.

On February 13, the Court acquitted Tas.

"Undermining the institution of military service" can bring one two years in prison.

For "insulting the memory" of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the founder of the Turkish republic, one can pay with up to seven and a half years in prison under the Law to Protect Ataturk.

The authorities often decide to use even harsher laws to punish non-violent statements. During the crisis following the killing of twenty-eight prisoners in transfers into small-group isolation at F-type prisons in December 2000, the Justice Ministry announced that statements deemed as supporting the prisonersí hunger-strikes would be prosecuted as "support for an illegal armed organization" under Article 169 of the criminal code. The president and board members of the Ankara branch of the Human Rights Association are currently on trial at Ankara State Security Court for making a public statement about the prison crisis in January 2001. If convicted they face prison sentences of up to seven and a half years. Nineteen participants in a protest

against F-type prisons at Ankara University were sentenced to three years and nine months on February 7, 2001. They will serve their sentences in F-type prisons.

What is the state of the Turkish language media?

Turkey has a very lively media. Newspapers and television programs include strong criticism of government and government policy. Discussion programs range freely over almost every conceivable topic. But three topics are potentially hazardous: Turkish secularism and the limits imposed on religion in politics; minority rights and the role of ethnicity in politics; and the role of the military in politics. Statements on such topics may well provoke prosecution and imprisonment.

A clear example of this were last yearís convictions and prison sentences imposed on three party leaders: Necmettin Erbakan former president of the banned religion-based Welfare Party; Murat Bozlak, former president of the HADEP; and Hasan Celal Guzel, former Minister of State, former Minister of Education, founder and president of the Rebirth Party, and persistent critic of the militaryís influence in politics. The Turkish government avoided the embarrassment of imprisoning the political leaders by enacting a partial amnesty in December 2001.

The threat of such prosecutions is an extremely effective curb on politicians, since conviction for expression offences not only means they may serve a prison sentence, but also that they forever forfeit their right to participate in politics.

Are there restrictions on the Kurdish language media?

There is no legal obstacle to publishing newspapers and magazines in Kurdish, but the authorities confiscate these publications and prosecute their publishers on charges of separatism.

In January 2000, Turkish embassies abroad circulated a list of Kurdish magazines, books, music cassettes, and radio stations, which the government claimed was an "important indicator of the wide and free use of the Kurdish language in Turkey." All ten magazines were published legally, but the authorities had repeatedly confiscated five of the ten magazines, detained and imprisoned their staff and distributors, and forbidden any issues of the magazines to enter the mainly Kurdish provinces governed under state of emergency legislation.

The High Council for Radio and Television (RTÜK), on which the military is represented, has deemed radio broadcasting in Kurdish unacceptable. The Law on the Organization and Broadcasts of Radio and Television Stations (Statute 3984) requires all broadcasting to be in Turkish. Non-Turkish languages are permitted if they have "made a contribution to the development of universal culture or works of science," a formulation apparently designed to exclude Kurdish.

Radio stations are constantly testing the limits set by RTÜK. The authorities sometimes tolerate this, but sometimes punish stations with expensive broadcasting bans. Of the ten radio stations on the embassiesí list of those providing broadcasts in Kurdish, RTÜK has banned Radio Metro in Diyarbakir for six months, Show Radio in Mardin for nine months, and Radio Karacadag in S¸anliurfa for three years. In February 2002, RTÜK banned Gün [Day] Radio in Diyarbakir for two years for broadcasting songs in Kurdish, some of which were critical of the military, but a local court subsequently reversed one of those rulings. In recent months politicians have signalled openness to the prospect of Kurdish language broadcasting. This may in part be an effort to counteract the influence of MED-TV, a Kurdish language station broadcast from Europe via satellite. Many Kurds watch its programs, which are considered sympathetic to the PKK. The Turkish army runs Dicleínin Sesi (Voice of the Tigris) radio station, broadcasting in two Kurdish dialects. In March the government submitted a bill to parliament in order to permit the state television channel TRT to broadcast an hourís news a day in Kurdish.

Music cassettes in Kurdish can be found legally on open sale in Istanbul and Diyarbakir, but occasional police purges result in mass confiscations of such cassettes. Local governors circulate lists of cassettes banned from sale in city markets. In November 2001 police in Batman, southeast Turkey, presented shopkeepers with a list of ninety-one banned cassettes, the majority in the Kurdish language.

Are there restrictions on Kurdish people freely speaking their language?

Yes. Kurds and members of Turkeyís many other ethnic minorities speak their own language at home and in the street and have always done so, but significant restrictions remain in other parts of Turkish life.

For example, people cannot use minority languages in the political arena. Article 81 of the Political Parties Law (imposed by the military junta in 1982) forbids parties from using any language other than Turkish in their written material or at any formal or public meetings. This law is strictly enforced. Public meetings are usually videotaped by the police so that legal action can be taken if there is any breach of the law. For the party, the risk is possible closure by the Constitutional Court.

For the individual politician, speaking Kurdish in a public setting can be very hazardous.

When elected to parliament in October 1991 for the Democracy Party (DEP), Leyla Zana took the oath of loyalty in Turkish, as required, but added in Kurdish: "I have completed this formality under duress.

I shall struggle so that the Kurdish and Turkish peoples can live peacefully together in a democratic framework." The parliamentary chamber erupted with calls for her arrest and hanging as a separatist and traitor. Leyla Zanaís use of Kurdish triggered legal proceedings against her and her DEP colleagues. In 1994, DEP was closed for "separatism" and, after a trial that did not meet international standards for fairness, Ankara State Security Court sentenced Leyla Zana and three other DEP members of parliament to fifteen yearsí imprisonment for "membership of an armed organization."

They are still imprisoned in Ankara Central Closed Prison. In July 2001, the European Court of Human Rights ruled that their trial had been unfair. In January 2002, the General Secretary of the Council of Europe Walter Schwimmer called on Turkey to abide by the ruling of the court and order a new trial.

In late 2001, the Interior Minister sent out a circular requiring provincial governors to ensure that parents name their children "[i]n a manner appropriate to our national culture, moral values and customs" as required by the Civil Registration Law.

In February and March, prosecutors opened actions against eight families who had given their children Kurdish names, requiring them to change the names to traditional Turkish names.

What restrictions are placed on the Kurdish language in schools?

Article 42(9) of the Turkish constitution states: "No language other than Turkish shall be taught as a mother tongue to Turkish citizens at any institutions of training or education. Foreign languages to be taught in institutions of training and education and the rules to be followed by schools conducting training and education in a foreign language shall be determined by law." According to the Foreign Language Education and Teaching Law of October 1983, which regulates the teaching of languages other than Turkish, the National Security Council (comprised of the president, ministers, and leaders of the armed forces) decides which languages may be taught.

At present, only English, French, German, Russian, Italian, Spanish, Arabic, Japanese, and Chinese may be taught. This ruling applies to public and private institutions.

Constitutional amendments adopted in October 2001 removed mention of "language forbidden by law" from legal provisions concerning free expression.

Thereafter, university students began a campaign for optional courses in Kurdish to be put on the university curriculum, triggering more than 1,000 detentions throughout Turkey during December and January 2002. Scores of students reported that police tortured or otherwise ill-treated them during incommunicado detention.

One hundred and forty people, most of them students, who submitted petitions concerning optional language classes, are now in custody awaiting trial. It is likely that they will be charged under the Anti-Terror Law, because the authorities claim that the PKK is behind the language education campaign.

Several hundred other students have been suspended for a year or more from higher education because they submitted petitions inviting the university authorities to add Kurdish language to the curriculum.

Prime Minister Bülent Ecevit has said that the teaching of Kurdish language in universities is "impossible," and is no more than a ruse to divide the nation. The Higher Education Council (YÖK), which is responsible for university administration (and on which the military is represented), has so far suspended forty-six students submitting petitions for Kurdish language courses.

Are these restrictions founded in racial tension between Kurds and Turks? Is there a history of intercommunal violence?

No.

Even during the years of bitter conflict between the PKK and the government, incidents of violence based on ethnic identity were almost unknown.

Do other ethnic minorities face restrictions on the use of their language?

Prosecutors have at times taken action against publications by the Laz minority, who originate from the Black Sea region and speak a language related to Georgian.

The Turkish government accepts the language rights of the Jewish, Greek and Armenian minorities as being guaranteed by the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne. But the government claims that these are Turkeyís only minorities, and that any talk of minority rights beyond this is just separatism.

The Turkish Foreign Ministry website says: "The status of minorities in Turkey has been internationally certified by the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne, according to which there are only non-Muslim minorities in Turkey. It is wrong, according to this definition, to refer to our citizens of Kurdish descent as a ëKurdish minority.í" The government ignores Article 39(4) of the Treaty of Lausanne, which states that: "[n]o restrictions shall be imposed on the free use by any Turkish national of any language in private intercourse, in commerce, religion, in the press or in publications of any kind or at public meetings."

Are there any moves to remove restrictions on freedom of expression?

Many in the Turkish press, public, and political elite recognize that the limits imposed on free expression are unacceptable. Ahmet Necdet Sezer, a judge and former president of the constitutional court, was elected president of the Turkish Republic in May 2000, after he had made a series of bold speeches calling for the constitution and legal system of Turkey to be "cleansed" of their repressive features. He continued this theme in his inaugural speech: "We must swiftly integrate modern democracy into the fabric of our political life and the principle of rule of law into the fabric of our state structure. We cannot meet the demands of a modern society without abandoning the structure and regulations that bring to mind a police state."

Unfortunately, government ministers who applauded this speech have done almost nothing to dismantle the battery of laws that restrict freedom of expression and inhibit political life. As has happened with every government since the return to civilian rule in 1983, nearly every reform eliminating some restrictive measures has been countered by the introduction of other repressive legislation or the courtsí resorting to other existing articles of the criminal code.

In 1991 the government repealed laws outlawing communist beliefs (Articles 141 and 142 of the criminal code) and Islamic fundamentalist ideas (Article 163 of the criminal code). This package of legal changes substantially freed up expression of leftist thought, but simultaneously created a new offence of "separatist propaganda" under Article 8 of the Anti-Terror Law. Prosecutors also began to use Article 312 of the criminal code in place of Article 163.

In 1995 the government slightly amended Article 8 of the Anti-Terror Law, but as a practical matter there were no changes.

The academic Fikret Bas¸kaya, for example, is even now serving a one-year four-month sentence under that revised wording because of a newspaper article he wrote concerning the trial of Abdullah Öcalan, leader of the PKK.

On February 6, 2002, the Turkish parliament passed a "mini-democracy package" that altered the wording of Article 312. Under the revised text, incitement can only be punished if it presents "a possible threat to public order." The package also reduced the prison sentences for Article 159 of the criminal code from a maximum of six years to three years. None of the other laws have been amended or repealed.

The judiciary has the power to transform the situation. Expressions of non-violent opinion are safeguarded by Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, ratified by Turkey in 1954, and various provisions of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, signed by Turkey in 2000. Many Turkish citizens convicted under the laws mentioned above have applied to the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) and won their cases.

According to Article 90 of the Turkish Constitution, provisions of international treaties take precedence over Turkish domestic law. Judges should therefore reflect the European Human Rights Convention in their judgments. It is unfortunate that prosecutors and judges, in their interpretations of Turkish law, have persistently ignored the jurisprudence of the ECHR and its succession of judgments against Turkey on matters of free expression.

What is the European Union's position on the use of minority languages and freedom of expression in Turkey?

In 1999 the European Union (E.U.) recognized Turkey as a candidate for membership, with the proviso that Turkey cannot begin negotiations for full membership until it has met the political conditions for membership (the Copenhagen Criteria) that require "stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights, and respect for and protection of minorities." In 2000 the E.U. presented Turkey with its requirements for fulfilment of the criteria in the form of an Accession Partnership document. Turkey answered in 2001 with its National Plan, in which the Turkish government attempted to bargain down the E.U.ís demands.

On the general question of freedom of expression, the E.U. asked that in the "short term" Turkey strengthen legal and constitutional guarantees for the rights of freedom of expression and association in line with Article 10 of the European Convention. In the context of the E.U. accession process, the "short term" is normally interpreted as one year from the presentation of the National Plan, which elapsed for Turkey in March 2002.

Turkey responded by promising only to "review" Article 312 of the criminal law, Article 8 of the Anti-Terror Law and the Press Law. A year later Article 312 has been slightly altered; Article 8 of the Anti-Terror Law and the Press Law remain unchanged.

On the specific issue of minority language broadcasting, the E.U. asked Turkey to remove legal provisions forbidding the use by Turkish citizens of their mother tongue in TV and radio broadcasting. Turkey promised to review the Broadcasting Law, but has failed to do so, and RTÜK continues to impose a large number of closure orders on TV and radio stations on the grounds that they have made separatist broadcasts. In August 2001, RTÜK banned the BBC World Service and the Deutsche Welle on the grounds that their broadcasts "threatened national security." (HRW, April 21, 2002)
 

Fogg: RTUK law against both EU and Turkey's norms

The European Union Representative to Turkey, Karen Fogg, said that the Supreme Board of Radio and Television (RTUK) law, is not only against the norms of the European Union, but also the norms of Turkey. Fogg participated in "Basin Kulubu - Press Club" in Haberturk, and answered the questions related to current developments in EU-Turkey ties.

Fogg evaluated the RTUK law by stating that, "This law means taking a few steps back. This law has shocked the Europeans. Especially the restrictions and limitations related to the use of languages, are very considerable. However, sometimes some progressive steps may be taken during the implementation. We see some improvement in the issue of mother tongues, and improvements in the issue of torture. But sometimes no improvement could be assured. The general perception of the EU is that, Turkey has assured some improvements in fulfillment of the obligations and its promises."

Fogg also evaluated the threat of fundamentalism in Turkey, and the closures of the political parties. By saying that, "There is no threat and problem of fundamentalism in Turkey" Fogg stated, "The closure of the political parties should be extremely restricted conditions. In order to close a political party, the condition of provocating the violence should be available. The EU thinks that the closure of the political parties is unacceptable."

By evaluating the Feb. 28 Process, Fogg said that, "The Feb. 28 Process has remained in the past. A balance of trust should be established between the rulers and the people. Now, we have witnessed some positive steps. So we should look forward, and we should not hang over the developments of the past."

By stressing on her relations with the authorities in Turkey, Fogg stated that, "We had debated the relations of civilians and the military in the European Commission. I have very limited contact with the General Staff. I have never officially meet with the Chief of General Staff. In fact this was not a duty of the European Commission. The Commission considers that an evolution will be lived, and the civil authority will be predominant eventually. We expect the General Secretary of the National Security Council to be a civil person, and a balance in the relations between civilians and the army. We want to just work with the government in Turkey."

By answering the claims over the purchase of the Turkish unions by the EU, Fogg stated that, "Four union confederations have a membership to the confederations in Europe. These institutions have made cooperations on the membership to the European Union. Could this be called as purchasing or bribing? The unions receives training support from the confederations that they are members of"

"EU does not want the transfer of any border dispute in the membership. It wants solutions. We do not always bring the Cyprus issue on the agenda." said Fogg and continued, "If Turkey does not want membership to the EU, it can enter relations with other countries. The preference completely belongs to Turkey,."

Fogg continues to say that, "The candidates do not wait for membership to the EU, they work, make efforts for this aim. However, Turkey has started to fulfill the conditions / criteria for the first time. The indispensable condition of the membership to the EU is, appropriation of the EU policies and laws. The EU criteria are always the same. The important thing is how much a candidate is ready for membership. The efforts in Turkey have always been insufficient. For every country the same standards have been applied. There are three main criteria for every country: Political, economic and constitutional criteria. Turkey will decide itself when it will access the EU."

By saying that Turkey should explain its approach on the terrorist organization PKK in Europe, Fogg stated that, "Those who are called terrorist by you, behave very cautiously in European countries, and do not violate the rules of those countries."(Turkish Daily News, April 23, 2002)
 

International PEN's campaign on trials against writers

Between 26 March and 20 April 2002, International PEN members world-wide staged a campaign aimed at highlighting the huge number of trials under way against writers and journalists in Turkey. PEN has on its records over 100 trials believed to be ongoing against those whose only act has been to write critically of Turkish government policies, ranging from human rights to corruption. During the month-long campaign, members focused on trials where hearings were held in that period. The following is a brief update of the trial results.

On 19 April, writer Mehmed Uzun appeared in a court in Diyabakir to hear charges under the Anti-Terror Law for his speeches on Kurdish issues. Several international observers, including members of Swedish PEN, attended the trial. Uzun was acquitted of all charges.

On 8 April, 14 writers, poets, artists and playwrights who had formed the Initiative of Intellectuals and Artists were brought before the Ankara State Security Court on charges of "supporting an illegal organisation". Their offence was to protest the new F-type prisons. All were acquitted at the first hearing (see IFEX alerts of 16 and 2 April 2002).

Seven of the nine trials led to postponements. Most trials against writers in Turkey are protracted and entail a series of trial hearings taking place over a period of months. Awaiting another hearing in May is Burak Bekdil, a journalist on trial for his article lampooning the judiciary. The other five to have hearings continuing in June are:

The Freedom of Expression 2000 publishers, a group of writers, artists and intellectuals who published a book containing articles breaching several of Turkey's laws that penalise free speech (see IFEX alerts of 29, 28 and 26 March 2002 and 22 June 2001);

Asiye Güzel Zeybek, a writer for a now defunct radical newspaper who has been on trial for over four years. He will be brought to court for a final time on 5 June to hear the final verdict (see IFEX alerts of 2 April, 28 and 26 March 2002, 25 and 20 September, 24 May and 18 April 2001);

Abdullah Keskin, on trial for publishing American author Jonathan Randal's book on his experiences in Kurdistan. He will have his next hearing on 7 June (see IFEX alerts of 4 and 2 April and 29 March 2002);

Selma Koçiva and Muammer Akyüz, who will return to the courts on 28 June to present further arguments against charges of "incitement to hatred and enmity" for a book on the Laz minority (see IFEX alerts of 4 and 2 April and 29 March 2002);

Hassan Öztoprak, publisher of Mehmed Uzun's book on Kurdish literature and language, who will return to court on 20 June.

The number of trials presently underway against writers in Turkey is alarmingly high. The majority of these writers are being penalised solely for the legitimate practice of their right to freedom of expression. The existence of such heavy measures against them belies the Turkish government's stated commitment to improving human rights. International PEN will continue to monitor the trials and to lobby the Turkish authorities to bring them to an end and to cease imprisonment and other penalties against those whose only act is to criticise government policy or to write on minority rights. It also urges the Turkish authorities to once again review legislation with the aim of removing all possibility of prosecution of those who practice their right to freedom of expression as guaranteed under the European Convention on Human Rights and other international human rights instruments. (WiPC/IFEX, 24 April 2002)
 

Violations of thought freedom in brief

Journalist on Trial at Diyarbakir

On 1 April Diyarbakir Criminal Court No. 1 started to hear the case of Hasan Özgün, representative of the daily "Özgür Gündem" (meanwhile shut down), on charges of insulting security personnel. The hearing was adjourned to 10 May to wait for an expertise report to determine whether after the changes to Article 159 TPC the trail should be conducted at a penal court. The trial was initiated after Hasan Özgün had asked for a retrial in the light of information of the so-called Susurluk Report. (Evrensel)

Journal Confiscated in Istanbul

The 25th issue of the journal "Devrim Yolunda Isçi-Köylü" was confiscated on orders of Istanbul SSC. (Evrensel-TIHV, April 3, 2002)

Publisher on Trial in istanbul

On 3 April Istanbul SSC No. 3 heard the case of Abdullah Keskin, owner of Avesta Publishing House on charges of having published the book by Jonathan C. Randal, journalist with the Washington Post and reporting on wars for more than 30 years, under the title of "Impressions of Kurdistan". Jonathan C. Randal was present, but the court rejected the defenseís demand to hear him as witness. The hearing was adjourned to 7 June. The prosecution has asked for a sentence according to Article 8 of the Law to Fight Terrorism. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 4, 2002)

Retrial for Journalist in Ankara

On 4 April Ankara SSC decided for a retrial of Mehmet Kutlular, owner of the newspaper "Asya" after Article 312 TPC had been changed. Following his conviction under Article 312 TPC for his comments on the earthquake of 17 August 1999 Mehmet Kutlular had been imprisoned on 22 May 2001 to sever a sentence of 23 monthsí imprisonment, but he was released on 21 February 2002. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, April 5, 2002)

Bans on Radio and TV stations

The High Council for Radio and TV station (RTÜK) banned the broadcasting for Show TV, Kanal D and atv for one day each, because they had shown a 7-year-old girl as belly dancer. Show TV received an additional ban for 3 days for the appearance of homosexual in the program "confession". Kanal 7 received a warning for the broadcasting of a film in Kurdish with Turkish subtitles. Another warning was issued for Mesaj TV for having broadcasting a 65-minute-speech of the leader of the Kadiri sect, Haydar Bas. Several radio stations were also banned from broadcasting: "Anadolu'nun Sesi" (Istanbul) for 180 days, "Özel FM" for 120 days, "Dolunay FM" for 3 days, "Moral FM", "Best FM", "Foreks" radio and Kapadokya TV for one day each and "Özgür Radio" (Ankara) for 30 days. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, April 5, 2002)

Journalists Beaten by the Police in Bolu

According to information by the Press Council Ümmühan Atak, reporter with the daily Yeni Safak was beaten by the police, when on 1 April she tried to take photographs of a demonstration in front of Eyüp Theological Lyceum. On 2 April Caner Güngör, chief of the Bolu office of Ihlas News Agency, was allegedly beaten, when he tried to take pictures of a discussion between visitors of a concert and a female police officer. (Aksam-TIHV, April 6, 2002)
 

Journalists on Trial in Izmir

On 9 April Izmir SSC heard the case of Ilhami Çinar, representative of the journal "Özgür Halk" and Zeliha Akbay, staff member of the journal "Özgür Kadinin Sesi" (Voice of Free Woman) in Izmir. They had been detained on 24 January and charged with supporting the PKK. The court ordered their release and adjourned the hearing to a later date. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 11, 2002)

Journalist on Trial in istanbul

Istanbul SSC fined Baris Açikel, editor-in-chief of the weekly "Isçi-Köylü", 83 million on the grounds that some articles in edition 6 contained propaganda for an illegal organization. (Evrensel-TIHV, April 12, 2002)

Journalist on Trial in Ankara

On 11 April Ankara SSC acquitted Mehmet Kutlular, owner of the newspaper "Yeni Asya" for a speech he made in October 1999 saying that the earthquake was a punishment for non.believers. Earlier he had been sentenced to 25 monthsí imprisonment, but after changes to Article 312 TPC retried. The prosecutor had demanded the same punishment as before, but Ankara SSC acquitted the defendant. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, April 12, 2002)

Journalist on Trial in istanbul

On 11 April Bakirköy Criminal Court No. 2 acquitted Eren Güvener, editor-in-chief of the daily "Milliyet" in connection with an interview with Prof. Dr. Sebnem Korur Fincanci from Istanbul University. The charges had been brought for the interview of 13 April 2000 on allegations that the armed forces had been insulted. (Milliyet-TIHV, April 12, 2002)

Journalist on Trial in Istanbul

On 11 April Bakirköy Criminal Court No. 2 acquitted Mine G. Kirikkanat, writing for the daily "Radikal" and the editor-in-chief, Hasan Çakkalkurt for an article of 19 January 2000. Both defendants had been tried under Article 159 TPC. (Radikal-TIHV, April 12, 2002)

Staff of Journal on Trial in istanbul

On 11 April Istanbul SSC continued to hear the case of Devran Yüksel and Genco Tas, staff members of the journal "Özgür Halk", who had been arrested on 26 December 2001 on charges of havig sold a book of the PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan in Bursa. After the hearing the defendants, who are charged with supporting the PKK, were released. The hearing was adjourned to 4 July. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 12, 2002)

Owner of Radio on Trial

On 11 April Diyarbakir SSC started to hear the case of Nevzat Bingöl, owner of the radio and TV station "Gün". He is charged with disseminating separatist propaganda for playing the song "De Xalo" by Sivan Perwer on 4 October 2001. The hearing was adjourned to clarify the differences in translations of the song. The file was sent to Ankara SSC. On the same day Nevzat Bingöl was tried at Diyarbakir Penal Court No. 1 in connection with a song by Ahmet Kaya "Everyone Cares about his own Affairs". The hearing was adjourned to establish whether the governor banned the cassette or not. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 12, 2002)

Poster Banned in Zonguldak

Zonguldak Penal Court order the confiscation of posters from the Turkish Communist Party under the slogan "No to War". The decision was reportedly taken, because political parties are not allowed to have the word "communist" in their names. (Evrensel-TIHV, April 12, 2002)

Journal Confiscated in Istanbul

The edition of 12-25 April of the journal "Isçi-Köylü" was confiscated on orders of Istanbul SSC on the grounds that some articles contained propaganda for an illegal organization and incited the people to enmity. (Evrensel-TIHV, April 15, 2002)

Publisher on Trial in Istanbul

On 16 April Istanbul SSC No. 1 heard the case of Hasan Öztoprak, owner of Gendas Publishing house, on trial for having published the book by writer Mehmet Uzun under the title "To Create a Language". Hasan Öztoprak is charged with "incitement to hatred and enmity". The author had appeared as witness. He stated that he had come to Turkey two years ago and given his book to Gendas Publishing House. The court adjourned the hearing to 20 June to give the prosecutor time for summing up the case. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 17, 2002)

Writer's condemnation ratified

The Court of Cassation confirmed the sentence that Istanbul SSC had imposed on Melih Pekdemir, publisher-writer and member of the parliament of the Freedom and Democracy Party (ÖDP) for his book "Is it the State to take revenge?". The book had been confiscated in November 2000 and Istanbul SSC had opened a case on charges of support for the PKK. At the end of the trial Melih Pekdemir was sentenced to 45 monthsí imprisonment under Article 169 TPC. (Radikal-TIHV, April 18, 2002)

Publisher Sentenced in Istanbul

On 17 April Istanbul SSC No. 5 announced its verdict for the book "A Kurdish Businessman", written by Mahmut Baksi, who died in Sweden. The book, released in 1999, describes the connections of the Kurdish businessman Hüseyin Baybasin to the State and gangs. Istanbul SSC No. 5 ruled that the book was an offence against Article 312/2 TPC and sentenced Mahmut Baksi to 28 monthsí imprisonment. Since the writer was no longer alive the owner of Peri Publishing House, Ahmet Önal, was fined TL 5.57 billion. An earlier conviction of September 2001 had been based on the fact, that the book contained an insult to the security forces (Article 159 TPC) Therefore, the published had been fined TL 1.99 billion. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 18, 2002)

Case against Journalist in Batman

The prosecutor at Diyarbakir SSC indicted Irfan Aydin, representing the weekly "Yedinci Gündem" in Batman. He had been detained on 15 February 2002, when he observed a demonstration in favor of PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan in Petrolkent quarter. The prosecution maintained that he participated in the demonstration and shouted slogans in favor of Abdullah Öcalan. Therefore, he is charged under Article 169 TPC. The first hearing will be held on 22 May. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 18, 2002)

Journal Confiscated in Istanbul

Istanbul SSC confiscated the 8 April edition of the journal "Odak" on the grounds that some articles contained propaganda for an illegal organization. (Evrensel-TIHV, April 18, 2002)

Trial against Radio Station in Diyarbakir

On 18 April Diyarbakir Penal Court No. 1 acquitted the owners of the radio station "Gün", Nevzat Bingöl, Zafer Gür, Baki Demirhan, Osman Özsat and Semsettin Yildirim from charges brought under Article 34/1 of the Law No. 3984 on radio and TV stations. In September 2001 the premises of the radio station had been searched on suspicion of illegal broadcasting and interfering in wireless talks of the police. Subsequently the equipment of the radio station was confiscated. The court ruled that the police had not observed legal rules and acquitted the defendants. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 19, 2002)

Journalist on Trial in Istanbul

On 18 April Istanbul SSC continued to hear the case of Sadik Albayrak for an article in the daily "Milli Gazete" of 2 July 2000 seen as "incitement to enmity". The defendant said that he had criticized circular discriminating civil servants according to their dresses. The hearing was adjourned to 4 June. (Yeni Safak-TIHV, April 19, 2002)

Journalist Detained in Istanbul

On 18 April journalist Faruk Aktas was detained, when he went to Istanbul Police HQ. to get a passport for a relative. Allegedly his detention is based on an article he wrote in the meanwhile closed down daily "Yeni Gündem" on torture and rape of Kamile Çigci. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 19, 2002)

24 years imprisonment for journalists

The public prosecutor has demanded a 24-year jail sentence in the case of nine suspects, including journalist Oral Calislar, poet Ataol Behramoglu and former culture minister Fikri Saglar, accused of insulting the government, justice, military and security forces in a Flash TV program discussing F-type prisons. The suspects, Saglar, Behramoglu, Calislar, Senay Senol, Yalcin Cakir, Akif Han, Hulya Imak, Hasan Sonkaya and Melek Altuntas did not attend Monday's hearing at the Bursa Higher Criminal Court. Prosecutor Namik Ozdemirbas demanded six-years imprisonment for Saglar, Han, Behramoglu and Sonkaya for insulting the government, and 24-years imprisonment for Senol and Cakir, for openly insulting the government, justice, military and security forces. The prosecutor, in his indictment, asked for a six-year jail term for Calislar for insulting the justice, and an 18-year term for Altuntas for insulting the government, military and security forces. The case was postponed until the suspects' testimonies can be gathered. (Turkish Daily News, April 23, 2002)

Cartoonist on Trial in Ankara

On 22 April Ankara SSC No. 1 acquitted the cartoonist Askin Ayrancioglu of charges relating to membership of an armed gang. Some 10 months ago Askin Ayrancioglu had been detained in Boyabat (Sinop province), where he had opened an exhibition with Seyit Saatci. Because of journals, books and cassettes found at his home this trial had been opened. Another trial on charges of insulting the security forces is continuing against both persons at Boyabat Criminal Court. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 24, 2002)

Publisher on Trial in Istanbul

On 24 April Istanbul SSC No. 6 continued to hear the case of Fatih Tas, owner of Aram Publishing House in connection with the book "Language of Life in the Mountains", written by Halil Uysal. Defense lawyer Özcan Kiliç stated that the trial had been opened in contravention of Article 10 of the European Convention of Human Rights and demanded acquittal. In summing up the case the prosecutor asked for a conviction of Fatih Tas according to Article 169 TPC for support of the PKK. The hearing was adjourned to 24 July so that the defense can react on the prosecutorís arguments. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 25, 2002)

Journalists Detained in Istanbul

During the night of 25 April, Ayten Akgün, Davut Uçar, Birsen Deli (from the weekly "Yedinci Gündem" and the "Azadiya Welat" staff member Mikail Sit were detained on Istanbul-Bahçelievler. Ayten Akgün and Birsen Deli were released on 26 April. Davut Uçar was kept in detention, reportedly with a problem on his military service and Mikail Sit is said to not have paid a fine. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 26-27, 2002)

Press Offices Raided in Istanbul

In Istanbul the police raided the offices of the journal "Özgür Halk" and detained the editor-in-chief Ayhan Dogru. In Izmir the police raided the offices of the weekly "Yedinci Gündem", the journals "Özgür Halk", "Atilim", "Alinteri" and the Mesopotamian Culture Center on orders of Ö. Faruk Kara, judge at Izmir SSC. The police said that the raid was conducted in search for posters and leaflets on 1 May. In Adana the offices of "Yedinci Gündem" were searched and documents from the archives and 7 books were confiscated. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 30, 2002)
 

QUESTION KURDE / KURDISH QUESTION

Le PKK change de nom et devient le KADEK

A l'issue de son 8ème congrès, le Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK) a annoncé, le 16 avril, un changement de nom et de stratégie: le mouvement, désormais baptisé KADEK (Congrès pour la liberté et la démocratie au Kurdistan), renonce à la violence pour lutter pacifiquement pour de plus grands droits pour la minorité kurde.

"La lutte armée est terminée", a déclaré Riza Erdogan, porte-parole européen du nouveau KADEK. "Nous n'avons pas l'intention de changer les frontières des pays où vit le peuple kurde", a-t-il ajouté expliquant que KADEK n'entend pas lutter pour la séparation de la Turquie, mais pour l'amélioration des droits du peuple kurde, dans ce pays ainsi qu'en Irak, en Iran et en Syrie. Le KADEK ne sera pas un parti politique en tant que tel mais soutiendra des partis et organisations appuyant une "solution démocratique à la question kurde".

Le chef du PKK Abdullah Ocalan, détenu dans l'île-prison turque d'Imrali, a été désigné président du KADEK, a précisé ce porte-parole. Selon lui, "le KADEK est le seul héritier légitime du PKK". Il ne veut pas "détrôner" ces Etats, mais "cherche à leur faire subir une transformation démocratique" dans le cadre d'une vaste "Union démocratique du Moyen-Orient". "Le système du 20ème siècle", reposant sur "le nationalisme, les divisions et les partages" est "caduc", et est "la source première des conflits actuels", estime le KADEK.

L'abandon de la lutte armée est confirmé, le KADEK prône, à la place, des "soulèvements politiques pacifiques". Les militants armés du PKK continueront de constituer une force "d'autodéfense", appartenant au KADEK, rebaptisés unités de défense du peuple, ils n'agiront qu'en cas d'attaque contre des Kurdes, a souligné en outre le porte-parole du KADEK. Ces militants "rejoindront le mouvement civil au moment opportun", notamment quand l'Etat turc aura aboli la peine de mort et aura reconnu les droits culturels des Kurdes, a-t-il précisé.

Leur transformation en force politique sous un nouveau nom ne devrait toutefois pas bouleverser la donne et assouplir la position de l'Etat turc à leur égard. Les autorités turques ont immédiatement réagi en affirmant que ces décisions ne changeaient rien. Le ministre turc des Affaires étrangères Ismail Cem a estimé lors d'une conférence de presse à l'issue d'une réunion du conseil d'association UE-Turquie avec ses homologues européens à Luxembourg, que le changement de nom du PKK "ne modifie pas sa nature". "Je ne pense pas qu'un changement de nom modifie la nature du PKK. Pour l'instant, à mon avis, il n'y a pas eu de changement de la situation du tout", a-t-il déclaré.

"Un changement de nom n'est pas important. Ce qui compte c'est qu'ils payent pour ce qu'ils ont fait dans le passé", a souligné le ministre de la Défense Sabahattin Cakmakoglu.

"Que le PKK change ou pas de nom ou de forme, il reste pour nous une organisation terroriste", a renchéri le ministre de l'Industrie Ahmet Kenan Tanrikulu.

Selon le professeur Dogu Ergil, de la Faculté de sciences politiques d'Ankara, "le PKK entre à présent sur un nouveau terrain, ce sera un test pour la démocratie turque". "Le gouvernement turc a très peur qu'il ne devienne une force politique. Sa mentalité est construite sur la lutte contre le terrorisme. Ils ne savent pas comment traiter avec une organisation politique. Alors ils essaieront de bloquer cette tentative", estime-t-il.

Par ailleurs, un porte-parole du HADEP, qui se bat pour des droits culturels pour les Kurdes, Mutlu Civiroglu, a jugé "positives" ces décisions et souhaité que l'Etat turc "prenne des mesures concrètes et agisse pour une démocratisation et des droits pour les Kurdes".

De plus, le Premier ministre danois Anders Fogh Rasmussen, chef du gouvernement libéral, qui assurera la présidence de l'UE au 1er juillet a affirmé, le 17 mars à Copenhague, que le changement de nom du PKK "ne modifiait en rien sa nature", maintenant sa volonté de placer l'ex-PKK sur la liste de l'UE des organisations terroristes. "Selon moi, ce n'est pas le nom qui importe, mais le contenu qui est important" a-t-il souligné. (CILDEKT, 21 avril 2002)
 

Le chemin tortueux et miné parcouru par la langue kurde

Can Dundar, journaliste au quotidien turc Milliyet, revient dans ses colonnes du 7 avril, sur les vicissitudes de la langue kurde soumis au bon vouloir des autorités turques mais aussi sur les effets d'annonce loin des réalités du milieu politico-médiatique turc.

Voici de larges extraits de cet article:

"En 1980, deux jeunes garçons originaires de Hakkari en promenade à Aksaray, rencontrent un des leurs, Firat Baskale [ndlr: musicien kurde de la même région].

Baskale, était un musicien révolutionnaire dont la voix ressemblait à celle de Sivan Perwer [nldr: le plus populaire des musiciens kurdes]. À l'invitation de F. Baskale, ils se rendent à l'hôtel où il travaille

Ces jeunes avaient une telle nostalgie de la musique kurde que

Firat scrute les alentours avec suspicion pour voir s'il y a du monde

"Si quelqu'un nous entend nous serons dénoncés et nos vies seraient fichues" prévient-il.

Puis il les conduit dans une pièce obscure et exiguë de la cave de l'hôtel et enlaçant sa guitare chante en kurde.

Quelques minutes plus tard, ces deux jeunes, certes craintifs comme s'ils avaient assisté à une manifestation illégale, se sentaient heureux d'avoir atteint les montagnes du pays.

Un de ces jeunes n'était autre que Yilmaz Erdogan [ndlr: comédien populaire kurde]. Quant à l'autre Muhsin Kizilkaya, celui qui, quelques années plus tard écrira cette anecdote dans la biographie dédiée à Erdogan

Lorsque le journal Milliyet [5-04-02] a mis en gros titre à sa Une "chanson kurde dans la caserne", cela a interpellé Muhsin.

La nouvelle disait que la chorale de la gendarmerie de Bitlis avait chanté en kurde la chanson "Zeyno" et les officiels avaient suivi en applaudissant.

À Istanbul, le nouvel album de Sivan Perwer était sur les affiches.

Et le Conseil national de sécurité (MGK) mettait à l'ordre du jour "la diffusion en kurde".

Ceux qui ont nié pendant presqu'un siècle qu'une telle langue existait, qui ont persécuté ceux qui parlaient cette langue, qui se sont arrogés l'autorité pour annoncer d'un ton pédant que "si on leur donne le droit de parler cette langue, ils ne se comprendraient pas", poussés par la "dynamique extérieure" ou par la "dynamite intérieure", grâce à la fin de la terreur ou pas, dans une période inattendue, voilà qu'ils reconnaissent la "réalité kurde".

En fait, lorsque l'interdiction a été abrogée on s'est aperçu que parmi les 500 000 personnes qui dansaient au Newroz à Diyarbakir, à peine 500 achetaient des livres en kurde. Les livres en kurde de Mehmet Uzun se vendent à 2000 exemplaires, au maximum. Mais malgré tout, des dictionnaires kurde-turc ont fait leur apparition des manuels d'orthographe se préparent

Après le débat sur la diffusion en kurde l'on discute aujourd'hui de l'enseignement de la langue kurde.

La semaine dernière Muhsin Kizilkaya a soulevé un autre problème au cours d'une conférence à Vienne: "Qui sera chargé de la diffusion en kurde ? Qui dispensera l'enseignement du kurde ? Y a-t-il des spécialistes ? Y a-t-il des professeurs ? À l'Université, il y a une section de sumérologie, et non pas de kurde. L'intellectuel turc sait parler le russe mais n'a pas de curiosité pour le kurde parlé pourtant par des millions de personnes dans son pays."

Ferhat Tunç [ndlr: musicien kurde] qui vient de sortir son dernier album raconte qu'il a été placé en garde-à-vue pour avoir chanté en kurde à Kayseri

D'où est-ce qu'on revient ? Ecouté en cachette dans les caves de l'hôtel d'Aksaray, le kurde a traversé les bureaux d'interrogatoire et les casinos des casernes

Yilmaz, un des deux jeunes de Hakkari qui a écouté en cachette des chansons en kurde, est aujourd'hui le plus aimé des humoristes en Turquie

Quant à Muhsin, qui a appris le turc à coup de bâtons à l'école et sa langue maternelle en prison lors de la défense de l'association des foyers révolutionnaires de la culture de l'est (DDKO), c'est un des écrivains de renom de la langue turque

Si nous voulons vivre en toute fraternité, nous devons respecter la langue de l'autre et la comprendre ; il n'y a pas d'autre solution." (CILDEKT, 7 avril 2002)
 

La Turquie condamnée pour l'interdiction d'un parti pro-kurde

La Turquie a été condamnée, mardi à Strasbourg, par la Cour européenne des droits de l'Homme pour avoir interdit un parti politique pro-kurde, accusé d'atteinte à l'unité de la nation.

La Cour constitutionnelle turque avait ordonné, en juillet 1993, de dissoudre le Parti du travail du peuple (HEP) au motif que ses activités portaient atteinte à l'intégrité territoriale de l'Etat et à l'unité de la nation.

Le HEP était accusé en particulier de "chercher à diviser l'intégrité de la nation turque en deux, avec les Turcs d'un côté et les Kurdes de l'autre, dans le but de fonder des Etats séparés" et de "chercher à détruire l'intégrité nationale et territoriale" de la Turquie.

La Cour européenne a jugé que la Turquie, en décidant la dissolution de ce parti, avait violé le droit à la liberté de réunion et d'association, garanti par l'article 11 de la Convention européenne des droits de l'Homme.

"Eu égard à l'absence de projet politique du HEP de nature à compromettre le régime démocratique dans le pays et/ou à l'absence d'une invitation ou d'une justification de recours à la force à des fins politiques, sa dissolution ne peut raisonnablement être considérée comme répondant à un +besoin social impérieux+", a estimé la Cour. (AFP, 9 avril 2002)
 

Un chauffeur condamné à la prison pour diffusion de chanson kurde

Un chauffeur kurde a été condamné mardi à 45 mois de prison avec sursis pour avoir diffusé une cassette de chansons en kurde dans son minibus de transport, a annoncé son avocat à l'AFP.

La Cour de sûreté de l'Etat de Diyarbakir a reconnu Sulhaddin Onen coupable "d'aide à une organisation armée" pour avoir passé cette cassette en 1999 dans son minibus de transport de passagers entre Diyarbakir et la ville proche de Cinar, a expliqué Sedat Yurttas.

La Cour a estimé que jouer des chansons en kurde revenait à soutenir le PKK, qui a mené pendant quinze ans une guérilla armée pour obtenir une autonomie kurde dans le sud-est de la Turquie à majorité kurde, selon M. Yurttas.

"Mais la Cour a donné un sursis à exécution en tenant compte du fait que mon client n'avait pas de casier judiciaire", a-t-il ajouté. "Le sursis signifie qu'Onen ne doit pas commettre le même crime une nouvelle fois dans les cinq ans à venir, sinon il ira en prison purger sa peine."

Cette condamnation intervient au moment où la Turquie, candidate à une adhésion à l'Union européenne, s'interroge pour savoir si elle va autoriser une radio ou une télévision en kurde, droit culturel que lui réclame l'UE.

Les autorités craignent que des émissions en kurde ne réveillent les aspirations indépendantistes des Kurdes, alors que les affrontements dans le sud-est ont considérablement diminué depuis que le PKK a annoncé un arrêt des combats en 1999. (AFP, 9 avril 2002)
 

Le changement de nom du PKK "ne change rien" selon le PM danois

Le Premier ministre danois Anders Fogh Rasmussen, a affirmé mercredi à Copenhague que le changement de nom du PKK "ne modifiait en rien à sa nature", maintenant sa volonté de placer l'ex-PKK sur la liste de l'UE des organisations terroristes.

"Selon moi, ce n'est pas le nom qui importe, mais le contenu qui est important" a-t-il souligné à l'agence Ritzau, estimant que le PKK est encore une organisation terroriste.

Le chef du gouvernement libéral, qui assurera la présidence de l'UE au 1er juillet, a indiqué récemment qu'il voulait la liste de l'UE soit conforme à celle des Etats-Unis, suscitant une controverse au sein de l'opposition de centre-gauche au Parlement, critique à cette volonté d'alignement de Copenhague sur Washington.
Le chef du gouvernement a rappelé par ailleurs qu'il appartiendra à un comité spécial de l'UE de déterminer les organisations et individus qui doivent figurer sur cette liste. (AFP, 17 avril 2002)
 

Death Penalties against four PKK defendants in Istanbul

On 18 April Istanbul SSC No. 6 passed its verdict on 14 alleged members of the PKK. The defendants Ramazan Kortak, Zeynep Avci, Abdulvahap Kavak and Mehmet Akpolat were sentenced to death according to Article 125 TPC (violent attempt to separate part of the country). Çetin Duruskan was sentenced to 18 yearsí imprisonment for membership of an illegal organization. The defendants Arif Çin, Kadri Özgün, Nurettin Aydogan, Daham Arslan, Mehmet Ertem, Sükrü Aygül and Kazim Demir were convicted of support for an illegal organization. Their sentences were suspended according to the Law 4616 on Conditional Release and Suspension of Sentences. The defendants Ihsan Yildiz and Özdemir Akpolat were acquitted. According to the indictment the defendants are responsible for the killing of Fahrettin Günay, Hayriye Erdogan, Sükrü Bahçeci and Semdil Altun and other violent acts. Zeynep Avci, who was detained in Izmir on 24 November 1996, had raised allegations of torture and rape in detention. (Evrensel-TIHV, April 19, 2002)
 

Turkey launches military operation after PKK name change

In Botan [Hakkari] - Immediately after the declaration of the Kurdistan Freedom and Democracy Party (Kadek), Turkish army forces launched a comprehensive operation in southern Kurdistan [northern Iraq].

The Central Headquarters of the People's Defence Forces (HPG) announced that Turkish army forces conducted an operation in the rural sector of Sirnak and the Haftanin region. It was noted that on 15 April, Turkish army forces and village guards conducted an operation against Sirnak's Bestler, Avyan, Osyan, and Cakcako regions. Pointing out that a clash broke out between the HPG guerrillas and the soldiers on the first day of the operation, the HPG Central Headquarters reported that a village guard by the name of Ibrahim, who is said to be the team commander, was killed in the clash, while a village guard named Selim was wounded. It was learned that the soldiers received reinforcements from Sirnak by means of Sikorsky helicopters and the Turkish army forces withdrew partially on 15 April.

It was learned that at the same time, another similar operation was conducted encompassing the Elcan and Hezil valleys. No clashes were reported between the guerrilla forces and the soldiers in this operation. The soldiers are said to be deployed in areas near the border.

Meanwhile, mass arrests were reported in Guclukonak, Idil, and central Districts of Cizre on charges of aiding and abetting the guerrillas. Local sources said that the mayor of the Sindik township was also detained. (Ozgur Politika, 18 April 2002)
 

Acquittement d'un écrivain kurde accusé de séparatisme

Un écrivain kurde qui vit en exil en Suède et était accusé de séparatisme, a été acquitté vendredi par une cour de sûreté de l'Etat à Diyarbakir, dans le sud-est de la Turquie à majorité kurde.

S'adressant à la presse, Mehmed Uzun, 49 ans, a qualifié ce verdict de "pas très important pour le processus de démocratisation en Turquie".

L'écrivain qui s'est réfugié en Suède il a 25 ans et a acquis la nationalité de ce pays, était accusé d'"incitation au séparatisme", à la suite d'un discours sur la langue et la littérature kurdes qu'il avait prononcé en janvier 2000 au cours d'un colloque à Diyarbakir.

Le procureur avait demandé une peine de prison entre un et trois ans.

Le procès a été suivi par des intellectuels étrangers, des diplomates dont l'ambassadeur de Suède en Turquie, Anne Dismorr, et d'autres personnalités comme le président du comité Nobel pour la littérature, Kjell Espmark. (AFP, 19 avril 2002)
 

Les prénoms kurdes jugés par un juge portant un prénom kurde

La première audience au tribunal de grande instance de la petite ville de Dicle dans la province de Diyarbakir saisi le 21 décembre 2001 par le commandement de la gendarmerie de Dicle demandant aux 21 enfants kurdes âgés de 1,5 à 15 ans de turquifier leurs prénoms, a donné lieu à un spectacle déconcertant. Le magistrat présidant l'audience et devant se prononcer sur la question, portait lui-même un prénom indiscutablement kurde: Sirvan Ertekin. Sirvan qui signifie "laitier" en kurde. Le quotidien turc Radikal dans son édition du 19 avril, avait titré la nouvelle "Sirvan juge Berivan" [ndlr: Le laitier juge la trayeuse]

Le procureur général Alpaslan Karabay, sur la base de l'article 16 de la loi 1587 de l'état-civil, avait demandé malgré une jurisprudence constante de la Cour de cassation turque (arrêt Berfin 1989/1520 et arrêt Rojda 1992/1351) l'annulation des prénoms suivants ; Berivan, Zilan Rojda, Baver, Velat, Serhat, Kendal, Zilan, Hebun, Baran, Rojhat, Agit, Zelal et Zozan. Me Firat Anli, le représentant de la défense, prenant en considération la jurisprudence de la Cour de cassation turque a tout simplement demandé au tribunal de déclarer irrecevable la demande. L'audience a été reportée jusqu'à ce que l'Académie de la langue turque, saisie par le tribunal, tranche sur la question de savoir si les prénoms sont "conformes à la culture nationale, aux m urs, us et traditions" de la Turquie. (CILDEKT, 21 avril 2002)
 

Le CPT demande la fin de l'isolement d'Ocalan

Le Comité anti-torture du Conseil de l'Europe (CPT) a demandé à la Turquie de mettre fin à l'isolement très strict de l'ex-chef kurde Abdullah Ocalan, après plus de trois années passées dans l'île-prison d'Imrali, dans un rapport publié mercredi à Strasbourg.

"M. Ocalan devrait dès que possible être intégré dans un établissement où des contacts avec d'autres prisonniers et une palette plus large d'activités sont possibles", estiment les experts européens dans leur rapport publié avec l'accord du gouvernement turc.

"L'incarcération en isolement peut, dans certaines circonstances, s'apparenter à un traitement inhumain et dégradant et toutes formes d'isolement doit demeurer, en toutes circonstances, aussi brève que possible", avertissent les experts, qui ont rendu visite au prisonnier lors d'une tournée dans les prisons turques du 2 au 14 septembre.

Selon le CPT, les conditions de détention de M. Ocalan, condamné à la peine de mort pour séparatisme, mais incarcéré dans l'attente d'un arrêt de la Cour européenne des droits de l'Homme, restent "globalement très bonnes".

Cependant, la délégation a souhaité que le détenu puisse acquérir un poste de télévision et disposer d'une plus grande gamme de stations de radio.

"L'accès à la télévision et un meilleur accès à la radio pourraient compenser l'absence de toute activité en communauté, hors de la cellule de M. Ocalan", expliquent les experts qui ont jusqu'ici reçu une fin de non-recevoir des autorités turques. (AFP, 23 avril 2002)
 

L'ex-président du HADEP condamné à dix mois de prison

L'ex-président du HADEP a été condamné mardi à dix mois de prison pour atteinte à l'unité du pays par une Cour de sûreté de l'Etat d'Ankara, a indiqué mardi l'agence Anatolie.

La condamnation est liée à un discours d'Ahmet Turan Demir lors d'un congrès du parti en novembre 2000 qui, selon l'acte d'accusation, "visait à porter atteinte à l'unité et l'indivisibilité de l'Etat", selon l'agence, qui n'a pas précisé quels propos de M. Demir étaient visés.

Les autorités turques s'en prennent régulièrement aux membres du HADEP, accusé de séparatisme et de lien organisque avec le Parti des Travailleurs du Kurdistan, qui a mené pendant 15 ans une rébellion armée pour obtenir une autonomie kurde dans le sud-est anatolien à majorité kurde.

Le HADEP, qui plaide pour une solution pacifique à la question kurde et des droits culturels pour les Kurdes, rejette ces accusations. Mais il est menacé d'interdiction par la Cour constitutionnelle. (AFP, 9 avril 2002)
 

Other pressures on HADEP in April

On 4 April Ankara SSC No. 1 continued to hear the case of Ahmet Turan Demir, at the time chairman of the HADEP, Aydemir Güler, chairman of the Socialist Power Party (SIP) and Turgut Koçak, chairman of the Socialist Workersí Party (TSIP) for their speeches on the 4th Ordinary Congress of HADEP on 26 November 2000. Defense lawyer M.Nuri Özmen stated that the defendants had only expressed their views on the Kurdish language and culture, issued currently discussed officially. He asked for acquittal of his client Ahmet Turan Demir. Defense lawyer Özlem Sen pointed at the changes to Article 312 TPC and asked for acquittal of her client Aydemir Güler. The court adjourned the hearing to 9 April for the announcement of the verdict. Ahmet Turan Demir is charged under Article 8 of the Law to Fight Terrorism, while the other defendants are charged under Article 312 TPC. (Evrensel-TIHV, April 5, 2002)

On 12 April Kozluk Penal Court passed a verdict on board members of the HADEP for Kozluk district. The trial had been initiated because of posters on Newroz 2001 reading in Kurdish "Long Live Newroz" and "Happy Newroz". Abdulselam Basutçu, M. Salih Dalmis, M. Sabri Bahsi, Mehmet Altan, Seyithan Baran, Sevket Baz and Burhan Atan were convicted under Article 81/c Law on Political Parties and sentenced to 6 monthsí imprisonment and The sentence was commuted to a fine of TL 854 million each. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 12, 2002)

On 18 April Ankara SSC No. 1 continued to hear the case against 41 defendants, charged in connection with events during the 2nd Ordinary Congress of the HADEP in Ankara in 1996, when the Turkish flag was torn down. The court adjourned the hearing to 23 May for the final words of the defence. This is a retrial, after the Court of Cassation quashed the first verdict on the grounds that defendants in the same situation received different sentences. On 18 April Adana SSC started to hear the case of 7 defendants, mainly members of the youth wing of the HADEP in Antep, but imprisoned in Ceyhan. They are charged with staging an illegal demonstration and supporting the PKK. In respect to the evidence the court ordered the release of Sitki Bagriyanik, Fevzi Sahin, Ali Ihsan Gündogdu, Tahir Özmen, Ibrahim Sahin, Selami Öz and Serdar Özmen. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 19, 2002)

On 19 April Muhbet Kaval went to Van SSC to testify in connection with the Newroz celebrations. The court ordered her arrest. Reportedly police officer beat her, when she left the courtroom. The prosecutor at Van SSC indicted Mehmet Tekin, chairman of the HADEP for Van province and Nezhat Ergünes, chairing the womenís wing of HADEP, for speeches they made during the Newroz celebrations, allegedly in support of the PKK. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 19, 2002)

On 22 April Ankara SSC continued to hear the case of 56 executives of the HADEP charged in connection with a calendar for the year 1998. The hearing was adjourned to wait for the death certificates of the defendants Ayse Nur Zarakolu, Isa Karakurt and Mehmet Emin Altun. On 21 April Hikmet Fidan, member of the parliament of the HADEP, Muzaffer Akad, chairman of HADEP for Mersin province and Azad Adiyaman, staff member of the weekly "Yedinci Gündem", were detained during a celebration of HADEP in Mersin. Hikmet Fidan and Muzaffer Akad were later released, but Azad Adiyaman was arrested on 22 April on charges of participating in an illegal demonstration, damaging public property and resisting the security forces. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 24, 2002)

On 25 April Adana SSC No. 2 acquitted Abdullah Ince, chairman of the HADEP for Adana province of charges of supporting the PKK. A repentant of the organization, Bülent Vural, had accused him of contacts to the organization in and outside Turkey, but the court found that there was not sufficient evidence for a conviction. In Izmir, Cemal Cosgun, chairman of the HADEP for Izmir province, board member Aydin Dinçoglu and Ayten Çeçen, who moderated the Newroz celebrations, were detained on 24 April. The investigation against them reportedly concentrated on the allegation that they made the participants swear a revolutionary oath. On 25 April the public prosecutor at Izmir SSC released them. The students Sami Imer, Erhan Hagi, Süleyman Kisa, Mehmet Altun and one by the name of Burhan, who had been detained on allegations of shouting illegal slogans during the celebrations, were also released. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 26, 2002)

On 27 April, in Van Firat Coskun, Van SSC arrested Sebahattin Akti, Eyüp Yörük and Resit Seymanoglu, who had been detained as alleged members of the Freedom and Democracy Congress of Kurdistan (KADEK). (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, April 27, 2002)

On 28 April, in Yalim town (Mardin) Fahri Demirtas, chairman of the HADEP for the central district and his sons Mehmet Bekay and Aziz Bekay were detained. The prosecutor told relatives that the detentions had been made by the intelligence of the gendarmerie (JITEM). In Istanbul-Alibeyköy Ercan Büyüktas was detained. (Evrensel-TIHV, April 30, 2002)
 

Pressures on the Campaign for Education in Kurdish

On April 2, the rector of Yildiz Technical University in Istanbul dismissed 10 students, who had signed petitions for Kurdish as an elective course. In Batman the Association for Contemporary Jurist (CHD) organized a campaign to amend Article 42 of the Constitution. A crowd had gathered in front of the main post office demanding to lift the restrictions on the mother tongue. The police detained some 40 demonstrators among them the HADEP members and executives Nesim Turhan, Abdullah Alinak, Ekrem Tutak, Ahmet Candemir, Haydar Tekin, Celil Imret, Nadire Sebuktekin, Sirin Ari, Behice Aydin, Kader Yildiz, Aklime Yürek, Abdullah Çetin, Ilyas Okalin, Izzettin Ege, Salih Ekinci, Ekrem Degirmenci, Sirin Erez, chairman of TUHAY-DER in Batman and the TUHAY-DER executives Ramazan Bagadir and Serdar Demir. At Marmara University the students Deniz Cangöz, Hasan Alma, Özlem Çiçek, Dalokay Sanli, Musa Karaman and Ihsan Polat were dismissed from university for one term for having signed petitions on Kurdish as an elective course. Another four students were dismissed for one week and 7 students received a warning. At Malatya Inönü university 20 students were dismissed completely and 14 for 2 terms. (Evrensel-Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 3, 2002)

On 3 April some 100 students protested on the campus of Marmaris University (Istanbul) against the punishment of 87 students, who on 22 December 2001 had signed petition for elective courses in Kurdish. The police intervened and detained 13 students including Sükran Alcu, Kadir Imrak, Ridvan Akgül, Rezan Öner, Ibrahim Halil Soytürk, Söhret Hanli, Harun Ece, Hilayet Orman, Özlem Cihan and Engin Boltas. In Diyarbakir Gülbahar Tokdemir, student at the Atatürk Lyceum received a warning, after she had forwarded a petition for education in Kurdish to the school director. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 4, 2002)

On 4 April Adana SSC continued to hear the case of 9 students from Hatay Mustafa Kemal University, who had signed petitions for education in Kurdish. The court ordered the release of Çetin Oral and Beyaz Aydinoglu and adjourned the hearing. The other 7 defendants had not been put under arrest. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 5, 2002)

On 5 April, the rector at Malatya Inönü University dismissed 20 students completely and 14 students for two terms. On 17 January they had presented petitions to the rector asking for Kurdish as an elective course at university. In Siirt, 19 people were detained on 4 April, when they sent facsimiles to parliament asking for a chance of Article 42 of the Constitution. On 5 April they were taken to court, which ordered the arrest the HADEP members and officials Abdurrahman Tasçi, Abdullah Gürgen, Adalet Tasçi, Aysel Adar and Emin Dayan on charges of supporting the PKK. Necmettin Tapu was arrested on 7 April. In Asarlik town, Menemen district (Izmir) Dilber Öztürk, board member of the women's wing of the HADEP was detained on 4 April, because of a petition asking for education in Kurdish. In Mardin Kadir Bilgiç was detained on 3 April, when he wanted to give his child the name of "Jiyan (Life)". He was released by Malatya SSC on 5 April. On 5 April Istanbul SSC No. 4 heard the case of 22 defendants charged with supporting the PKK by signing petitions for education in Kurdish. While the defendants under arrest, Mehmet Sait Oba, Mehmet Filizer and their lawyers were allowed into the court room the defendants charged without pre-trial detentions, were not allowed to attend. The court ordered the release of Mehmet Sait Oba and Mehmet Filizer and adjourned the hearing to 24 July to listen to the testimony of the other defendants. (Evrensel-Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 6-7, 2002)

On 7 April, the students Ilyas Dilsiz and Ömer Elbir, who had been detained in Diyarbakir in 7 April, after presenting petitions for education in Kurdish to the rector of Dicle Univertsity, were arrested on 11 April. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 12, 2002)

On 8 April, the students Onur Ekinci, Nezir Naz, Düzgün Bilgin and Hozan Fetihoglu spoke to their lawyers in Bayrampasa Prison and alleged that they were tortured in detention. They had been detained after handing in petitions for Kurdish as an elective course at the university and were later arrested on orders of Istanbul SSC. They told their lawyers: "At the entrance of police hq. our eyes were blindfolded and we were beaten. They wanted to know whether we knew certain persons and accused us of being members of an organization called YDÖ. When we denied the questions they squeezed our testicles and hosed us with water under high pressure. We were subjected to psychological torture, because we had to listen to the screams of our friends being tortured." It was also reported that Edibe Dalgali, on trial having forwarded a petition to Esenler Governor on education in Kurdish, was beaten, torn by her hair and dragged over the ground, when on 25 March she expressed her joy in court, because her co-defendants had been released. She was held in detention for two days and later received a medical report by Haseki Hospital. In Siirt a second group of people went to the central post office in order to send petitions for an amendment of Article 42 of the Constitution to members of parliament. The police detained the members and executives of the HADEP, Muhyettin Timurlenk, Sabiha Yilmaz, Güle Yilmaz, Tevfik Kaçan, Züheyla Saraç and Besir Askara. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 9, 2002)

On 9 April, the police in Istanbul detained Sinan Yakut, Cemil Zor and A.Mecit Delibas, who had forwarded petitions for education in Kurdish to Esenler Governor some two months ago. On 9 April Malatya SSC ordered the release of Hatun Yilmaz, Fikriye Demirtas and Mukadder Uzun. They had been detained in Elazig on 30 January. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 10, 2002)

On April 10, in Siirt Sefike Çetin, Halime Güçlü, Cevahir Adigüzel, Aliye Duman and Hüsniye Yilmaz were detained on 10 April in connection with letters written to the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM) asking for a amendment of Article 42 of the Constitution. On the same day Muhyettin Timurleng, Sabiha Yilmaz and Gule Yilmaz were arrested on charges of supporting the PKK. So far 38 people have been detained in Siirt in connection with the letters to the TBMM and 9 of them have been arrested. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 11, 2002)

On 12 April, at Marmara University students, who had presented petitions on education in Kurdish to the rector, were punished. 40 of them were dismissed from university for 6 months, 30 for one month and 23 students received a warning. (Evrensel-TIHV, April 13, 2002)

On 16 April Malatya SSC heard the case of 34 students, 13 of them in pre-trial detention, who on 17 January had presented petitions for education in Kurdish to the rector of Malatya Inönü University. On that day 69 students had been detained. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 17, 2002)

On 17 April, the Ministry of Health ordered a disciplinary transfer of six members of the trade union for staff in the health sector (SES) in Van. During a congress of their trade union on 2 February they had been detained because of banners asking for education in the mother tongue. The congress had been postponed and Van SSC had released the detainees. On complaint of the governor the Ministry of Health ordered the transfer of Ridvan Çiftçi (to Sinop); Yilmaz Berki (to Eskisehir); Aynur Engin (to Bolu); Fikret Dogan (to Kastamonu); Songül Morsümbül (to Bilecek) and Ziya Balamir (to Afyon). (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 18, 2002)

On 18 April Adana SSC acquitted Tenzile Baydar, Adile Bayrak and Hatice Kayran from charges of supporting the PKK by signing petitions for education in Kurdish. (Evrensel-TIHV, April 19, 2002)

On 19 April Adana SSC continued to hear the case of 81 defendants, charged in connection with petitions for education in Kurdish. The HADEP executives and members O. Fatih Sanli, chairman for Adana, Ahmet Gül, chairman for Seyhan district, Zeki Sekin, chairman for Yüregir district, Ahmet Yildiz, Hasan Beliren, Fatih Demir, Ferit Tatli, Leyla Bayram and Fadile Bayram were released and the arrest warrants in absentia for Zeki Köklü, Saim Yalçin, Süleyman Sayar, Halil Bedir, Mehmet Cançelik, Zeki Aslan, Nihat Gök, Mehdi Yalçin and A.Selam Akdemir were lifted. The hearing was adjourned to 13 June. Meanwhile Kubdettin Çelik, who was detained on 17 April, when he complained that a teacher had beaten his Ferhat Çelik for speaking Kurdish during the break, was arrested on charges under Article 312 TPC. (Evrensel-Radikal-TIHV, April 20-22, 2002)

On 22 April, in Bitlis 14 people were detained when they tried to post letters to the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM) asking for a change of the Constitution. They were released the following day to be tried without arrest. On 22 April Istanbul SSC No. 3 started to hear the case of 38 defendants, charged in connection with petitions they had presented to the directors for national education in Kadiköy, Esenler and Bagcilar districts. Espender Demir from the cleaning staff at court interpreted the testimonies of those defendants, who did not know sufficient Turkish. The court ordered the release of Deniz Topçu and lifted the arrest warrants against Meliha Can, Sükriye Tümüroglu, Hanim Gülün and Halime Günana and adjourned the hearing to 21 June. On 22 April Diyarbakir SSC No. 1 continued to hear the case of 10 people, charged with having staged a demonstration on Nusaybin district (Mardin) on 13 February demanding education in Kurdish. The defendants are charged with supporting the PKK. The next hearing will be on 28 May. At the entrance to the courtyard the HADEP member Sehmus Çetin, who had come from Nusaybin to observe the trial, was detained. On 22 April Van SSC continued to hear the case of 7 HADEP members, who had been arrested in Yüksekova district in February on charges of supporting the PKK. Among the defendants Tahir Askan, Sefer Dumar, Veysi Bor, Ecevit Bozaci, Abdurrahman Askan, Kismet Karatas and Umut Kesici only Tahir Askan and Sefer Dumar were released. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 24, 2002)

On 26 April 45 people, most of them members and executives of the HADEP were detained in front of the main post office in Antep, when they wanted to sent petitions to the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM) asking for a change of Article 42 of the Constitution. They were released in the morning hours of the next day. Abdullah Ince, chairman of HADEP for Antep province, stated that he had not been ill-treated, but other detainees had been beaten and insulted. The names of the detainees are: Abdurrahman Dogar, Cemil Aydogan, Abdullah Ince, Vakkas Dalkiliç, Hasan Yilmaz, Faik Dursun, Abdurrahman Kandemir, Mehmet Yaman, Osman Bilgiç, Ridvan Özer, Mehmet Aslanoglu, Tahir Ürper, Seyfettin Elçiboga, Sedat Suna, Evrim Dengiz, Sabiha Temizkan, Telli Çiçek, Halil Çikan, Nesrin Aydemir, Fatma Ince, Rabia Özer, Fadile Tizkaya, Gülsüm Demir, Sakine Demir, Haci Erkan, Sezai Karatay and two persons named Metin and Tugba. In Mus the HADEP executives Naif Erol and Özgür Tangüç were arrested on 28 April on charges of supporting the PKK. Engin Simsek, Fikret Akar, Ömer Koç and Ferit Yonat, who had been detained together with them on 26 April, after sending petitions to the TBMM, were released. Veysel Sakik, secretary of HADEP in Mus, stated that the detainees had been tortured. On 27 April Adana SSC heard the case of Tenzile Baydar, Adile Bakrak and Hatice Kayran, mothers of pupils, who on 4 January had presented petitions to the director for national education in Mersin. They were charged with supporting the PKK. The testimony of Hatice Kayran had to be interpreted since she did not know Turkish. She said that she could only speak to their children in Kurdish and wanted them to be educated in that language. The court acquitted the defendants for a lack of evidence of a connection to the PKK. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 26-27, 2002)

On 29 April Istanbul Court No. 5 continued to hear the case of 13 defendants, who had forwarded petitions on education in Kurdish to the director for national education in Kagithane. They rejected the charges of supporting the PKK. The court ordered the release of the defendants Saide Azrak, Hazal Çakir, Zelihan Tacer in pre-trial detention and adjourned the hearing to 4 July. (Evrensel-TIHV, April 30, 2002)
 

POLITIQUE INTERIEURE / INTERIOR POLICY

Le président approuve des réformes pour adhérer à l'UE

Le président turc Ahmet Necdet Sezer a approuvé lundi une série de lois améliorant les libertés civiles, dans le cadre des efforts de la Turquie pour adhérer à l'Union européenne.

L'ensemble de neuf articles adoptés le mois dernier par le parlement traduit dans la loi certains des amendements à la constitution votés en octobre dernier pour améliorer le bilan déficient du pays en matière de respect des droits de l'Homme et de la liberté d'expression.

Ces amendements ouvrent la possibilité pour les Kurdes de publier dans leur langue, rendent plus difficile la fermeture d'un parti politique et facilitent la création d'associations et l'organisations de manifestations.

Pour combattre la torture, un amendement prévoit que les compensations décidées par la Cour européenne des droits de l'Homme soient payées par le fonctionnaire responsable.

La Turquie est le seul des treize candidats à l'élargissement de l'UE à ne pas avoir ouvert de négociations d'adhésion car elle doit auparavant remplir les critères politiques dits de Copenhague sur le respect des droits de l'Homme et de la démocratie.

La coalition gouvernementale turque n'a pas réussi jusqu'ici à se mettre d'accord sur l'abolition de la peine de mort et résiste à l'octroi de droits culturels pour les Kurdes comme un enseignement ou une télévision dans leur langue>.

Ankara réclame à présent avec insistance à l'UE de fixer avant la fin de l'année une date pour l'ouverture de ces négociations, mais l'UE s'est abstenue de s'engager sur ce point. (AFP, 8 avril 2002)
 

Une ex-députée porte plainte auprès de la Cour européenne

Une ex-députée islamiste interdite de politique pendant cinq ans pour avoir prôné l'autorisation du port du foulard au parlement et dans les universités a annoncé mardi avoir porté plainte auprès de la Cour européenne des droits de l'Homme.

Nazli Ilicak a expliqué à l'AFP qu'elle avait déposé plainte auprès de la Cour en janvier, estimant qu'elle n'avait "pas été jugée équitablement par la Cour Constitutionnelle turque, qui ne m'a pas laissé me défendre, ce qui viole l'article 6 de la Convention Européenne des Droits de l'Homme dont la Turquie est signataire".

La Cour constitutionnelle avait déchu Mme Ilicak de son mandat de députée d'Istanbul et l'avait interdite de politique pour cinq ans en juin. Dans le même temps, elle avait interdit le parti islamiste de la Vertu (Fazilet), sur les listes duquel elle avait été élue, pour activités anti-laïques, et avait déchu de leur mandat quatre autres députés.

Mme Ilicak a rappelé qu'on lui reprochait d'avoir pénétré dans le parlement après les élections générales de 1999 aux côtés d'une autre députée Fazilet d'Istanbul, Merve Kavakci, qui portait elle un foulard. "Ils en ont déduit que c'était un 'complot' contre la laïcité de l'Etat", a-t-elle souligné.

Devant le tollé des députés pro-laïques, Mme Kavakci n'avait pu prêter serment.

Mme Ilicak a expliqué qu'en outre, elle avait publiquement souhaité lors d'une réunion à Kayseri (centre) que le port du foulard soit autorisé dans les universités.

Elle a précisé que son recours visait à "défendre (sa) liberté d'expression, car il n'est interdit dans aucun texte de porter le foulard, que ce soit au Parlement ou à l'Université, et (sa) liberté d'organisation, car c'est grave d'être privée de politique pendant cinq ans".

Journaliste de profession, Mme Ilicak ne porte elle-même jamais le foulard. Elle avait rejoint le Fazilet avant les élections de 1999 au nom de la "lutte pour la liberté d'expression et de religion".

Le Fazilet est le quatrième parti religieux interdit par la Cour constitutionnelle dans ce pays musulman mais à l'Etat laïque, un dogme défendu bec et ongles par la puissante armée et les milieux pro-laïques. (AFP, 9 avril 2002)
 

MHP leader Bahceli says ready to be prime minister

Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) leader Devlet Bahceli has served notice to the nation, that he is ready to take on the duty of running a government as prime minister.

In an address to the executives and deputies of his MHP, during a weekend meeting at Kizilcahamam near Ankara, the ultranationalist leader and deputy prime minister said he was prepared to become prime minister provided the conditions are ripe.

The MHP leader reportedly made a similar statement to a group of close associates at a dinner last week. This time he made a point of making his statement in public.

In some political circles this was taken as a direct threat to ailing Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit. And that the MHP leader wants to become prime minister in the coalition.

However, analysts said, the MHP leader was actually serving notice to his two coalition partners, the Democratic Left Party (DSP) and the Motherland Party (ANAP), that they should not mess around with the MHP, which may offer new alternatives to the government with Bahceli heading a new coalition.

The MHP has been constantly at odds with the ANAP, especially over reformation bills. MHP has opposed changes in articles in the penal code, claiming this would help separatists.

A special video presentation at the Kizilcahaman meeting strongly criticized the DSP and MHP of ganging up with the opposition parties in Parliament, to push through reformation bills.

The MHP has also shown its strong opposition to the visit of Chinese Prime Minister Zhu Rongji, and Ecevit's praise of China's policies against Turkic minorities in Eastern Turkistan.

Analysts say, the MHP is first serving notice to its partners, that if they have any plans to oust the party from the coalition, they should think twice, because the MHP has alternatives.

The second point, is that if a new government is to be formed as an elections government, Bahceli is serving notice that he is now experienced enough, to take on the important task of becoming prime minister. Experts say, in a way this is a message to the opposition True Path Party (DYP) and the Justice and Development Party (AK Party), that the MHP could form a coalition with them to lead the country to elections in four months, just as Ecevit did before the 1999 polls. Observers say, if there are to be elections, Bahceli would like to exploit the advantage of being in the seat of the prime minister.

The third point, experts say all indications show, is that Turkey is rapidly entering an early elections atmosphere, and all parties are maneuvering to optimize their gains. Thus, Bahceli is moving to increase the stakes and improve his position.

The fourth point is that Bahceli is aware of growing dissatisfaction among the party ranks, and that the mavericks movement among deputies is gaining strength. There are several deputies who were elected on the MHP ticket who feel they will never be re-elected from the same ticket, and thus may try to defect to other parties. By giving out signals that he may become prime minister, Bahceli is actually trying to stall them and remain among the MHP ranks.

In Kizilcahamam Bahceli said, he feels small parties and marginal political movements have no chance of success, and that people should join mainstream parties. He was replying to questions by journalists about the chances of success for young politician Mehmet Ali Bayar, who will arrive in Turkey from Washington shortly, to head the tiny Democratic Turkey Party (DTP). The media praised Bayar as a new hope, but Bahceli said, people should join mainstream parties, and stressed, people like Bayar would be welcome in the MHP. Analysts said, Bahceli has no concerns that small nationalist parties would be a threat to his MHP. But they say he does fear any defections to the DYP.

The MHP has now served notice to Prime Minister Ecevit, that it is prepared to put into force a major overhaul of the state system, and in the process, also reshuffle the cabinet. The ANAP has accepted this, but there has been no response from Ecevit.

Analysts say frictions between the MHP and its partners, as well as growing demands for elections and the turmoil within the MHP ranks, are forcing Bahceli to consider some radical steps. The statements of Bahceli in Kizilcahamam, should be evaluated within this context. (Ilnur Cevik , Turkish Daily News, April 22, 2002)
 

Nationalists seek alternatives to MHP

The nationalists in Turkey have begun seeking new alternatives to the far-right Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), the senior partner of the coalition, after the party failed to keep its election promises and its strength eroded substantially during the government's three-year rule.

Mavericks in the MHP, who have fallen-out with party leader Devlet Bahceli, the deputy prime minister, have started moves to create a new party that would unite the nationalists.

There is talk that the Grand Unity Party (BBP) of Muhsin Yazicioglu and Tugrul Turkes' Enlightenment Party of Turkey (ATP) may soon merge. Yazicioglu and his colleagues left the MHP after falling at odds with its late leader, Alparslan Turkes. Tugrul Turkes parted with the MHP after the death of his father and founded the ATP. There are also rumors that Yazicioglu is contacting some MHP deputies to enlist them in the BBP, and thus to allow his party to enter Parliament.

MHP Corum Deputy Abdulhaluk Cay, who was sacked as state minister by Bahceli, is said to be behind the move to merge the BBP and the ATP, both without seats in Parliament. His aim is said to be to create a viable alternative to the MHP which can be backed by the nationalists. Cay was fired as minister when he hosted a meeting of the Turkish Convention attended by the Turkic Republics and invited former president Suleyman Demirel to chair the meeting. Bahceli did not attend the convention.

There are rumors that Cay is meeting other MHP mavericks to convince them to defect. However, Cay has only managed to draw Eyup Aktepe, the former MHP deputy chairman, to his side. Aktepe was fired for criticizing former State Minister Hikmet Ulugbay from the Democratic Left Party (DSP), a senior partner of the coalition. Other MHP mavericks have been cool to the idea of joining a party created by the merger of the BBP and the ATP.

Former State Minister Sadi Somuncuoglu (MHP-Aksaray), who has supported the creation of a new alternative to the MHP, has told his close associates that he has given up on the idea and that he is watching Cay's efforts to merge the ATP and the BBP from a distance. Somuncuoglu became a presidential candidate, despite objections from Bahceli, and was later sacked as state minister.

Meanwhile, the Turkish Daily News (TDN) has learnt that while the BBP is warm to the idea of merging with the ATP, the ATP is rather cool to the idea. However, the fact that the conventions of the two parties will both be held on the same day, June 2, has increased speculation that they will join forces. The ATP will hold its convention at the Selim Sirri Tarcan Sports Hall, the BBP at the Ataturk Sports Hall, both in Ankara.

Meanwhile, BBP leader Muhsin Yazicioglu is meeting several deputies from various parties in his search for defectors. He is also reportedly concentrating on the MHP mavericks, telling the deputies he has met with that the BBP will be represented in Parliament with more than one deputy. Political parties need to be represented by at least three deputies to be eligible for Treasury aid.

There were rumors that MHP Sivas Deputy Mehmet Ceylan, who has met with Yazicioglu, will defect to the BBP. Ceylan confirmed this to several deputies he met with in Parliament. There were also claims that Yazicioglu has met with MHP Icel Deputy Enis Oksuz, the former transportation minister who was forced out of office for opposing International Monetary Fund (IMF) demands.

Independent Icel Deputy Ali Gungor, who was expelled from the MHP for criticizing DSP leader and Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit, was also on Yazicioglu's transfer list, but sources close to the deputy have said that he has no intention of joining the BBP. Gungor, who is seeking a meeting with former MHP executives and deputies, reportedly feels a solution should only be sought within the MHP. (Ayla Ganioglu, Turkish Daily News, April 22, 2002)
 

FORCES ARMEES / ARMED FORCES

Did Turkey have to sign this agreement with Israel?

The hardline policy Sharon has adopted in dealing with the Palestinians has not worked. The more he intensifies the military pressure, the more suicide bombers emerge. There seems to be no way out of this vicious circle. The death toll is nearly 2,000. Meanwhile, as if nothing is happening, Turkey has signed a million dollar tank modernization agreement with Israel. Who is responsible for this gaffe? We would like to know that.

These days we should be following very closely the developments taking place in Israel.

We witness the latest example of how a society cannot be silenced with military measures, with weapons, how it cannot be made to bow down.

The Palestinian resistance, the suicide bomb attacks of the Palestinian commandos, can no longer be described as "terrorism." These people cannot be seen as terrorists brainwashed by radical groups.

These incidents amount to a society screaming, "Enough is enough!"

This is the rebellion of a people that has been pushed and pulled by the Israeli police and troops every day, humiliated, a people who sees nothing but poverty when they look into the future. This is a mass uprising.

Timur Goksel, who has been serving as a U.N. observer in Lebanon, points out the same thing, saying:

"These incidents have got nothing to do with the Intifada we have been acquainted with. The suicide commandos now consist of Palestinians acting individually. We are faced with the actions taken by youngsters that have been pushed and pulled by the Israeli army and humiliated for a long time. This phenomenon has become impossible to control."

Sharon's plans have failed.

His aim was to send the Israeli army in against Arafat, against the Palestinians, and break their resistance, giving them a good beating and making them throw in the towel.

That did not happen.

The more Sharon struck, the more the Palestinians have struck back.

The more he pushes Arafat into a corner, the more suicide bombers appear.

Sharon has still not realized that people prepared to keep up their struggles at the risk of their lives cannot be stopped. He came to power by accusing his predecessor, the former PM Barak, of being weak, and promising the Israelis "a safer country to live in." He said that he would create the kind of climate in which people would be live at ease without fearing the radical groups. And, for that purpose, he opted for a hardline policy.

And now look at the current situation.

Israel is in tatters, tired of it all.

And the Palestinians, who have nothing to lose anymore, are waging a life-and-death struggle.

We have reached the point where it is too late to discuss who is right and who is in the wrong. And questions such as, "Did Arafat make an historic mistake by accepting Camp David?" or "Has he steered the Palestinians in the wrong direction by initiating the Intifada?" have no meaning anymore.

At this moment a fire is raging.

Rather than trying to decide who is responsible for this, one has to stem this fire without delay.

And attention focuses on the Bush Administration, since, having encouraged Sharon, Washington has a responsibility in things having reached this stage.

What is Turkey trying to do?

While these developments were taking place, Turkey signed with Israel a multi-million dollar tank modernization agreement.

Did we need that at such a point?

At a time when Palestinians are being killed and an effort is being made to finish off Arafat, Turkey could have suspended this project at least for some time, couldn't it?

The decision was taken by officials led by the Prime Ministry on Dec. 9. And the "technical signing" did not have be done on the day Arafat was being isolated.

At a time when we seem to be producing nothing but words, we should at least display some sensitivity, shouldn't we?

I wonder whether any Foreign Ministry officials came up and said: "Don't do that. Keep it in limbo for the time being, as a sign of our displeasure about this turn of events. At a time when Palestinians are being killed, it would be a gross diplomatic gaffe to award to Israel a big military project as if deliberately trying to offend the Palestinians."

Is Turkey so insensitive?

Is it so reckless?

Prime Minister Bulent knows how to call Arafat on the phone tearfully but he fails to prevent such a gaffe. Or is it that he was not informed of that in advance?

If that is so, the situation is all the more serious.

Bravo, gentlemen!

And then we come up and talk about Turkish-Arab friendship. We embrace Arafat, using the "My dear friend" litany.

It is a shame that Turkey has been reduced to this level. (Mehmet Ali Birant, Turkish Daily News, April 2, 2002)
 

Un contrat d'armement turc associant l'Allemagne et Israël menacé

Un contrat d'armement passé par la Turquie et associant des entreprises allemandes et une israélienne est menacé, en raison de la récente décision de Berlin de suspendre temporairement la livraison d'équipements militaires à Israël, rapporte l'édition dominicale du quotidien Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung.

Selon le journal, quelque 170 moteurs de blindés doivent être fournis par les entreprises allemandes MTU et Renk à une entreprise israélienne, déjà en rapport d'affaires avec ces industriels allemands et ayant obtenu "voici quelques mois" un contrat de l'armée turque pour la modernisation de son parc de chars M-60.

Un porte-parole du ministère allemand de l'Economie n'a pas souhaité commenter cette information, évoquant la protection du secret d'entreprise, alors que, selon le journal, la livraison de ces 170 moteurs a été autorisée par le gouvernement allemand.

Le ministre de la Défense Rudolf Scharping avait annoncé le 14 avril que l'Allemagne avait suspendu temporairement la livraison d'équipements militaires à Israël.

"Nous voulions tout simplement émettre un signe" et montrer que "nous sommes intéressés par une désescalade" dans le conflit israélo-palestinien, avait-il déclaré.

Selon le journal, la modernisation du parc de M-60 constitue une solution à court terme pour Ankara qui souhaite acquérir le char allemand Léopard II.

La livraison d'un char de ce type à la Turquie en octobre 1999 à des fins de test avait cependant suscité une vive polémique au sein de la coalition SPD-Verts au pouvoir à Berlin, de nombreux défenseurs des droits de l'homme arguant du risque de voir l'armée turque utiliser ces armes pour la répression de la minorité kurde. (AFP, 21 avril 2002)
 

Berlin Selling Turks Tank Motors

Germany is to supply 170 tank engines via Israel to modernize the Turkish army's pool of U.S.-made M60 tanks, the Sunday edition of the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung reported.

German officials involved with the transaction say the deal was approved by the German government, while industry sources have added that the Turkish-Israeli part of the deal was negotiated last year and concluded a few months ago.

An Israeli company was awarded a contract to modernize the M60s, which in many ways correspond to the German Leopard I and are a mainstay of both the Israeli and German armies.

Israel in turn issued contracts for the tank parts to the companies MTU (motors) and Renk (gearboxes), giving preference to German firms above a U.S. competitor.

Turkey sees the modernization as an alternative to buying new main battle tanks, an issue at the heart of tensions between Ankara and Berlin in recent years.

In 1999, the Turks indicated that they were interested in buying the German Leopard II main battle tank. Chancellor Gerhard Schröder of the Social Democratic Party was inclined to agree to the deal, but his party's junior coalition partner, Alliance 90/The Greens, which includes Foreign Minister Joseph (Joschka) Fischer, were opposed, citing Turkish human rights violations.

Two weeks ago, the German government let it leak that, in reaction to recent Israeli military action in Palestinian territories, Berlin had suspended shipments of parts for the Israeli Merkava IV main battle tank.

But it may not be so simple. The business dealings surrounding Turkey's M60s suggest that, despite its disapproval of recent Israeli actions, Berlin was not going to let Israeli incursions stand in the way of arms deals.

And this is something unlikely to go unnoticed in Ankara.

The evolution of the coalition's arms export policy has led to contradictions, some observers point out.

First, Germany is still willing to conduct arms deals with a country on which Berlin has, more or less, imposed a temporary embargo for certain ground-based weapons systems.

Second, given Ankara's sensitivity to criticism regarding its human rights record, Berlin's conducting one policy regarding arms and Israel and another for arms and Turkey could complicate Germany's efforts to have Turkey assume the lead-nation role in the international security force in Afghanistan when the British relinquish command in later this spring.

Still, Berlin is hoping to win support for this idea from a Turkish army to which it has refused to provide certain types of armaments in recent years.

Military cooperation between the German Bundeswehr and the Israeli Defense Forces is more profound than would appear at first sight from their tacit alliance.

Regular meetings take place between the general staffs of both sides and an exchange program between officer cadets. In return, the Israelis, with their experience in fighting terrorism, helped in setting up the German military's KSK special forces. (Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung , 22 April 2002)
 

AFFAIRES RELIGIEUSES / RELIGIOUS AFFAIRS

Le chef de l'armée turque fustige les propos d'un chef islamiste

Le chef d'état-major turc, le général Huseyin Kivrikoglu, a fustigé mardi soir des déclarations sur l'armée turque du chef du parti islamiste Justice et développement (AK), Recep Tayyip Erdogan, indiquant que des poursuites judiciaires seront lancées à son encontre.

"Des démarches ont été entamées pour une procédure en justice. Ses propos (de M. Erdogan) sont ceux d'un homme qui crache sa haine envers l'armée", a-t-il dit, cité par l'agence Anatolie, lors d'une réception au parlement marquant la 82ème anniversiare de l'inauguration de l'Assemblée turque par le fondateur de la Turquie moderne, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk.

"Une personne normale n'aurait pas tenu ces propos", a-t-il lancé sèchement lors d'une intervention au ton particuilèrement fort devant les journalistes.

Un enregistrement vidéo d'un discours tenu en 1992 par M. Erdogan devant une foule à Rize (nord-est) a été diffusé recemment sur les chaînes de télévisions.

M. Erdogan, alors responsable provincial à Istanbul du parti de la Prospérite (Refah), interdit en 1998 par la justice turque pour activités anti-laïques, y accuse l'armée turque d'envoyer des soldats mal entraînés combattre les rebelles du PKK dans le sud-est anatolien.

"Des enfants de 20 ans sont envoyés dans le sud-est. Ils ne savent même pas tenir une arme. Ils sont envoyés combattre des terroristes bien entraînés. Cela s'appelle du suicice forcé et non pas la défense du pays", a-t-il notamment dit, selon cette cassette vidéo, dont des extraits ont été publiés par la presse.

Le général Kivrikoglu s'est étonné du "courage" de M. Erdogan de tenir des propos visant l'armée turque, soulignant que "ces enfants de 20 ans ont éradiqué le PKK du territoire turc".

M. Erdogan qui nie son passé farouchement pro-islamiste depuis la création de son parti AK l'année dernière, a convoqué une réunion extraordionaire après les déclarations du général Kivrikoglu. Aucune déclaration n'a été faite au terme de la réunion.

M. Erdogan, leader charismatique et ex-maire d'Istanbul, est actuellement dans le collimateur de la Cour constitutionnelle qui a décidé vendredi dernier qu'il ne pouvait pas occuper de fonctions électives en raison d'une peine de prison en 1999 pour "incitation à la haine religieuse".

La puissante armée turque se déclare la gardienne farouche de la laïcité de l'Etat. (AFP, 24 avril 2002)
 

Un général turc prône la pendaison pour les députés prodigues

Le général en retraite, Osman Ozbek, qui avait déclaré, il y a une semaine, au cours de la réunion de l'Association de la pensée kémaliste à Zonguldak que "les députés qui utilisent 70 milliards de livres turcs pour leurs dépenses de santé devraient être pendus dans les jardins de l'assemblée nationale", a été ouvertement critiqué par quelques députés dont Mehmet Elkatmis, responsable de la questure du Parlement turc.

"La loi n°4375 promulguée en 1998 permet à tous les fonctionnaires publics de se faire soigner à l'étranger. Cette loi a été élaborée pour une personne. Le général Ozbek était alors en fonction, si, au lieu d'insulter le Premier, avait parlé à propos de la personne pour laquelle cette loi a été élaborée, je l'aurais félicité. Cette loi a été écrite pour un de ses collègues, un général" [ndlr: La loi en question a été élaborée pour l'amiral Guven Erkaya, ancien commandant de la marine turque] a déclaré, le 17 avril, M. Elkatmis en ajoutant que "le Parlement travaille sous le contrôle du peuple. En Turquie il y a malheureusement des organes qui ne sont contrôlés par personne. En fait, il faudrait plutôt contrôler ceux-là".

L'état-major turc a riposté le lendemain en déclarant que la déclaration du député visant l'armée turque était examinée de près et que "les personnes qui ont de tels points de vue ne pourront pas ébranler la confiance de notre nation à l'égard de l'armée turque, puisqu'elles n'auront jamais le pouvoir pour cela". (CILDEKT, 21 avril 2002)
 

Top Court Bars Popular Islamist From Parliament

Turkey's top court has barred popular Islamist leader Recep Tayyip Erdogan from holding a seat in parliament, a blow to his hopes of becoming the country's next prime minister, the Official Gazette reported Friday.

Erdogan and his Justice and Development (AK) Party regularly top opinion polls, but a string of legal troubles has dogged his political comeback after a 1999 prison sentence for "inciting hatred" in a speech.

A former mayor of Istanbul, Erdogan has sought to reshape his image from a young firebrand into a center-right politician who supports Turkey's European Union candidacy and an International Monetary Fund (news - web sites) $31 billion bailout.

He has made overtures to the powerful military, which has spearheaded a crackdown on political Islam that began with the ousting of Turkey's first Islamist-led government in 1997.

The Constitutional Court ruled in January Erdogan's conviction under penal code Article 312 barred the 48-year-old from entering parliament and from serving as a founding member of a party, the Gazette said. It effectively closed off other roads of appeal that were earlier open to him.

"A decision was made that because of ... Erdogan's 10-month prison sentence under (Article) 312 he is not qualified to be an elected member of parliament and for this reason he cannot be a founding member of a political party," the court said in a ruling carried by the Gazette.

Erdogan told reporters Friday the AK leadership would take six months to assess the ruling.

"For us, it isn't that much of a difference ... . It is out of the question that this will affect our leadership," he said.

A conviction under Article 312 carries with it a life-long political ban, but one that others have been able to appeal.

"A life-long political ban is not possible for anyone. No one can show an example of this anywhere in the world," Erdogan said.

The Constitutional Court also ruled six women members who wore Islamist-style head scarves were also barred from serving as AK founding members, the Gazette said.

Judges sparked confusion in the media and among political analysts over whether the decision spelt the end of Erdogan's career or just a set-back when they made the ruling in January but did not release the text.

But journalist Rusen Cakir, who has written a book about Erdogan, said the full text clearly stated Erdogan's conviction prohibits him from serving as an member of parliament -- required for him to become prime minister.

"Erdogan had hoped to benefit from an amnesty that would have removed his political ban, but the court openly states that his ban will not be lifted," Cakir said.

"His political career may not be over, but he will not be prime minister in the near future."

Erdogan, untried in national office, consistently emerges as most popular figure in opinion polls. The parties of the current three-way coalition, steering Turkey from economic crisis, must fear they could fail to clear a 10 percent threshold for parliamentary representation if elections were held today.

The prospect of Erdogan being elected premier would clearly be distasteful to Turkey's generals, who see themselves as guardians of a secular and, for all its imperfections, democratic order. Elections are not due until 2004 and Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit says he has no plans to step down early.

Meanwhile, Erdogan's legal problems continue to mount. A prosecutor launched an investigation this week over a 1992 speech he made criticizing the army.

"Whether those were things said under the conditions of the time, and whether or not we would say them now -- that's a different matter," Erdogan said Friday.

"It's wrong to stir that up now."(Reuters, April 19, 2002)
 

Recep Erdogan échappe à la prison avant son procès

Le dirigeant du parti islamiste de la justice et du développement (AK) Recep Erdogan a échappé jeudi à une mise en détention préventive dans la perspective de son procès pour avoir prôné un islam radical en Turquie, a annoncé l'agence Anatolie.

Un procureur d'une cour de sûreté de l'Etat d'Ankara avait plus tôt réclamé l'incarcération de M. Erdogan, après l'avoir entendu dans le cadre d'une poursuite ouverte hier contre lui par l'Etat-Major pour un discours prononcé il y a 10 ans, a déclaré Anatolie.

En fin de journée jeudi, la deuxième cour de sûreté de l'Etat a entendu le dirigeant du premier parti islamiste représenté au Parlement (53 sièges sur 550) durant 1H20 avant de décider de ne pas donner suite à la requête du procureur, selon la même source.

"Je vais probablement introduire un recours", a commenté à la suite de cette décision le procureur Nuh Mete Yuksel, connu pour son acharnement contre les dirigeants islamistes dont il a fait fermer deux partis l'un après l'autre.

"Je n'ai fait que mon devoir de citoyen", a simplement expliqué à la sortie du tribunal Recep Tayyip Erdogan, qui demeure poursuivi pour "insulte envers les forces armées" et "incitation à la haine sur des bases religieuses", a rapporté Anatolie.

Dans un discours prononcé en 1992 dans la ville de Rize (nord, côte de la mer Noire), récemment diffusé sur une chaîne de télévision privée, M. Erdogan avait appelé au renversement du régime laïc par un pouvoir islamiste et vanté les mouvements islamistes algérien ou d'Asie centrale.

M. Erdogan, 48 ans, ancien populaire maire d'Istanbul, avait fait son retour sur la scène politique l'été dernier, après avoir été emprisonné 4 mois et interdit de politique en 1999 pour des raisons similaires. (AFP, 25 avril 2002)
 

IHD supports headscarved student's education right

The Human Rights Association (IHD) Chairman Husnu Ondul has issued a written statement, supporting the education rights of headscarved students, some of which were not allowed to enter clerical Imam Hatip high schools in Istanbul recently.

Ondul stressed in his statement that the headscarf ban or the pressures on the dressing of people were contradicting with the laws banning discrimination and intervention into private life. He said that the law cannot interfere with the dressing of people, and added that barring people from benefiting from public services because of their dressing or appearance would mean discrimination, which would impede women especially in playing active roles in social life.

Ondul noted that neither the government nor the laws had the authority to press people for changing their preferences pertaining to their private lives and their appearances. Emphasizing that education and the working rights of people should be protected by the laws as basic human rights, Ondul said that the restriction of human rights or citizen rights by the state because of political views or religious beliefs, was contradicting with the ban of discrimination that bind all countries.

According to Ondul, such implementations as an headscarf ban are causing distress and polarization in the society and the IHD is very worried about these developments.

IHD's statement attracted interests, since the association mostly focused on the violation of human rights of the Kurdish people and leftist organizations in the past, but never touched on the headscarf ban and the complaints of headscarved people. Turkish Daily News, April 16, 2002)
 

Headscarved Students detained

On 19 April a crowd of people gathered in the garden of Istanbul Eyüp Sultan Mosque protesting against the ban of students wearing headscarves. The police detained 3 of them. On the same day 13 students were detained in front of Kadiköy Theological Lyceum. (Yeni Safak-TIHV, April 20, 2002)
 

La peine de mort contre un chef islamiste radical confirmée

La Cour constitutionnelle turque a confirmé la peine de mort prononcée à l'encontre du chef d'un groupuscule islamiste radical accusé de vouloir renverser le régime turc laïque pour instaurer la charia, la loi islamique, a rapporté jeudi l'agence Anatolie

Salih Mirzabeyoglu, chef du Front Islamique des Combattants du Grand Orient (IBDA-C) avait été reconnu responsable lors de son procès en avril 2001 devant une cour de sûreté de l'Etat d'Istanbul d'une série d'actes de violence dans le cadre d'une campagne pour "détruire de force l'ordre constitutionnel".

Ses avocats avaient fait appel de la décision.

Deux autres militants de l'IBDA-C avaient été condamnés à 18 ans de prison chacun pour appartenance à une organisation illégale. Leur peine a également été confirmée en appel, précise Anatolie.

Emprisonné en 1998, Salih Mirzabeyoglu avait tenté de se pendre dans sa cellule mais en avait été empêché par l'intervention des autorités de la prison.

Selon les autorités turques, l'IBDA-C a été fondé en 1985 et a commis une série d'attaques à la bombe contre des bars, des discothèques et des églises à Istanbul.

Selon la police, le groupe avait déclaré l'année 1999 "Année de la Conquête" dans sa campagne pour remplacer le régime laïque de la Turquie musulmane par un régime islamiste radical.

La Turquie observe un moratoire de fait sur les exécutions capitales depuis 1984. (AFP, 18 avril 2002)
 

Trois islamistes turcs condamnés à mort

Trois islamistes turcs ont été condamnés vendredi à mort et vingt-neuf à des peines d'emprisonnement par une cour de sécurité d'Etat pour avoir comploté afin de détruire le régime laïc de la Turquie, au terme d'un procès impliquant le Hizbullah turc, a annoncé l'agence Anatolie.

Les accusés avaient été arrêtés il y a deux ans lors d'une vaste opération contre le Hizbullah, qui avait abouti à la découverte des corps de soixante-huit victimes présumées de ce groupe islamiste dans des fosses communes à travers la Turquie.

Le Hizbullah turc, qui n'a pas de lien connu avec son homonyme libanais (Hezbollah), est accusé de vouloir renverser le régime laïc en Turquie pour instaurer un Etat islamique.

Selon l'accusation, les trois condamnés à mort étaient impliqués dans le meurtre d'au moins deux personnes. La peine de mort figure dans le code pénal turc mais, selon un moratoire de fait, aucune exécution n'a eu lieu depuis 1984.

Trois autres accusés, dont un homme qui travaillait dans le bureau du Premier ministre Bulent Ecevit au moment de son arrestation, se sont vu infliger des peines de 15 ans de détention, selon Anatolie.

Vingt-six accusés ont été condamnés à des peines allant de 36 à 54 mois de prison pour avoir aidé et abrité des militants du Hizbullah et six autres ont été acquittés. (AFP, 19 avril 2002)
 

Un Turc, disparu il y a 15 mois, réapparaît à Guantanamo

L'un des détenus du "Camp XRay" de Guantanamo, à Cuba, a été identifié comme étant un ressortissant turc, Yuksel Celikgogus, porté disparu depuis quinze mois, a annoncé mercredi l'agence de presse turque Anatolie.

Lourdement endetté, Celikgogus, charpentier originaire de la province de Sakarya (nord-ouest), avait quitté la Turquie pour trouver du travail à l'étranger et sa famille était sans nouvelles de lui depuis février 2001, précise Anatolie.

Ses parents avaient cependant cru le reconnaître sur des images télévisées montrant des combattants capturés par les Américains en Afghanistan. L'agence Anatolie précise que la preuve de sa présence au sein des détenus de Guantanamo a été apportée à ses parents par une carte postale que Celikgogus a pu leur faire parvenir récemment.

Datée du 11 mars dernier et postée le 1er avril, elle porte le code "JJJBIA" donné aux prisonniers de Guantanamo ainsi que l'origine postale "160 CampXray".

La carte postale ne mentionne pas le centre de détention, mais indique seulement qu'il est sous surveillance américaine, a ajouté Anatolie. (AFP, 10 avril 2002)
 

Operations against the Turkish Hezbollah

On 4 April Istanbul SSC No. 5 heard the case of 23 alleged members of the radical Islamic organization Hezbollah, who had been detained after 17 January 2000, when the alleged leader of the organization, Hüseyin Velioglu, was killed in Istanbul during an operation of the police. Defendant Ilyas Kutulman stated that he and his co-defendants were being held under harsh conditions in Bolu F-type Prison, their hair and beards were shaven against their will and they were being beaten, before their transfer to court. The court rejected demands of release and adjourned the hearing to 6 June 2002. In this trial the death penalty is sought against the defendants Haci Inan, Ilyas Kutulman Abdülsettar Yildizbakan, Burhan Ekineker, Mehmet Bayram Eren, Sebahattin Alkan, Mehmet Emin Ekici, Mehmet Cemil Eres and Abit Tasan according to Article 146/1 TPC. The other defendants have to expect sentences between 15 and 22.5 yearsí imprisonment. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 5, 2002)

On 9 April Diyarbakir SSC No. 4 passed a verdict on three alleged members of the radical Islamic organization Hezbollah. Cuma Güzel was held responsible for the killing of the police officer Adem Bardakçi on 11 October 2000 and sentenced to death according to Article 146/1 TPC. The sentence was commuted to life imprisonment. Leyla Gülsever was sentenced to 12.5 yearsí imprisonment according to Article 168/2 TPC (membership of an armed gang) and Remziye Solmaz was sentenced to 6 yearsí, 5 monthsí imprisonment according to Article 146/3 TPC. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 10, 2002)

On 16 April Diyarbakir SSC No. 3 continued to hear the case of Mehmet Fidanci, an alleged member of the radical Islamic organization Hezbollah, who is being held responsible for the killing of ex-Chief of Diyarbakir Police, Gaffar Okkan, and 5 police officers. The court ordered the transfer of the prisoner to Batman Closed Prison and adjourned the hearing to 18 June. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 17, 2002)

On 17 Aprril, the Police HQ. in Antep announced to have found four corpses in a house in Emek quarters. The house was searched on information provided by a militant of the radical Islamic organization Hezbollah called Mehmet Salih Gölge (Kölge), who is being interrogated in Diyarbakir. He had been detained on 16 April and is said to be the "second man" in the organization. The corpses were identified as Hamza Karaarslan, his brother Mehmet Ali Karaarslan, his cousin Mehmet Salih Karaarslan and Özgür Elmas, the wife of Mehmet Salih Karaarslan. Antep Police HQ. stated that a person called Fuat Balci had interrogated the victims, before presenting them to Mehmet Salih Gölge. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, April 18, 2002)

On April 18, following the discovery of three corpses in a house in Emek quarter of Antep the search for the corpse of Özgür Elmas continues in Gaziantep and Kahramanmaras provinces according to the testimony of Mehmet Salih Kölge, who stated that Cemal Tutar (on trial at Diyarbakir SSC) killed her in 1998. At the time she had a son named Gökhan (4). His whereabouts are not known. (Cumhuriyet-Milliyet-TIHV, April 19, 2002)

On 19 April Ankara SSC passed its verdict on 29 alleged members and supporters of the radical Islamic organization Hezbollah. Mehmet Emin Alpsoy, Mustafa Gürlüer and Seyhmus Alpsoy were sentenced to death according to Article 146 TPC. Aysel Aldanmaz, Ayse Sudan, Veli Ince, Halit Karsli, Ahmet Akbulut and Hüseyin Tamer were acquitted. Abdulsamet Yildiz, Sadullah Arpa and Abdurrahman Alpsoy were convicted of being members of the organization and according to Article 168/2 TPC sentenced to 15 yearsí imprisonment. 15 defendants were sentenced to 4.5 yearsí imprisonment under Article 169 TPC for supporting the illegal organization. Mahmut Kaya and Ismail Kaya were convicted under the same provision, but since they had been under 18 years of age at the time of the crime, they were sentenced to 3 yearsí imprisonment. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, April 20, 2002)

On 22 April Diyarbakir SSC No. 1 continued to hear the case of Servet Yoldas, Sener Dünük and Suat Çetin, three alleged members of the radical Islamic organization Hezbollah, who are charged in connection with the assassination of ex-chief of Diyarbakir Police, Ali Gaffar Okkan. The defendants rejected the charges. Saban Dalgic, defense lawyer of Servet Yoldas, stated that his client was suffering from epilepsy and was not in a position to participate in such an action. The court rejected demands for release and adjourned the hearing to a later date. The prosecution wants all three defendants to be sentenced to death according to Article 146/1 TPC. (Evrensel-TIHV, April 24, 2002)

On 22 April Mehmet Salih Kölge, an alleged leading figure of the radical Islamic organization Hezbollah, was arrested by Diyarbakir SSC. During the seven days of his detention he reportedly confessed to have killed 13 people in southeastern Turkey in 1992 and 1993. His testimony also led to the discovery of 3 corpses in Antep. In Silvan district (Diyarbakir) Fikret Bayram was arrested. The police consider him to be one of the triggerers of Hezbollah. Being disabled Fikret Bayram, had been released from prison by State President Ahmet Necdet Sezer, when he was serving a sentence of 26 yearsí imprisonment for murder. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, April 24, 2002)

On 25 April Diyarbakir SSC No. 3 heard the case of Mehmet Sudan, an alleged leader of the radical Islamic organization Hezbollah, charged under Article 146/1 TPC with the demand of the death penalty. The court decided to combine this trial with the main trial against Hezbollah at Diyarbakir SSC that will continue on 9 May. Thus the number of defendants in the main trial increased to 21. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, April 26, 2002)
 

SOCIO-ECONOMIQUE / SOCIO-ECONOMIC

Quatorze mois de crise économique font exploser la criminalité

Après 14 mois d'une crise économique d'une ampleur sans précédent en Turquie, le banditisme et notamment les attaques de banque connaissent une progression fulgurante, faisant craindre à la population une dérive criminelle sanglante dans une société appauvrie.

D'après les statistiques de la Direction générale de la sûreté, les vols simples ont augmenté en 2001 de 32%, passant de 84.169 en 2000 à 111.104 l'an dernier, quand les vols avec violence et/ou avec arme à feu ont connu une recrudescence de plus de 47%, avec 2.408 attaques en 2001 contre 1.632 l'année précédente.

La Turquie a enregistré l'an dernier un recul de 9,4% de son Produit national brut (PNB), soit la pire récession depuis la Seconde Guerre mondiale, soulignait lundi la presse turque.

Les effets de la crise, qui a officiellement mis plus d'un million de travailleurs recensés au chômage, s'ajoutent à une urbanisation chaotique et un fort chômage chez les jeunes diplômés, selon le professeur Mahmut Arslan, sociologue à l'Université d'Istanbul.

"Couronné par une récession sévère, le fossé croissant entre riches et pauvres après des années d'inflation et une récente amnistie générale ont fait le lit de cette criminalité dont personne n'a la mémoire en Turquie", a expliqué à l'AFP M. Arslan.

Le week-end a vu un nouvel exemple d'attaque à main armée - pratique assez peu courante jusque là en Turquie - avec le vol d'un supermarché dans la banlieue ouest d'Istanbul par deux hommes qui ont empoché 4.000 euros, sans faire usage de leurs armes.

Le directeur de la Sûreté d'Istanbul Hasan Ozdemir a rappelé lundi devant la presse qu'aucune banque n'avait connu de hold-up depuis cinq ou six ans dans la première métropole du pays, alors que 4 attaques du genre ont eu lieu le mois passé, nécessitant une formation spéciale pour les gardiens de banque.

Deux jours auparavant, un supermarché de la même chaîne était dévalisé à Istanbul par deux assaillants armés qui partaient avec près de 6.000 euros, sans incident.

Egalement la semaine passée, une agence de la banque Akbank à Istanbul a été attaquée par un homme seul, muni d'une arme en plastique et qui s'était enfui en taxi.

L'événement le plus dramatique remonte au 6 mars, quand deux attaques à main armée quasi simultanées de banques, Finansbank sur la rive asiatique et Isbankasi côté européen d'Istanbul, se soldaient par la mort de deux des assaillants et l'hospitalisation d'un agent de sécurité blessé par balles.

Autre indice révélateur de cette dérive: le 20 février, deux enfants âgés de 12 et 13 ans avaient réussi à arracher le tiroir-caisse d'une agence de la banque Ziraat de Gebze (est d'Istanbul) empochant 35.000 dollars et 15.000 euros.

Fin décembre, une adolescente de 16 ans et sa soeur de 6 ans avaient déjà "attaqué" une agence de la même banque à Zonguldak (nord, côte de la mer Noire), disparaissant avec quelque 17.000 euros.

Le ministre de l'Economie Kemal Dervis, appelé en urgence de son poste de vice-président de la Banque mondiale il y a un an pour surmonter le krach de février 2001, s'est voulu rassurant en affirmant, cité par le quotidien Sabah, que "nous pouvons entrevoir le retour à la croissance, (...) le peuple verra bientôt les effets du redressement".

"Des mécanismes sociaux d'entraide permettent pour l'instant de limiter l'effondrement social, mais ces événements violents font office de soupape: si la pression augmente encore, l'explosion n'est plus trés loin", craint cependant le professeur Arslan. (AFP, 1 avril 2002)
 

Economic contraction in 2001 worse than expected

Turkey's economy posted a 9.4 percent contraction in 2001 amid the nation's severest recession since World War II, a figure that went beyond the most pessimistic expectations.

The State Institute of Statistics (DIE) yesterday announced that Turkey's gross national product (GNP) plunged 9.4 percent last year, compared with an 8.5 percent government forecast.

GNP shrank 12.3 percent on the year in the fourth quarter, indicating that the recession has deepened from the third quarter which recorded a contraction rate of 9.0 percent. Analysts were earlier suggesting that the economy bottomed out in the third quarter.

Gross domestic product (GDP), which excludes income from abroad, declined 7.4 percent in the whole of 2001 and 10.4 percent in the fourth quarter.

A Reuters poll of economists last week had produced a contraction estimate of 10.9 percent for the fourth quarter and 8.9 percent for full year. The same economists predicted a GDP contraction of 9.3 percent in the fourth quarter of 2001.

Per capita income plummeted 27.2 percent in U.S. dollar terms to $2,160 last year, as devaluation ate into people's earnings and more than a million Turks lost their jobs.

Worries of a possible social explosion at the face of the rising poverty have been bothering Turkey, which recently saw its emerging market peer Argentina dragged into chaos amid social unrest caused by a severe and persisting economic recession.

So far several individual protests were performed in front of the Prime Ministry building and mass demonstrations against the government's economic policies have been limited to those organized by labor unions, however concern has grown after bank robberies that first emerged in commercial capital Istanbul and spread to other provinces in Anatolia over the last few weeks.

According to the figures released yesterday, economic recession in the fourth quarter of 2001 was led by agriculture, industry and commerce sectors, which posted respective contraction rates of 13.6 percent, 10.7 percent and 14.4 percent. Import taxes plunged 28.4 percent in the same period.

Turkey's economy has usually posted strong rebounds after such years of sharp contraction, but analysts view even a 3 percent government target as an optimistic projection at the face of a weak consumer demand and exports, and shaky tourism prospects.

Leading indicators of economic activity such as industrial production and capacity utilization have been mixed in the first months of 2002. Exports have stalled due to a global economic slowdown and the loss of price advantage, as the Turkish lira climbed to above its fair value against the U.S. dollar thanks to an improved investor sentiment.

The government has recently come under pressure from business and industry circles to prompt a recovery in economic activity by either meddling with the floating exchange rate or cutting taxes, but both would imply deviation from Turkey's International Monetary Fund (IMF)-backed program which targets to halve annual inflation to 35 percent by the end of 2002.

But discomfort among politicians seems to be growing as Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit last week said he can't stomach contraction. "I believe we must accelerate growth without giving an opportunity to inflationist tendencies. Some people worry that rapid growth could also speed inflation. I do not share these worries," he told a conference in Istanbul.

Economy Minister Kemal Dervis, who was last year hauled over from a World Bank post to extricate Turkey from crisis, urges adherence to the program, cautioning that the IMF is keeping an eye on Turkey twenty-four hours a day.

Turkey is the Fund's largest beneficiary, having secured loan deals totaling some $31 billion in the last two years to be able to tackle a massive domestic debt load amounting to 51.2 percent of GNP. (Turkish Daily News, April 1, 2002)
 

Prix à la consommation: hausse de 1,2% en mars, +65,1% sur un an

La hausse des prix à la consommation en Turquie s'est ralentie à +1,2% en mars par rapport à février contre +1,8% le mois précédent et +5,3% en janvier, mais la hausse en glissement annuel est restée en mars à +65,1%, selon les chiffres publiés mercedi par l'Institut national des statistiques (DIE).

La hausse des prix de gros s'est également ralentie à +1,9% en mars par rapport au mois précédent contre +2,6% en février, mais avec un glissement sur 12 mois de 77,5%, selon l'Institut.

Les prix à la consommation avaient progressé de 68,5% en 2001 et de 88,6% pour les prix de gros, dans un contexte de récession économique.

La Turquie bénéficie d'un programme massif de soutien multilatéral sous la direction du Fonds monétaire international (FMI), dont l'un des objectifs est la baisse de l'inflation. Le dernier accord signé en février, qui prévoit une aide à hauteur de 16 milliards de dollars, vise une inflation à 35% en 2002, 20% en 2003, et 12% en 2004. (AFP, 3 avril 2002)
 

La Banque mondiale accorde un prêt de 1,35 milliard de dollars

La Banque mondiale a annoncé mardi que son Conseil d'administration avait décidé d'accorder un prêt de 1,35 milliard de dollars à la Turquie pour soutenir son programme de réformes.

Ce prêt fait suite à un précédent soutien financier de 1,1 milliard de dollars accordé en juillet dernier.

La Banque mondiale a débloqué cet argent dans le cadre de son mécanisme appellé "Programmatic Financial and Public Sector Adjustment Loan (PFPSAL)". Il sera déboursé en trois tranches de 450 millions de dollars chacune en fonction des progrès réalisés par les autorités turques dans l'application de leur programme économique.

Les priorités du plan PFPSAL sont la modernisation du secteur bancaire et de ses autorités de supervision ainsi que la restructuration et la privatisation des banques publiques.

Pour le secteur public, il vise à soutenir le processus d'ajustement budgétaire et notamment la réduction des dépenses publiques et la lutte contre la corruption.

Au titre de ses différents programmes, la BM a engagé au total pour 4,2 milliards de dollars de crédits au bénéfice de la Turquie sur une enveloppe générale d'un montant de 6,2 milliards de dollars sur trois ans.

Le FMI avait de son côté débloqué lundi une tranche d'un milliard de dollars au profit de la Turquie au titre d'un crédit de trois ans accordé en février dernier. (AFP, 16 avril 2002)
 

Le FMI appelle la Turquie à rester soudé pour réformer

Le Fonds monétaire international a appelé vendredi la coalition gouvernementale en Turquie à "apporter un soutien sans faille" à la mise en place du programme de relance soutenu par un crédit du Fonds.

"Pour que la mise en oeuvre du programme puisse être couronnée de succès dans les mois à venir, la coalition gouvernementale doit lui apporter un soutien sans faille", écrit le conseil d'administration du FMI dans la revue annuelle de l'économie turque publiée vendredi.

Dans l'ensemble, les directeurs ont loué la Turquie pour ses efforts de relance, mais se sont inquiétés de ce qu'"un ralentissement économique prolongé pourrait avoir un impact négatif sur la maîtrise de la dette".

"Pour donner du tonus à la croissance, les directeurs du Fonds ont souligné l'importance des réformes structurelles pour encourager l'investissement privé et la productivité et pour faire baisser les taux d'intérêts réels (hors inflation)", poursuit le document.

Le Fonds table sur une croissance de 3% en Turquie en 2002, et 5% pour les deux années suivantes.

Le déficit du secteur public par rapport au Produit national brut (PNB) devrait se situer à 68,6% en 2002, à 65,1% en 2003 et à 61,7% en 2004. (AFP, 19 avril 2002)
 

Some 1.6 million children earn their living

Some 1.6 million children between the ages of 6-17 work in Turkey, according to research conducted by the labor union, Turk-Is.

The study, derived from State Institute of Statistics (DIE) data, revealed that some 10.2 percent of the total 16 million children in Turkey are working to earn their living. According to the research, 57.6 percent of child workers are employed in the agricultural sector, 21.8 percent in the industrial sector, 10.2 percent in the trade sector and 10.4 percent in the services sector.

Child workers generally work with the aim of contributing to the family budget, learning a profession or meeting their expenses. Some 89.8 percent of children in Turkey attend school, while 31.2 percent both work and go to school.

The research stressed that the number of working children has decreased because of the eight-year compulsory primary school education, although the distribution of income has not improved, and the real wages have not increased. Projects carried out by various institutions in order to prevent child employment have also contributed to the decrease in child workers, the research added. (Turkish Daily News, April 23, 2002)
 

McDonald's a fermé un tiers de ses restaurants en Turquie

La chaîne américaine de restauration rapide McDonald's a fermé au cours des cinq derniers mois près d'un tiers de ses restaurants en Turquie, conséquence de la grave crise économique traversée par le pays, ont rapporté mercredi les média.

"Depuis novembre de l'an dernier, 41 restaurants ont été fermés et leur nombre a été ramené de 131 à 90", a déclaré le directeur général de McDonald's pour la Turquie, Sadi Fansa, expliquant cette mesure principalement par le prix élevé des loyers.

"En raison de la forte dévaluation (de la livre turque par rapport au dollar) l'an passé, les loyers payés en dollars ont atteint des niveaux impossibles à soutenir avec une consommation de toute façon en baisse", a expliqué M. Fansa, cité par la presse.

La Turquie est frappée depuis février 2001 par une crise économique qui a vu la monnaie nationale perdre jusqu'à 50% de sa valeur face au billet vert, et a mis à la rue plus d'un million de personnes, selon les chiffres officiels.

M. Fansa affirme cependant que la chaîne a connu une hausse de 11% du nombre de ses clients, et s'attend à une reprise de la croissance de McDonald's "parallèlement à un redressement de l'économie turque", a rapporté le journal Hurriyet.

La chaîne avait ouvert son premier restaurant en Turquie en 1986. (AFP, 24 avril 2002)
 

Dauphins tués par des braconniers turcs en Mer Noire

Le ministre roumain de l'Environnement, Petru Lificiu, a qualifié samedi de "crime écologique" la mort d'une centaine de dauphins tués par des braconniers turcs dans les eaux territoriales de la mer Noire.

Le ministre a déclaré à l'agence roumaine Mediafax que la Turquie avait violé la Convention internationale de l'environnement et précisé qu'il allait s'entretenir avec son homologue turc de cette situation.

Les autorités roumaines avaient indiqué vendredi avoir découvert une centaine de dauphins morts dans des filets de pêche abandonnés par des braconniers turcs dans les eaux territoriales roumaines de la mer Noire.

Ces filets avaient été abandonnés il y a huit jours lorsque la police roumaine des frontières avait arraisonné sept bateaux turcs se livrant au braconnage dans les eaux roumaines, selon la même source.

A cette époque les policiers roumains avaient ouvert le feu pour contraindre les braconniers de s'arrêter.

Les sept vaisseaux se trouvent toujours dans le port roumain de Constanta.

De nombreux bateaux de pêcheurs turcs ont été interceptés ces dernières années dans les eaux territoriales roumaines et plusieurs d'entre-eux ont été mis sous séquestre par les autorités de Bucarest. (AFP, 27 avril 2002)
 

Les touristes privés de danse du ventre en Turquie

Le ministre turc du Tourisme Mustafa Tasar a annoncé mardi avoir interdit la danse du ventre dans les sites touristiques du pays, estimant que cette forme de danse ne relève pas des us et coutumes turques.

"Nous avons des danses folkloriques et des coutumes propres à nous, la danse du ventre n'est pas turque", a-t-il dit sur la chaîne d'information NTV.

La danse du ventre est pratiquée dans les nombreux sites touristiques de Turquie qui accueillent chaque année quelque 10 millions de touristes étrangers.

Cette danse sera désormais interdite par les autorités lors des traditionnelles soirées pour les visiteurs étrangers baptisées "nuits turques", a souligné le ministre. (AFP, 30 avril 2002)
 

RELATIONS AVEC L'OUEST / RELATIONS WITH THE WEST

Le Danemark élude la fixation d'une date pour les négociations d'adhésion

Le Premier ministre danois Anders Fogh Rasmussen, dont le pays présidera l'UE à partir de juillet, s'est abstenu vendredi de tout engagement sur la fixation d'une date pour l'ouverture des négociations d'adhésion, réclamée avec insistance par Ankara.

"Je serai clair: le moment de l'ouverture des négociations dépend de la Turquie. Les négociations d'adhésion pourront commencer si et quand la Turquie remplit les critères politiques", sur le respect des droits de l'Homme et de la démocratie, a souligné M. Rasmussen devant la presse, après un entretien avec son homologue turc Bulent Ecevit.

La Turquie réclame avec insistance la fixation d'une date d'ici la fin de l'année pour l'ouverture de négociations d'adhésion à l'Union européenne, qui a accepté sa candidature en 1999. Elle est le seul des 13 pays candidats à ne pas les avoir entamées.

"Nous reconnaissons que le gouvernement turc a fait des progrès dans le respect des critères politiques. La récente réforme constitutionnelle est un pas en avant majeur", a relevé M. Rasmussen, tout en ajoutant que Bruxelles attendait des efforts supplémentaires en matière de démocratie.

"Le Danemark attache la plus grande importance aux droits de l'Homme, y compris au droit des minorités", a-t-il souligné.

Ankara a entrepris une série de réformes pour se rapprocher de l'UE dont des amendements à la constitution, jugées toutefois insuffisantes par l'UE comme par les milieux libéraux turcs.

Le gouvernement de M. Ecevit n'a pas réussi à se mettre d'accord pour abolir la peine de mort, et se montre très réticent à l'octroi de droits culturels pour sa minorité kurde, comme une télévision ou un enseignement en kurde. (AFP, 5 avril 2002)
 

Une chance sur deux d'intégrer Chypre réunifiée à l'UE (Verheugen)

Il existe une chance sur deux de voir les négociations sur la division de l'île de Chypre aboutir à temps pour que l'île réunifiée puisse adhérer à l'UE, a estimé vendredi le commissaire européen à l'Elargissement, Guenter Verheugen.

"Les probabilités que ce scénario se présente sont à peu près de 50%", a déclaré le commissaire européen devant des députés du Parlement européen.

La Turquie, a-t-il poursuivi, "négocie un peu comme l'ex-Union Soviétique. Pendant des mois ou des années, rien ne se passe. C'est le statu-quo total et puis, tout d'un coup, une décision stratégique est prise et les choses commencent à bouger".

"Est-ce qu'on pourra s'attendre à une percée stratégique de ce type de la part de la Turquie à propos de Chypre avant l'été? Je n'en sais rien".

Chypre est dans le peloton de tête des candidats à l'élargissement de l'Union européenne (UE) et la Grèce a toujours dit qu'elle bloquerait l'agrandissement de la famille européenne si Chypre n'y était pas acceptée parce que le conflit chypriote n'est pas réglé.

L'île est divisée en deux secteurs, chypriote-turc au nord et chypriote-grec au sud, à la suite d'une intervention militaire de la Turquie en 1974 visant à contrer un projet de coup d'Etat d'ultra-nationalistes chypriotes-grecs visant à rattacher le pays à la Grèce.

La Turquie, de son côté, est résolument hostile à une entrée dans l'UE de la seule partie chypriote-grecque de l'île.

Chypriotes grecs et Chypriotes turcs ont entamé le 16 janvier des pourparlers en vue de la réunification de l'île.

"Si à la fin de l'année, on n'est pas arrivé à l'accord souhaité et si on constate que la partie grecque a fait tout son possible pour arriver à un accord, je ne vois pas pourquoi on devrait pénaliser les Chypriotes grecs" en ne les acceptant pas dans l'Union, a déclaré le commissaire européen.

Les responsables de la Commission européenne ont souvent dit qu'une solution à la division de l'île n'était pas un préalable à l'intégration de Chypre à l'UE.

L'UE souhaite achever les négociations d'adhésion avec dix pays maximum d'ici la fin de l'année. (AFP, 5 avril 2002)
 

Ankara et Washington évoquent les capacités de l'OTAN

Un haut responsable américain a évoqué mardi à Ankara avec les autorités turques les moyens de renforcer les capacités de l'OTAN en matière de lutte contre le terrorisme international.

"Nous pensons que l'OTAN a besoin de nouvelles capacités pour confronter de nouvelles menaces", a dit le secrétaire d'Etat ajoint américain pour les affaires politiques, Marc Grossman, à l'issue d'une rencontre avec le sous-secrétaire d'Etat turc aux Affaires étrangères Ugur Ziyal.

"Quand vous regardez ce qui c'est passé en Afghanistan, il est clair que nous avons besoin d'agir plus rapidement pour envoyer des forces au combat. Et quand ils sont au combat, nous avons besoin de les maintenir là bas et de maintenir une communication entre elles", a-t-il continué.

M. Ziyal a pour sa part souligné que la Turquie, seul pays musulman de l'OTAN, partageait le point de vue américain. "En matière de combat contre le terrorisme, nous sommes d'accord avec les Etats-Unis pour développer de nouvelles capacités afin d'assurer et de maintenir la paix dans des pays comme l'Afghanistan", a-t-il dit.

Ankara est aussi sur la même longueur d'onde que Washington sur le fait qu'un "parapluie de défense commun" doit être mis en place afin de prévenir la prolifération d'armes de destruction massive "qui sont en grand nombre dans notre région", a affirmé M. Ziyal.

Les deux pays ont aussi discuté du processus d'élargissement avant le sommet de l'OTAN qui aura lieu en novembre à Prague et qui doit décider des pays invités à rejoindre l'Alliance.

"La Turquie souhaite l'élargissement le plus consistant possible (...) L'élargissement doit arriver jusqu'à nos frontières", en référence au soutien apporté par Ankara à la candidature de sa voisine la Bulgarie et de la Roumanie. (AFP, 16 avril 2002)
 

EU expects more steps to be taken on freedom of expression

The 41st Association Council between Turkey and the European Union (EU) was held in Luxembourg, with an emphasis from the EU side on the need to develop the freedom of expression in Turkey.

EU Commissioner responsible for enlargement Gunter Verheugen stated that accession talks can be started if Turkey fulfills the Copenhagen criteria.

Verheugen reiterated the EU's concerns over Turkey's human rights record, saying Ankara had to go further in buttressing the rights of ethnic minorities.

The EU also wants Ankara to abolish the death penalty and curb the political influence of the army.

"We feel deeper, more far-reaching reforms are needed in, for example, the area of freedom of expression and of association," Verheugen said.

Foreign Minister Cem stated that Turkey should not lose the chance for something which it had not been applying for years, hinting at the need for the abolishment of the death penalty.

Briefing the Turkish Daily News, EU sources commented that the abolition of the death penalty, which only referred to Abdullah Ocalan in many fields, was not a prior topic stressed by the union.

"Freedom of expression is more important for the EU side, such as the new law of the Supreme Board of Radio and Television (RTUK),."

The Association Council coincided with a press conference held by the representatives of PKK to announce a change in the name and the strategy of the organization.

The press conference held by the participants of the Association Council, passed the questions from the foreign reporters posed to Foreign Minister Cem on the new strategy of the PKK.

The council was attended by EU Commissioner Responsible for enlargement Gunter Verheugen, Spanish Foreign Minister Josep Pique, Danish Foreign Minister Stig Der Moller and the Greek Foreign Minister Yorgo Papandreu.

Cem shrugged off the decision by the PKK to cease its activities and regroup under a new name, saying it remained for Ankara a "terrorist" organization.

"We don't believe a change of name brings with it any change in its essence," Ismail Cem told a news conference after talks with senior European Union officials.

"We do not think this means any change at all," he said.

Pressed on what the PKK, now renamed the Kurdistan Freedom and Democracy Party, would have to do to earn political legitimacy, Cem said: "I do not give much consideration to the question of how terrorist organizations might change."

Turkey has accused some European countries of providing PKK members with a safe haven, and has pressed the EU to include the terrorist groups on their terrorist list. Germany and the Netherlands have so far resisted this call.

Spanish Foreign Minister Josep Pique, who chaired Tuesday's talks with Turkey, said the EU recognized the PKK issue was an extremely sensitive one for Turkey, which is a candidate for membership of the 15-nation bloc.

"We are ready to review the list (of terrorist groups)... by early May," Pique said. He did not say whether the PKK would be added.

In an interview with CNN TURK and TDN's Mehmet Ali Birand soon after the Association Council, Cem said that it was not right to talk much about the issue of the terrorist list, as a mechanism has been working for the issue, in a clear criticism against an earlier statement by deputy prime minister Mesut Yilmaz that the Turkish terrorist groups would be included in the list.

Cyprus was also broadly debated during the informal part of the meeting, Cem said during Birand interview.

Cem said Turkey was doing its best to meet the EU's political criteria for opening negotiations, and repeated his call for the Union to name a date for the opening of the accession negotiations.

The Association Council was not expected to be a stage for a sharp reaction from the EU over Turkey fulfilling its short-term political criteria.

The main evaluation will be made during the Copenhagen EU Council to be held at the end of the Danish presidency in December. (Turkish Daily News, April 17, 2002)
 

La montée de l'extrême droite et la candidature turque

Le renforcement des mouvements d'extrême droite dans les pays de l'Union européenne (UE) pourrait créér un problème dans les engagements des Quinze vis-à-vis de la Turquie, a estimé lundi soir à Paris le chef de la diplomatie turque Ismail Cem.

Répondant aux questions à l'issue d'une conférence, M. Cem a affirmé que la progression de l'extrême droite en Europe posait des "problèmes" à son pays, en allusion au succès en France de Jean-Marie Le Pen au premier tour de l'élection présidentielle.

"L'UE peut avoir difficultés pour honorer ses engagements envers la Turquie", a-t-il dit cité par l'agence turque Anatolie.

M. Cem a également indiqué que la Turquie poursuivait la mise en oeuvre des réformes nécessaire pour l'ouverture des négociations d'adhésion. Depuis l'annonce de sa candidature à l'UE en décembre 1999, la Turquie est sous pression pour démocratiser ses institutions. (AFP, 30 avril 2002)
 

RELATIONS REGIONALES / REGIONAL RELATIONS

L'option militaire israélienne tend les relations avec la Turquie

L'offensive militaire massive de l'armée israélienne dans les territoires palestiniens tend les liens turco-israéliens et place Ankara, qui joue un difficile exercice d'équilibrisme depuis le début de l'Intifada, dans une position délicate.

Quand les deux pays avaient finalisé en 1996 un accord de coopération militaire, sous l'impulsion des militaires turcs alors même que le pays était dirigé par son premier chef de gouvernement islamiste, Necmettin Erbakan, l'alliance de ces deux pays démocratiques et proches alliés des Etats-Unis avait provoqué un tollé des pays arabes et l'Iran.

Depuis, tous deux ont beau dire que leur coopération ne vise aucun pays tiers, ils sont de plus en plus engagés dans des manoeuvres aériennes et navales et ont élargi le champ d'action de leur alliance aux domaines culturels et économiques. Ils négocient aussi un important contrat de fourniture d'eau potable à Israël.

La Turquie a bénéficié du soutien précieux d'Israël lorsqu'elle luttait contre la rébellion kurde armée, retranchée en partie sur le sol de ses voisins, la Syrie et l'Iran, mais aussi de l'appui du lobby juif aux Etats-Unis.

L'Etat hébreu a de son côté remporté de lucratifs projets de modernisation de l'armée turque.

Mais l'atmosphère d'"entente mutuelle" s'est progressivement assombrie depuis l'arrivée au pouvoir du Premier ministre israélien de droite Ariel Sharon et de sa politique "faucon" au Proche-Orient envers les Palestiniens dont la "cause musulmane" a toujours été soutenue par Ankara et par l'opinion publique turque.

"Yasser Arafat est un chef d'Etat reconnu officiellement comme tel par la Turquie. Personne n'a le droit d'être aussi irrespectueux envers lui et la nation qu'il représente", a sévèrement lâché le chef de la diplomatie turque Ismail Cem, mettant en garde contre une atmosphère propice à une "dérive extrémiste" du peuple palestinien.

Le Premier ministre Bulent Ecevit s'est de son côté entretenu samedi au téléphone avec le chef de l'autorité palestinienne, assiégé à Ramallah par les chars israéliens, pour lui exprimer le soutien de son pays.

La presse turque ne tarit pas de critiques : "Israël commet des massacres" à Ramallah, titrait en une mardi le quotidien libéral Radikal, alors que le quotidien Cumhuriyet proclamait : "La Palestine en ruines".

"Notre coopération avec Israël a un caractère stratégique et ne doit pas être affectée par les développements regrettables, mais la position actuelle de ce pays n'est pas acceptable et nous le leur avons dit", a indiqué à l'AFP un diplomate turc sous couvert de l'anonymat.

Néanmoins, la tenue fin avril des manoeuvres aériennes annuelles turco-israélo-américaines au-dessus des vastes plaines de Konya (centre) pourrait être annulée en réaction à l'"agression" israélienne, selon la presse turque.

Les deux partis islamistes au parlement turc, Justice et développement (AK) et Saadet (Bonheur), ont immédiatement demandé l'annulation d'un projet de modernisation de 170 chars M-60 américains confié à la compagnie publique israélienne Israeli Military Industries (IMI) pour un montant de 668 millions de dollars.
 

Un dirigeant d'AK a même comparé Sharon à Hitler

Le gouvernement ne devrait pas faire marche arrière dans ce contrat car la technologie qui sera importée d'Israël servira pour d'autres projets à venir, a-t-on souligné de source militaire turque.

Les deux pays oeuvrent en outre depuis longtemps sur un projet d'un montant de plus de 100 millions de dollars pour produire ensemble un missile air-sol perfectionné, Popeye II, qui sera une version plus petite mais plus avancée du missile Popeye I israélien.

La production commune de missiles antimissiles Hetz (Arrow) est également à l'agenda. (AFP, 2 avril 2002)
 

Un parti islamiste demande le gel des liens avec Israël

Un parti islamiste turc, Saadet (Bonheur), a appelé mardi le gouvernement à "geler" les relations avec Israël et à rappeler son ambassadeur tant que ce pays ne met fin à son "agression" dans les territoires palestiniens.

"Israël ne fait pas la guerre car il faut deux parties pour la faire. Israël commet des massacres et tente d'anéantir un peuple", a martelé le président du parti, Recai Kutan, cité par l'agence Anatolie, devant le groupe parlementaire de sa formation.

Il a appelé le gouvernement du Premier ministre Bulent Ecevit à geler ses liens avec l'Etat hébreu qu'il a qualifié d'"Etat terroriste" et à rappeler immédiatement son ambassadeur à Tel Aviv.

"J'appelle tout le monde à sortir dans les rues et à dénoncer l'injustice" visant les Palestiniens et leur leader, Yasser Arafat, qui "brave la mort".

M. Kutan a en outre réaffirmé que la Turquie devait annuler un projet de modernisation de 170 chars M-60 américains confié à la compagnie publique israélienne Israeli Military Industries (IMI) pour un montant de 668 millions de dollars.

Le Saadet détient 48 sièges au parlement (sur 550).

Une session réservée à la situation au Proche-Orient est prévue dans l'après-midi à l'Assemblée nationale.

Des défenseurs de droits de l'Homme ont organisé un sit-in pacifique devant l'Association turque des droits de l'Homme (IHD) pour condamner l'"occupation israélienne des territoires palestiniens", a ajouté Anatolie.

La Turquie, pays musulman mais à l'Etat laïque, est le principal allié régional d'Israël depuis 1996, date de la signature d'un accord de coopération militaire qui a soulevé la colère de la plupart des pays arabes et de l'Iran. (AFP, 2 avril 2002)
 

Appel à la paix des dignitaires religieux de Turquie

Les dignitaires religieux musulman, juif et chrétien de Turquie ont appelé jeudi à l'arrêt des hostilités entre Israéliens et Palestiniens au Proche-Orient, demandant qu'une "solution juste" soit trouvée au conflit, a rapporté l'agence Anatolie.

"Les réalités se cachant derrière les guerres sont avant tout les intérêts économiques et des raisons d'ordre politique (...) Notre objectif commun est d'éloigner l'univers du chaos et de faire prévaloir la paix", selon un communiqué publié à l'issue d'une réunion à Istanbul des principaux représentants en Turquie des religions musulmane, juive et chrétienne.

A la réunion étaient présents notamment le chef des affaires religieuses (musulman) Mehmet Nuri Yilmaz, le rabbin adjoint de Turquie, Ishak Haleva, le patriarche arménien de Turquie, Mesrob Mutafyan et le plus haut dignitaire de l'Eglise orthodoxe grec, le patriarche Bartholomée Ier.

Condamnant toutes les guerres sur la planète, dont les affrontements au Proche-Orient, le communiqué demande l'arrêt des "attaques visant l'héritage religieux, culturel et historique" dans la région. (AFP, 11 avril 2002)

Série de manifestations anti-israéliennes en Turquie

Des manifestations de plus en plus larges ont eu lieu au cours du mois d'avril un peu partout en Turquie, la plus vaste ayant rassemblé le jeudi 4 avril plusieurs milliers de personnes à Ankara, à l'appel d'une dizaine d'organisations syndicales et de la société civile.

Le 5 avril, à la sortie de la mosquée de Beyazit, dans la partie historique d'Istanbul, quelque milliers de manifestants ont symboliquement organisé un enterrement à la mémoire des victimes palestiniennes de l'opération militaire israélienne dans les territoires palestiniens. La police a d'abord lancé des grenades lacrymogènes puis utilisé le canon à eau pour disperser les manifestants, dont une quinzaine ont été interpellés. De nombreuses autres villes du pays ont été le théâtre de rassemblements, le plus souvent après la prière de la mi-journée, parfois dans des universités, où des slogans dénonçaient les violences de l'armée israélienne. A Diyarbakir (sud-est), quelque 1.500 fidèles ont crié "maudit Israël", "Sharon assassin" en entonnant "Allah U Akhbar" (Dieu est grand) dans les rues de la ville pendant plus d'une demi-heure avant que la police ne parvienne à les disperser. A Elazig (est), le drapeau de l'état hébreu a été brûlé et à Van (est), 23 personnes ont été également brièvement interpellées. Des incidents ont également éclaté à l'Université d'Ankara entre différentes factions d'étudiants d'extrême-gauche sur la forme de la protestation contre Israël.

Le samedi 6 avril, à Ankara, des centaines de personnes se sont rassemblées dans un parc au centre de la ville pour une manifestation organisée par des cercles islamistes et ont exprimé "leur soutien au leader palestinien Yasser Arafat et à son peuple". A Trabzon, dans le nord du pays, quelque 3.000 personnes se sont rassemblées pour dénoncer la politique du Premier ministre israélien Ariel Sharon. "La Palestine est en feu et le monde regarde, malheur au sionisme", ont crié les manifestants. A Istanbul, des syndicalistes et des membres d'organisations féministes ont déposé des couronnes mortuaires devant le consulat d'Israël.

Le dimanche 7 avril, des milliers ont manifesté pour la troisième journée consécutive, condamnant les incursions de l'armée israélienne dans les territoires palestiniens. Le plus grand rassemblement a eu lieu à Istanbul, où quelque 2.000 personnes se sont réunies sous le slogan "Paix pour la Palestine", à l'appel d'un petit parti de gauche. "Non à la guerre - Sharon fasciste, quitte la Palestine!", lisait-on sur les banderoles. Les membres d'un autre petit parti ont expédié trois paquets de savon au Premier ministre israélien Ariel Sharon, une allusion à l'Holocauste et au savon que les nazis fabriquaient à partir de cadavres humains. A Istanbul, quelque 150 membres d'une association de jeunesse de gauche ont déposé une couronne mortuaire noire en face du consulat d'Israël. Environ 400 membres du HADEP ont par ailleurs organisé un sit-in dans un parc situé dans la partie européenne d'Istanbul. A Adana (sud), des syndicats et partis ont aussi organisé une action de protestation. Les participants ont observé une minute de silence en hommage aux Palestiniens récemment tués. "Sharon, assassin! Quitte la Palestine!", scandaient-ils.

Le 8 avril, 25 manifestants anti-israéliens ont été interpellés et placés en garde à vue dans deux rassemblements tenus à Istanbul, après plusieurs jours de protestations en Turquie contre l'occupation des territoires palestiniens. Les protestataires regroupés dans le quartier de Kadiköy, sur la rive asiatique d'Istanbul, étaient essentiellement des syndicalistes des docks et ports de la ville, dont le secrétaire général Kazim Bakis et plusieurs autres responsables ont été emmenés par la police. 24 personnes ont été interpellées à Kadiköy. L'autre rassemblement s'est tenu à Beyoglu, dans le centre européen d'Istanbul, à l'appel de l'Association turque des Droits de l'Homme (IHD), dont la présidente de la branche locale Eren Keskin a été également interpellée avec 3 autres personnes. Les militants des Droits de l'Homme entendaient défiler avec des flambeaux, mais n'y ont pas été autorisés par un important déploiement de police qui a empêché un sit-in et le déploiement de pancartes.

Le 12 avril, plusieurs manifestations anti-israéliennes ont eu lieu dans différentes villes de Turquie à l'issue de la grande prière du vendredi et la police a interpellé 30 personnes à Konya (centre), fief islamiste, a rapporté l'agence Anatolie. A la sortie de la mosquée, un groupe de manifestants s'est vu interdire de défiler dans une artère de la ville par des policiers anti-émeutes, précise l'agence. La plupart des manifestants se sont dispersés mais un groupe de trente personnes qui refusait d'obéir aux injonctions des forces de l'ordre a été interpellé. A Diyarbakir (sud-est), une foule a scandé des slogans anti-israéliens comme "A bas Israël" et "Israël: assassin" à la sortie de la mosquée et brûlé le drapeau israélien avant d'être dispersée violemment par la police, indique Anatolie. A Van (est), des fidèles rassemblées sur l'esplanade d'une mosquée ont scandé des slogants anti-israéliens. La police leur a interdit de défiler dans les rues, ajoute Anatolie.

Le 13 avril, une manifestation anti-israélienne a réuni plusieurs milliers de personnes à l'appel du parti islamiste du Bonheur (Saadet) samedi à Istanbul et s'est terminée sur une "prière pour la paix en Palestine". Le président de ce parti, Recai Kutan, a dénoncé le "terrorisme et le génocide d'Etat" d'Israël contre les Palestinien, au cours du rassemblement dans le quartier de Caglayan, sur la rive européenne de la métropole. "78% des territoires palestiniens sont occupés par Israël", a-t-il poursuivi, estimant qu'il s'agissait là d'une conséquence d'un "impérialisme de l'Occident". Affirmant que quelque 5.000 Palestiniens avaient été tués au cours des dix dernières années par Israël, le leader islamiste cité par Anatolie s'est adressé au Premier ministre israélien Ariel Sharon en ces termes: "Votre but est-il de tuer tous les Palestiniens?" M. Kutan a tenu à rappeler qu'il "n'avait rien contre le peuple juif", mais qu'il "s'élevait contre les dirigeants israéliens et le boucher de Beyrouth Ariel Sharon".

Le 14 avril, deux nouvelles manifestations anti-israéliennes organisées par des partis politiques et des syndicats de gauche ont eu lieu dans deux grandes villes de Turquie La première s'est déroulée dans la ville de Gaziantep (sud-est du pays), la seconde à Izmir (ouest) dans un climat un peu tendu mais sans assaut de la police qui a dû appeler à la dispersion des manifestants. Sous le slogan commun "Le peuple palestinien n'est pas seul", ces réunions étaient organisées par le Parti du Travail (EMEP), le Parti de la Démocratie du Peuple (HADEP), le Parti de la Liberté et de la Solidarité (ÖDP), le Parti Communiste de Turquie (TKP), et des branches locales des principaux syndicats du pays, selon la même source. A Gaziantep, les protestataires ont crié "Assassin Sharon, hors de Palestine!", et réclamé du gouvernement turc qu'il reconsidère ses liens avec l'Etat hébreu.
 

Karzai quitte la Turquie sur la promesse d'une large coopération

Le président du gouvernement intérimaire afghan, Hamid Karzai, a quitté vendredi Ankara après une visite "très productive" de 24 heures en Turquie, pays qui a "de bons moyens pour reconstruire l'Afghanistan", selon lui.

Le responsable afghan s'est également à nouveau félicité que la Turquie prenne le commandement de la force internationale de paix en Afghanistan (Isaf), et a invité les militaires turcs à rester en Afghanistan "aussi longtemps qu'elle le voudra", dans des déclarations à l'aéroport avant son retour en Afghanistan.

"Aussi longtemps que la Turquie voudra assurer ce commandement, le peuple afghan l'acceptera", a-t-il affirmé.

Ankara a donné son accord de principe et dit avoir trouvé un "compromis" avec les Etats-Unis et la Grande-Bretagne, sans qu'une date ait encore été fixée pour qu'elle prenne la relève du commandement britannique.

M. Karzai a une nouvelle fois rappelé son souhait que le mandat de la force internationale de paix soit étendu "à tout le pays", ce que "la population afghane est prête à accepter".

Cette éventualité n'a toutefois pas été retenue par le Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU fin mars, qui s'est en revanche prononcé pour prolonger sans doute jusqu'à la fin de l'année son mandat qui expirait en juin.

La visite de M. Karzai a en outre relancé une longue tradition d'amitié et de coopération entre les deux pays. Le chef du gouvernement intérimaire a rappelé que depuis les années 20, la Turquie avait participé à la formation de l'armée afghane, et appelé à une reprise de cette présence.

"La Turquie est un pays qui a de bons moyens de s'occuper de la reconstruction de l'Afghanistan", a-t-il lancé, mentionnant des discussions dans les domaines de l'agriculture, de la coopération aéronautique, de la formation de diplomates.

M. Ecevit avait également réaffirmé jeudi son soutien aux efforts de l'Afghanistan pour mettre sur pied une armée nationale et une force de police.

"Nous considérons de notre devoir de contribuer au développement de l'Afghanistan dans tous les domaines", avait-il dit. (AFP, 5 avril 2002)
 

La Turquie accepte de diriger l'ISAF pour six mois après les britanniques

La Turquie a officiellement annoncé lundi sa décision de diriger la Force internationale d'assistance à la sécurité en Afghanistan (Isaf) pour une durée de six mois, indique un communiqué publié à l'issue du conseil des ministres.

"Le conseil des ministres a décidé d'assumer pour une durée de six mois, après la Grande-Bretagne, le commandement de la force internationale", souligne le document.

Il précise que la date de la relève de la force sera décidée à la suite de discussions avec les "pays intéressés" et les Nations unies.

La Turquie a déjà envoyé 267 (bien 267) militaires en Afghanistan et avait annoncé qu'elle pourrait en envoyer davantage pour contribuer à l'Isaf, qui compte quelque 4.500 hommes.

Le document ajoute que le gouvernement turc prévoit de renforcer son contingent au sein de l'Isaf.

La Turquie, seul pays musulman membre de l'OTAN, s'est dit prête à assumer le commandement de la force internationale à condition d'obtenir des clarifications sur sa composition et son mandat, ainsi qu'un soutien financier des Alliés.

Des discussions entre responsables civils et militaires turcs, américains et britanniques pour la direction par la Turquie de l'Isaf ont eu lieu en mars dans la capitale turque.

L'Isaf est actuellement sous commandement britannique.

Le Conseil de sécurité a décidé le mois dernier que le mandat de l'Isaf sera prolongé lorsqu'il expirera en juin prochain.
Cette extension dans la durée du mandat de l'Isaf n'est pas accompagnée de l'extension des responsabilités de la force internationale à l'extérieur de la capitale comme le demandaient le président de l'administration intérimaire Hamid Karzaï ainsi que le secrétaire général des Nations unies, Kofi Annan. (AFP, 29 avril 2002)
 

Reprise des discussions sur les différends en mer Egée

Le numéro deux du ministère turc des Affaires étrangères se rendra en Grèce vendredi pour une deuxième série de discussions visant à régler les différends territoriaux et de souveraineté entre les deux pays en mer Egée, a indiqué mardi un diplomate turc.

"Le sous-secrétaire d'Etat Ugur Ziyal se rendra en Grèce pour poursuivre les discussions exploratoires sur les questions de l'Egée le 12 avril", a indiqué ce diplomate sous couvert de l'anonymat.

Une première série de discussions s'était déroulée à Ankara le 12 mars et conclue sur une note positive, avec la volonté mutuelle de poursuivre les entretiens.

"Nous avons toujours pensé que les différends sur l'Egée peuvent être réglés. Nous espérons que les rencontres de ce type aboutiront à des progrès", a-t-on ajouté de même source.

La Grèce et la Turquie ont amorcé en 1999 un rapprochement impulsé par leurs ministres des Affaires étrangères, Georges Papandréou et Ismail Cem, qui a abouti à la signature d'accords de coopération bilatérale, mais sans toucher jusqu'ici à leurs différends territoriaux en Egée et à l'île divisée de Chypre.

Les litiges en mer Egée portent sur la délimitation du plateau continental, des eaux territoriales et de l'espace aérien.

Pour Athènes, seul se pose le problème du plateau continental.

La Grèce revendique un espace aérien de 10 milles alors qu'Ankara lui reconnaît seulement une limite de 6 milles, égale à la limite des eaux territoriales grecques en Egée.

La Grèce revendique le droit d'étendre ses eaux territoriales à 12 milles, conformément à la Convention internationale sur le droit de la mer dont la Turquie n'est pas signataire. Pour la Turquie une telle extension serait un casus belli.

En 1996, les deux pays membres de l'OTAN avaient frôlé la guerre à cause d'une dispute sur un îlot rocheux inhabité en Egée près de Kardak (Imia) et seule une médiation américaine avait fait baisser la tension. (AFP, 9 avril 2002)
 

Arraisonnement des bateaux turcs dans les eaux roumaines

La police des frontières a arraisonné jeudi à l'aube sept bateaux turcs pêchant illégalement dans les eaux territoriales roumaines de la mer Noire, a indiqué un porte-parole, le lieutenant Zinaida Vieru.

Les embarcations ont été repérées par un radar au large du port de Constanta (est) et trois garde-pêches sont aussitôt partis les intercepter.

Alors que les bateaux turcs tentaient de s'éloigner, les policiers roumains ont ouvert le feu pour les contraindre de s'arrêter. Les sept vaisseaux ont été raccompagnés jusqu'à Constanta.

De nombreux bateaux de pêcheurs turcs ont été interceptés ces dernières années dans les eaux territoriales roumaines et plusieurs d'entre eux ont été mis sous séquestre par les autorités de Bucarest. (AFP, 18 avril 2002)
 

La Minuk a rapatrié 23 ressortissants turcs

La Mission de l'ONU au Kosovo (Minuk) a renvoyé 23 ressortissants turcs dans leur pays d'origine, après leur avoir refusé l'entrée dans la province serbe administrée par l'ONU, a annoncé vendredi la Minuk.

Le groupe faisait partie des 80 passagers à bord d'un avion turc qui a atterri jeudi à l'aéroport de Pristina, le chef-lieu de la province.

"Certains passagers se trouvaient avec de fausses lettres d'invitations pour le Kosovo et d'autres ont déclaré avoir payé aux membres du crime organisé pour venir ici", a déclaré à l'AFP Andrea Angeli, un porte-parole de la Minuk.

En début de semaine, la Minuk a refusé l'entrée au Kosovo à 133 ressortissants turcs arrivés à bord d'un vol régulier en provenance d'Istanbul, sans visa Schengen pour leur destination finale, l'Europe de l'Ouest.

La zone Schengen permet un mouvement libre de résidents et de visiteurs dans 15 pays signataires: l'Autriche, la Belgique, le Danemark, la Finlande, la France, l'Allemagne, la Grèce, l'Islande, l'Italie, le Luxembourg, les Pays-Bas, la Norvège, le Portugal, l'Espagne et la Suède.

La police de la Minuk considère que le Kosovo est un point de rencontre pour des immigrants illégaux en provenance de Turquie se dirigeant vers l'Albanie et l'Italie, membre de l'Union européenne, comme destination finale.

"Nous ne voulons pas que le Kosovo devienne un tremplin de l'émigration illégale vers l'Europe de l'Ouest" a déclaré Simon Haselock, un porte-parole de la Minuk.

Deux Albanais et deux Turcs, soupçonnés d'implication dans ce trafic, ont été arrêtés et font objet d'une enquête. (AFP, 19 avril 2002)
 

Chypre proteste contre des violations de son espace aérien par la Turquie

Chypre a protesté auprès de l'ONU en raison de violations de son espace aérien par des avions de combat turcs début avril, a annoncé jeudi le gouvernement dans un communiqué.

Les survols ont eu lieu entre les 3 et 5 avril "près d'installations militaires importantes", affirme le texte.

"De telles actions constituent un grand danger pour la sécurité de l'île et nous demandons leur arrêt immédiat", ajoute le communiqué du gouvernement.

Le gouvernement relève par ailleurs que ces survols ont eu lieu alors que le président Glafcos Cléridès et le dirigeant chypriote turc Rauf Denktash conduisent depuis janvier des négociations sur l'avenir de l'île divisée.

"Nous espérons que le gouvernement de Turquie fera preuve de retenue (...) et contribuera aux efforts destinés à trouver une solution" au problème de l'île, ajoute le communiqué.

Chypre est divisée en secteurs turc au nord et grec au sud, depuis l'intervention de l'armée turque dans le nord en 1974, en réponse à un coup d'Etat d'ultranationalistes chypriotes-grecs visant à rattacher l'île à la Grèce. (AFP, 25 avril 2002)
 

La visite du premier chinois à Ankara

Zhu Rongji, premier Premier ministre chinois à se rendre pour une visite officielle à Ankara depuis 16 ans, a été largement interpellé par les officiels turcs sur la question de la province de Xinjiang, peuplée majoritairement de musulmans turcophones comme les Ouïgours et que la Turquie désigne sous le nom de "Turkestan oriental". Husnu Yusuf Gokalp, ministre de l'Agriculture et Tunca Toskay, ministre d'Etat, tous deux membres du parti de l'Action nationaliste (MHP- ultra nationaliste), sont même arrivés largement en retard à la cérémonie de signature de quatre accords bilatéraux sino-turcs pour marquer leur protestation contre la politique chinoise à l'égard des Ouïgours. Au cours d'une conférence de presse le 16 avril, le Premier ministre chinois a demandé à la Turquie de ne pas soutenir des groupes ayant des activités séparatistes au Xinjiang, à quelque centaine de mètres d'une manifestation contre la Chine rassemblant une poignée d'Ouïgours de Turquie.

Ankara qui préfère ignorer ses 15 millions de Kurdes et qui rebute à prononcer le mot "Kurdistan", donne sans embarras, des leçons de respect des droits des minorités et du droit des peuples à disposer d'eux-mêmes, allant jusqu'à appeler unilatéralement "Turkestan oriental" la province peuplée d'Ouïgours ! (CILDEKT, 21 avril 2002)
 

Sommet des chefs d'Etat turc, géorgien et azerbaïdjanais

Un sommet réunissant les présidents turc, géorgien et azerbaïdjanais s'est achevé mardi à Trabzon (nord-est de la Turquie) avec la signature d'un accord sur la lutte anti-terroriste reflétant la volonté des trois pays de renforcer leur coopération dans ce domaine.

L'accord de coopération sur la lutte contre le terrorisme et le crime organisé a été signé au terme de ce sommet de deux jours par les ministres de l'Intérieur des trois pays en présence du président turc Ahmet Necdet Sezer, azéri Heydar Aliev et géorgien Edouard Chevardnadze, a indiqué l'agence Anatolie.

"La coopération régionale et internationale est d'une importance majeure pour combattre le terrorisme (...) Une telle coopération revêt une importance plus particulière après les attentats terroristes du 11 septembre", a dit M. Sezer en concluant les travaux du sommet.

Il a assuré que "la coopération des trois pays" n'était "dirigé contre aucun pays tiers," en allusion à la Russie, et qu'elle était ouverte "aux pays tiers".

La Turquie, membre de l'OTAN, a noué avec la Géorgie voisine et l'Azerbaïdjan turcophone, deux ex-républiques soviétiques, des relations toujours plus étroites depuis la fin de l'URSS en 1991.

Le président géorgien a lui aussi tenu à assurer que l'accord ne visait "aucun pays" et qu'il était destiné à assurer la sécurité du futur oléoduc Bakou-Tbilissi-Ceyhan (BTC).

La sécurité est l'un des problèmes posé par la construction de cet oléoduc, dont le coût est estimé à 2,8 milliards de dollars (3,19 milliards d'euros) et qui doit traverser la Géorgie pour arriver jusqu'au port turc de Ceyhan (sud).

La construction du BTC, d'une longueur prévue de 1.743 km, doit commencer au deuxième semestre 2002 et se terminer en 2005. Le projet a le soutien des Etats-Unis, l'oléduc devant emprunter une route d'exportation qui évite un passage par la Russie.

Le prochain sommet trilatéral se tiendra l'année prochaine en Géorgie. (AFP, 30 avril 2002)