Droits de l'Homme / Human Rights

95 years prison sentence to 16 people including 5 kids
 
Adana High Criminal Court number 7 heard the case against 16 people including 5 kids for taking part in demonstration for PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan in Adana's Seyhan district on October 20, 2008. 8 people on remand and their lawyers Cemşit Tabak, Sait Yalçın, Fahrettin Kaya, Tugay Bek, Nesim Acar and Vedat Özkan were present at the hearing. The accused rejected the charges and asked for acquittal.

The court condemned accused Songül Demirhan, Nebahat Toprak and Mehmet Çelebi to 6 years and 3 months each for "membership to the organisation", 8 months each for "threatening" and 11 months and 2 days each for "making propaganda of the organisation" 23 years and 6 months and 6 days in total.

Children got imprisoned

The court condemned Resul Sakman (18), Sedat Kaya (18), Emine Bayav (18), Vedat Yalçın (18), Müzeyyen Özdemir (18), B.Ö. (17), İlhan Demir (18) and Şirin Akyüz (18) to 4 years and 2 months each for "committing crime in the name of the organisation despite being non-member", 8 months each for "Resisting security officers", 7 months and 11 days each for "threatening", 8 months each for “making propaganda"; a total of 48 years and 9 months prison sentence. L.Ö., D.Ç. (15), E.A.(15), M.Ö. (15), Ö.D. (16), were given 3 years and 1 months and 15 days each for " committing crime in the name of the organisation despite being non-member”, 8 months each for " Resisting security officers “, 5 months and 16 days each for “threatening", 5 months each for "propaganda of the organisation"; a total of 23 years and 3 months and 8 days prison sentence. 16 people including 5 children have been given 96 years and 2 months and 5 days.

12 years prison sentence to a  kid who threw stone
 
2 kids who were on trial in Diyarbakır for throwing stones at police officers were given 12 years and 22 months prison sentence.

17 years old NC and YB who were arrested during the funeral of two guerrillas who were killed in Şırnak’s Beytülşebab district in last September were condemned by Diyarbakır High criminal Court num.5. The court condemned NC and YB for “violating the law on assembly and demonstrations”, “PKK membership” and “making propaganda for PKK” to  6 years and 11 months each. The court released the kids due to the time they had been in prison. (Freedom of Expression Weekly Bulletin, February 19, 2010)

Torture Case of Killed Activist Çeber Postponed

The case related to Engin Çeber who was killed by torture in custody was postponed to 12 April 2010.

Çeber family lawyer Oya Aslan told bianet that the assigned prosecutor excused his absence in yesterday's (22 February) hearing at the Bakırköy (Istanbul) 14th High Criminal Court. The joint attorneys of the Çeber family requested additional time for the preparation of their final speech. Thus, the court decided to postpone the case.

Tortured Baykal, Karakaya and Gün on trial

The hearing of the case against Aysu Baykal, Özgür Karakaya and Cihan Gün will be held today (23 February). All three defendants were arrested together with Çeber and exposed to torture in the police department.

Baykal, Karakaya and Gün stand trial at the Sarıyer (Istanbul) 2nd Criminal Court of First Instance under charges "resistance to the police" and violating the Law on Meetings and Demonstrations.

Lawyer Aslan told bianet that the complaining police officers are supposed to attend today's hearing to be questioned.

Detailed description of torture

Ceber was arrested together with Baykal, Gün and Karakaya after he had issued a press release protesting that the shooting of left-wing human rights activist Ferhat Gerçek by the police, which resulted in his paralysis, has not been investigated or punished by the authorities.He was sent to a prison in Istanbul, where he was severely beaten. After complaining to his lawyer, he was sent to a hospital, where he fell into a coma, dying of brain hemorrhage on 10 October 2008.

After the Forensic Medicine report proved evidence for torture, Turkey's Minister of Justice Mehmet Ali Sahin admitted the torture and apologized.
Footage had been published showing police officers kicking Çeber and his friends while they were sitting on the floor with handcuffs.

Inspectors do not consider punishment necessary

According to an administrative investigation report prepared by 2nd Degree Chief of Police Hüdai Sayın, there is "no need for punishment but for anger management training" for the police officers.

As part of the case file, the report concluded that instead of punishment "training related to physical intervention against persons in custody, use of hand-cuffs, appeasing and anger management" is regarded necessary. The Police Directorate launched an investigation into the death of Çeber on 15 July 2009, nine months after the incident had actually happened.

13 out of a total of 33 police officers are being prosecuted. Untill now, the court declined the request for detention of police officers Abdülmuttalip Bozyar and Mehmet Pek. None of the police officers are in detention.

Lawyer Aslan indicated that the information and training recommendations included in the report in fact support the torture allegations.
Parliamentary Commission: "maltreatment before imprisonment"

The report issued by the Parliamentary Human Rights Commission stated, "Çeber was maltreated prior to his transfer to prison. Cameras show swellings in his face when he enters the prison. It has to be investigated who is responsible for these swellings".

Police cameras show violence

Footage showed Çeber and his three friends sitting on the floor hand-cuffed and police officers kicking them. (BIA, Tolga KORKUT, 23 February 2010)

Des associations dénoncent les meurtres de transsexuelles en Turquie

Plusieurs associations de défense des droits de l'Homme ont adressé lundi au gouvernement turc une lettre exprimant leur consternation face aux meurtres récents de plusieurs transsexuelles en Turquie.

"Depuis novembre 2008, au moins huit femmes transsexuelles ont été tuées à Ankara, Istanbul et Antalya", une ville balnéaire du sud du pays, affirme le courrier, signé par Human Rights Watch et trois associations de défense des homosexuels et transsexuelles, dont l'AFP a obtenu une copie.

Derniers cas en date, deux transsexuelles ont été égorgées respectivement le 8
février à Antalya et le 16 février à Istanbul. Dans les deux affaires, les victimes ont été lardées de coups de couteau, relate le document.

"Nous prenons acte et sommes reconnaissants des efforts de la police pour résoudre ces crimes. Il est néanmoins profondément troublant que les cas de meurtres et de violences visant les gays, lesbiennes, bisexuels et transsexuelles en Turquie se reproduisent sans discontinuer", poursuit-il.

Les associations, qui dénoncent aussi des violences contre les transsexuelles émanant "de certains secteurs de la police", appellent les autorités à inclure l'orientation sexuelle dans les dispositifs législatifs de lutte contre la discrimination et à former les policiers à ces questions.

Au contraire de nombreux autres pays musulmans, la Turquie ne réprime pas
l'homosexualité et certaines transsexuelles ont fait dans ce pays une brillante carrière dans le monde du divertissement.

Mais les pressions sociales et les actes homophobes sont nombreux. Plusieurs transsexuelles et homosexuels ont ainsi été tués dans des "crimes de la haine". (AFP, 22 fév 2010)

Turquie : Enfer pour les enfants

La Maison populaire de Genève a, dans un communiqué adressé aux député européens, aux organisations internationales et aux défenseurs des droits de l'Homme, exprimé sa vive préoccupation par  l’incarcération et la condamnation massive d’enfants kurdes « lanceurs de pierre », arrêtés lors des manifestations publiques.

Le texte du communiqué:

Suite à la modification de la loi antiterroriste (loi n° 3713) en 2006,  des mineurs sont poursuivis en justice au même titre que des adultes devant les Cours d’assise.
 
Selon la branche d’Adana de l’Association des Droits de l’homme de Turquie (IHD), en 2009, 3155 enfants entre 13 et 18 ans ont été arrêtés à Adana.
 
Selon la branche de Diyarbakir de l’IHD, en 2009, 1300 enfants ont été arrêtés à Diyarbakir.
 
Selon les informations des organisations de défense des droits de l’enfant, on compte actuellement dans les prisons turques 2814 enfants incarcérés dont certains sont condamnés à des lourdes peines. Ces milliers d’enfants sont jugés dans des Cours d’assises en vertu de la loi anti-terroriste « pour être membre » ou « pour avoir créé une organisation terroriste » !
 
A titre d’exemples, en octobre 2009, 97 enfants ont été condamnés au total à 440 ans de prison par la Cour d’assise d’Adana.
 
Au cours de 2009, le nombre des enfants kurdes condamnés notamment dans les provinces kurdes s’élève à 177. Ils ont été jugés dans 42 procès en vertu de la Loi anti-terroriste et condamnés à l’emprisonnement pour un total de 772 ans, 2 mois et 26 jours.
 
Ces condamnations n’ont rien perdu de leur intensité en 2010.

 Le 28 janvier 2010, la Cour d’assise de Diyarbakir a condamné B. S. (15 ans) à 8 ans de prison pour avoir commis des « crimes au nom d’une organisation terroriste ».
 
Le 12 février 2010, la Cour d’assise de Diyarbakir a condamné C. E. (14 ans) à 5 ans de prison pour être « membre d’une organisation illégale ».
 
Selon la branche de Mardin de l’IHD, 100 ans de prison ont été requis contre 13 enfants détenus actuellement à la prison de Midyat (Mardin).
 
A noter que, outre ces arrestations et condamnations inadmissibles, selon les organisations de défense des droits de l’homme de Turquie, 372 enfants kurdes ont été tués par les forces de l’ordre durant ces 20 dernières années en Turquie.
 
Voilà le traitement réservé aux enfants par un Etat (Turquie) qui a pourtant ratifié la Convention internationale sur les droits de l’enfant (1989).
 
En tant que Maison populaire de Genève, nous vous appelons à intervenir d’urgence auprès des autorités turques en leur demandant :
 
· la libération immédiate des enfants emprisonnés ;
 
· le respect et l’application des engagements de la Turquie en vertu du droit international en matière des Droits de l’homme, en particulier la Convention internationale sur les droits de   l’enfant, tout en retirant ses réserves concernant les articles 17, 29 et 30 de cette Convention.
 
En vous remerciant d’avance de toutes les démarches que vous entreprendrez dans ce sens, nous vous prions de recevoir, Madame et Monsieur nos salutations distinguées.

Pour la Maison populaire de Genève
Demir Sönmez, Président
www.assmp.org

Actions : Nous vous prions de bien vouloir écrire aux instances onusiennes et aux autorités Turque :
 
President of Turkey, Mr. Abdullah Gül,
Cumhurbaskanligi
06100 Ankara, Turkey
Fax : +90 312 468 5026
Email : cumhurbaskanligi@tccb.gov.tr
 
Prime Minister, Mr. Recep Tayyip Erdogan,
Office of the Prime Minister
Basbakanlik 06573 Ankara, Turkey,
Fax : + 90 312 417 0476
receptayyip.erdogan@basbakanlik.gov.tr
 
Deputy Prime Minister and State Minister for Humman
Rights,
Mr. Cemil Çiçek
Fax : 00 90 312 417 42 06
 
Interior Minister
Mr. Beşir Atalay
Içisleri Bakanligi
06644 Ankara
Turkey
Fax : + 90 312 418 17 95  +90 312 418 7696
besir.atalay@icisleri.gov.tr
 
Justice Minister
Mr. Sadullah ERGİN
Adalet Bakanligi
06659 Ankara
Turkey
Fax : + 90 312 414 62 26

Foreign Minister and State Minister for Human Rights,
Mr. Ali Babacan
Basbakanlik
06573 Ankara
Turkey
Fax : +90 312 287 88 11
 
Ambassador, Mr. Ahmet Üzümcü, Permanent Mission of
Turkey to the United Nations in Geneva
Ch. du Petit-Saconnex 28b - CP271
CH-1211, Geneva 19
Switzerland
E-mail : mission.turkey@ties.itu.int
Fax : +41 22 734 08 59
 
OHCHR - Bureau
Haut-Commissariat aux droits de l'homme
Bureau du Haut-Commissariat aux droits de l'homme
Madame Navanethem Pillay
Palais Wilson
52 rue des Pâquis
CH-1201  Genève
Suisse
 
Committee on the Rights of the Child (OHCHR)
Madame Maja  Andrijasevic-Boko
8-14 Avenue de la Paix
1211 Genève 10

Parliamentary Commission on Missing Children

The Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM) unanimously decided to establish a Parliamentary Investigation Commission for missing children and other problems imposed to children. The need of such a commission emerged from 25 separate investigation proposals handed in by MPs of the ruling power as well as the opposition regarding missing and victimized children.

Minister Kavaf: Girls affected three times more often

Government spokeswomen State Minister Selma Aliye Kavaf said that 24 million people of the Turkish population are children. "Children younger than five years old are mostly kidnapped for emotional reasons, whereas the majority of children kidnapped in the age group of 6 to 14-year-olds become victims of crime. The risk for girls to get kidnapped at the age of primary school is three times higher than that for boys of the same age group", Kavaf explained.

1,657 children missing

Kavaf indicated that according to data from the Police General Directorate 27,594 applications for missing children have been filed since 1997. The vast majority of these children was found, 25,937 children could be returned to their families or referring institutions.

The minister said that police units are currently searching for 1,657 missing children. 590 of these children left social service institutions without permission and were registered as "missing" in this aspect.  However, 1,067 children separated from their families and did not came back ever since.

Kavaf emphasized that 88 percent of the missing children are aged between 13-18 years and girls for the most part. Reasons for leaving home are usually "emotional and psychological mood swings and communication problems within the family". Boys tend to leave home to satisfy their thirst of adventure or in the hope for finding work.

''Fascination for street life"

The doors of the social service institutions are always open for the children to visit their family and friends and return to the institutions afterwards. For these children, it became a habit to leave, according to Kavaf. She explained:

"The profile of children to be placed in one of our institutions has changed according to the requirements of law no. 5395. The behaviour of children from broken families who were exposed or directed to crime does not change that quickly."

These children oppose institutional care because of their attraction to street life and its lack of responsibility; they are themselves inclined to crimes or directed by a group. Some children miss their families and see them frequently".

Protocol pushed forward by three ministers

Kavaf stated that the "Protocol on the Missing Children National Information System Project of Institutional Cooperation" signed by the Ministries of the Interior, Justice and Women's Affairs will be enforced as soon as possible.

According to Kavaf, will help to obtain information on the missing children and their reasons for leaving. (BIA, Burçin BELGE, 19 February 2010)

IHD Diyarbakir Chairman Erbey's Letter From Prison

Mr Muharrem Erbey, chairman of the IHD (Human Rights Association) Diyarbakir Section was arrested on 24th December 2009. He sent through  yekitigulbaran@hotmail.com the following letter from the Diyarbakir High Security Prison to the Press and the Public Opinion:

At 4:50 am on December 24, 2009 Thursday, the police broke into my house and private legal office, searched my car, and raided the Diyarbakir Office of the Human Rights Association (IHD) which I chair seizing twelve hard discs, compact discs, digital versatile discs, books and other documents that belonged to the IHD. I was denied a right to call my lawyer and was forcibly taken to the Public Prosecutor’s Office to testify. At the Prosecutor’s Office, myself and the mayors and executives of the Peace and Democracy Party, who were detained on the same day as part of a coordinated detention “operation”, were subjected to degrading treatment, which aimed at our individual and institutional dignities through practices such as exposure to the press and the public in handcuffs.  I was interrogated in relation the activities and projects that I carried out in legal civic platforms such as the IHD and in international meetings, as if they had been! criminal acts. I testified to having committed to all of the attributed acts and assured the Prosecutor that I would maintain my work on these grounds following my release.

The following issues were raised during my interrogation at the Prosecutor’s Office on charges of being “member of an illegal organization”:

-That I wrote projects for securing funds for training programs and seminars on the prevention of child abuse and promotion of women’s rights;

-That I had insulted the (Turkish) State in platforms abroad, such as the Swedish, British and Belgian parliaments and the United Nations;

-That I had participated in the “Workshop for a Civil and Democratic Constitution” organized by the Democratic Society Congress with the participation of civil society institutions;

-That I had frequently met with Osman Baydemir, the Mayor of Diyarbakir Metropolitan Municipality whom I work with as his legal consultant and lawyer;

-That I had appeared in Roj TV for an interview (Even though I have given interviews hundreds of times to numerous press and broadcasting institutions over the last two years);

-I had made hundreds of press statements over the last two years, not even a single of which had been made an object of investigation or legal suit.! Throughout this interrogation, which resulted in my arrest, I was questioned in relation to these press statements on the allegation that I had insulted the army and the police, praised and motivated the KCK and incited people to action through them.

Accepting the testimony of an undisclosed witness “X” as evidence, the Public Prosecutor reasoned that I had engaged in all these acts on behalf of the Kurdistan Communities Union (KCK) and transferred my case to the Investigative Prosecutor’s Office.

Here, the Investigative Prosecutor began his questioning as to the reason why I was entering the cases relating human rights violations as a defense attorney without charging any fee. I testified that as a human rights activist I provided free legal service to persons that apply to the IHD as victims of human rights violations in areas such as torture and maltreatment, right to life, personal security, mine explosions, and the freedom of expression and conscience. I stated that it was not right to criminalize when the range of activities that human rights defenders pursue everywhere are carried out in Diyarbakir; that, as human rights defenders, we were ethically bound to take into consideration not the “political identity” but the “victim status” of our applicants; and that we were acting according to this principle no matter if the applicant is accused of being connected to the PKK or the father of a Turkish soldier or the wife of a police of! ficer or a village guard or a victim of the headscarf ban et cetera. My lawyers made the same argument in their defense. Yet the Prosecutor asked for my arrest reasoning that I had acted in the name of the KCK. We were brought into the Prison around 4:30 am.

Since the year 2000, I have been working with the IHD at different positions as a member and executive. For the past two years, I have been the Chair of the IHD Diyarbakir Office and the Vice Chair of the IHD Headquarters. I have carried out all my actions observing nothing but my conscience. Like all human rights defenders, our job is to research, monitor, document, advocate for the rights of the complainants that apply to us. We do this as voluntary and free service. It is our job to prepare projects for disadvantaged populations, such as women and children. All the projects that I have prepared as a signatory so far have been officially announced, publicly implemented and institutionally accountable projects. It is my belief that the reason why I am currently in prison has nothing to with the fact that I prepared these projects. It is because the fact that our projects targeted Kurdish people has created discontent on behalf of certain autho! rities.

Since its foundation in 1988, the IHD Diyarbakir Office receives invitations from all around the world for participating in conferences, panels and meetings. We are invited to these platforms to present the situation of human rights in our region with regards to the Kurdish issue, children and women’s rights, social and economic rights, freedom of expression and the more. Not only we are invited to these occasions through public channels, but we receive visas through these official invitation letters. All my speeches abroad have been concerned with the state of human rights in Turkey where I tried to give a critical account of legal and administrative practices on the basis of objective data. I have persistently declared violence and aggression as illegitimate means of pursuing rights struggles, no matter sponsored or carried out by whom. In all different platforms where I represented the IHD, I gave contextual accounts on the situation of huma! n rights in the Kurdish region. A considerable decrease in human rights violations was observed in the Kurdish region between 1999 and 2005, thanks to a period of relative cessation in the intensity of armed conflict. This situation has been reversed since 2006 in parallel with the rise, once again, of armed tension.  In all our statements, we call on bringing this situation of armed violence to an end while at the same time criticizing the disproportionate use of force in security forces’ intervention into public dissent and demonstrations; such as in the case of juveniles who were sentenced to between 10 and 25 years of imprisonment in relation to actions such as responding to the police violence with stones or making victory signs.

We have repeatedly declared our support for the Government’s “Democratic Opening Process”, while also suggesting that its scope has to be widened so as to really open the way for bringing the blood-shed around Kurdish issue to an end, and preventing torture, discrimination and other kinds of human rights violations which continue to shame Turkey. In this context, that the “Democratic Opening Process” have started with the policing of “human rights” is both very concerning and much meaningful.

We, the human rights defenders, have always emphasized that it is vital to take concrete and radical democratic steps for bringing the human loss to an end. We shall continue to advocate a form of politics based on promoting right to a dignified life to all. We have always supported Turkey’s accession to the European Union and called on Turkey to comply with the terms and recommendations set down in EU Progress Reports –i.e. in the realm of constitutional reforms, the promotion of three generations of human rights, Kurdish issue and discrimination- for promoting the democratization process in Turkey and bringing armed conflict to an end.

Since its foundation, the IHD has been locally and internationally acknowledged and praised for its dedicated, sustained and impartial struggle for the promotion of human rights. We have not turned down applicant who resorted to our offices in demand for advocacy; we have not discriminated anyone on the basis of ethnic or sexual identity or political belief.

The concept of human rights evokes the idea of freedom all over the world.  While the harassment of human rights defenders has long been a common purchase under the despotic and repressive regimes of the Third World, it is very unfortunate that in Turkey, a European country, the Vice Chair of IHD, the oldest human rights organisation in Turkey, is currenly under arrest in connection with his human rights activities.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights is organized around three basic values: Justice, Equality and Freedom. Upholding these principles is at the core of the IHD’s objectives as an impartial autonomous civil society organization. It is this principled attitude of the IHD that is attacked by the authorities.

Recently, discrimination against peoples of other ethnic, religious origins and convictions have increased in Turkey. The Turkish nationalist groups are under serious suspicion of taking a lead in the organization of these actions which have turned into lynching. The IHD has been and will remain being against these discriminatory practices and lynches.

We have supported the incision of the dark organizations within the military and civilian bureaucracy through the infamous Ergenekon case. Yet, stil has not yet reached to the Kurdish region, tens thousands of extra-judicial killings, unidentified political murders, deaths in custody and enforced disappearances have remained outside of the thick indictments against the Ergenekon gang, despite the existence of contrary evidence. The IHD Diyarbakir office has been organizing sit-ins for the past forty nine weeks for the disclosure of 17.500 political murders and mass graves in the Kurdish Region. It is these acts of advocacy for rights and civil disobedience that has incited the brunt of authorities against us.

Yet, these politics of repression against the IHD is not new. Since its Foundation in 1986, twenty-two members and executives of the IHD have been murdered by “unidentified” perpetrators, hundreds of them have been tortures and/or arrested. This politics of intimidation have been particularly severe against the executives of the IHD headquarters and those of the Diyarbakir Office; Akin Birdal, a former IHD Chair and the Honorary Vice-Chair of the FIDH, survived an assassination attempt in 1998, successive chairs of the Diyarbakir office have confronted with unremitting campaigns of legal pressure through numerous cases, all which have ended up in acquittal.

Pressures against Kurdish politicians and mayors have been intensified since the March 29, 2009 general elections. An overwhelming majority of active Kurdish politicians have so far been either legally pursued or under arrest. Currently, nine hundred Kurdish politicians, including hundreds of elected local government representatives, are under arrest on unevidenced charges of criminal activity. This is a serious attack on the right to assembly and freedom of expression.

It is a result of the strictly monolithic nation-state policies that have been pursued since the foundation of the Republic that Kurdish issue remains to be one of the most historically rooted and pressing ethnic and political issues in the world today. The Republic’s denialist politicies against “other” ethnic, cultural and religious identities, the politics of mass exile, murder and fear that has brought the Kurdish issue to a deadlock with irreparable human loss. Despite the talks of “Democratic Opening”, the legal and administrative amendments that have been pursued since 2005 in the Turkish Penal Code, Anti-Terror Law, The Law on the Duties and Authorities of the Police and the Law of Criminal Prosecution, have meant the intensification of the police and judiciary’s incursion into the lives and personal security of the citizens.  This forms also the background of detentions and arrests pursued against us. Today, the social antagonism ! is unprecedentedly tense and the ground for the explosion of communal strife is threateningly ripe in Turkey. It is urgent that everyone should do his or her best to act according to commonsense, decrease the tension, promote the conditions for a lay down of the arms, oppose bans and violations on civic rights, advocate for the realization of the requirements for ethnic and cultural pluralism, the strengthening of a powerful democracy, and the creation of an environment of mutual trust in order for overcoming this impending threat.

The ceiling of the prison ward where I am kept together with three other friends is designed in the shape of a coffin lid, it is extremely humid inside and we have lost touch with nature. Still we not mind insofar as we carry the hope that this deprivation of our liberty would contribute to the ending of this blood-shed.  I take responsibility for all my actions which I did in the name of protecting and promoting human dignity. I shall not refrain from doing what I have done so far, even if it brings me life imprisonment.

Like many other countries, Turkey hosts a wealth of ethnic and cultural diversity.  There are over six hundred linguistic and five hundred ethnic communities in the world living within a hundred and eighty-four independent states.  Have states like Canada, USA, United Kingdom, Belgium and Spain who have recognized the rights of their native ethnic and linguistic communities been divided or become more powerfully integrated?

There are some nine-hundred of us who are currently in prison. But we are hopeful. Because we do not have any other choice, but to live together.  We are sailing in the same ship; either we will wreck or survive the impending catastrophe together. I greet you with all my faith that 2010 will be the year when we open a new page towards light and life together.

Muharrem ERBEY
Vice President, IHD Headquarters
Chair, IHD Diyarbakır Office
D-Type High Security Prison, C-5 /1
Diyarbakir

Appeal Court insists on punishing “nonexistent bomb' in Marketplace case

Appeal Court Penal General Board (ACPB) rejected the appeal of Appeal Court Prosecutor against the reversal decision of Appeal Court Penal Department number 9 in “Marketplace Case”. Pınar Selek will be retried by a local court.

Department number 9 ruled that Selek should be given a life sentence under former TPC article 125.

7 people were killed and 127 were injured at an explosion at Unluoglu Buffet at the entrance of a historical marketplace in Istanbul, on 9 July1998. 15 people including Pınar Selek were arrested. Selek spent 2.5 years in prison and then was released, the case continued. Istanbul High Criminal Court N°12 ruled in 2006 that it was not possible to determine if the explosion was due to a bomb or gas leak thus punishment was not necessary. Appeal Court department 9 reversed the decision on the round of technicality. Appeal Court stated in its decision that accused Kadriye Sevgi was not given the right to have an additional defence and there was inadequate investigation about Heval Öztürk. Appeal Court also reversed the life sentence given to Abdülmecit Öztürk.   

Istanbul High Criminal Court N°12 reviewed the case and ruled in 2008, ‘acquittal due to lack of evidence to determine if the explosion was due to a gas leak or explosives.” The court dropped the charge against Selek of “assisting a terrorist organisation.”

Appeal Court Department N° 9 reviewed the case again and concluded on 10 March 2009. The court reversed the decision about Selek, Kadriye Fikret Sevgi, Abdülmecit Öztürk, Maşallah Yağan and Heval Öztürk, and approved it about Alaattin Öget and İsa Kaya.

Appeal Court Prosecution appealed against the decision on 4 May 2009. Prosecution argued that the reason of the explosion was not determined hence asked the Appeal Court to approve the local court’s decision of acquittal. Prosecution also wanted Selek to be punished for ‘membership.’

Appeal Court General Penal Board ruled on 9 February rejecting the objection of the prosecution. The case will be sent to Istanbul High Criminal Court N°12. If the local court insists on its previous ruling it will be sent to ACPB again and Selek’s lawyers will defend her there. (Freedom of Expression Weekly Bulletin, Issue 07/10, February 12, 2010)

Punishment for making propaganda to the dead!

DHKP/C member Kevser Mızrak was killed in Ankara Cebeci in 2007 during a police operation. Mızrak’s body was taken to Criminal Medicine Institution on 10 December 2007.

14 youth along with the family went to Criminal Medicine Institution. Ankara Prosecution Service claimed that the youth chanted slogans of ‘Heroes do not die’, ‘Down with fascism’, ‘End executions’, and ‘Long live revolutionary solidarity’.

The same group made a press statement on 14 December 2007 in Ankara about Kevser Mızrak. Press statement claimed that Mızrak was killed in an execution without trial.

The same group met by her graveyard on 29 December 2007 chanting same slogans.

Prosecutor wanted the youth to be punished for “membership to a terrorist organisation” and making propaganda for a terrorist organisation.”

Ankara High Criminal Court N°11 decided that there was no evidence for their membership but condemned the youth for “making propaganda.”

‘Cemetery is a public place’

Accused told the court that they did not chant any illegal slogans but the Court disregarded that on the grounds that a recording of the demonstrations showed who chanted which slogan. The Court stressed that cemeteries were public places and “propaganda at a cemetery was public propaganda.”

The court decision said:

“Actions at three different dates are not part of local funeral ceremonies and they are the result of propaganda activity of the organisation. Thus each action is considered as a separate propaganda action.”

Five people who took part in three events were condemned three times for “making propaganda of a terrorist organisation”, five people who attended two events were condemned twice, and four people who attended one event were condemned once. (Freedom of Expression Weekly Bulletin, Issue 07/10, February 12, 2010)

Protesters in Turkey demand amendment of terror law for children

A group calling itself the “Advocates for Justice for Children” gathered Tuesday in Beşiktaş to protest the trial of a minor on terror-related charges.

Tuesday’s court session was the first hearing in the trial of W.B., a 17-year-old boy.

“W.B.’s age was 15 on his identity card, but his parents were married two years after his birth,” said actress Lale Mansur in a press statement in front of the courthouse, adding that the court demanded a more thorough investigation of the boy’s age because of this.

Earlier, W.B.’s lawyer had objected to a hospital report that concluded W.B. was 21-years-old and showed the court a birth certificate indicating W.B. was only 17. Mansur said the court accepted the document, meaning the youth is now 17 in the eyes of the law.

Despite this, W.B. will not be tried in Juvenile Court like other young offenders because he stands accused of terror crimes rather than a normal misdemeanor.

Because of this, the protesters demanded an immediate amendment to the relevant Anti-Terror Law, or TMK, so that the children could quickly be spared the trials.

“My brother did not do anything wrong. He was a high school student and the police took him from the street. He has been in Maltepe Prison for a year now,” W.B.’s sister, Hülya, said, adding that the rest of the family had been forced to move abroad because of the pressure.

“I stayed, I am waiting for my brother,” said Hülya, adding that she can visit her brother, but non-family members are prohibited from visiting defendants.

“His morale is of course bad – how it can be [anything else] – he is still a child,” said Hülya. W.B.’s lawyer, İnan Poyraz, said juveniles are usually tried for sentences of a maximum of five years but that the sentence rate under the TMK generally increases by 50 percent.

“The number of children tried under the TMK is approximately 4,000,” said Mustafa Alabora, an actor who read the press statement along with Mansur. At the same time, the families of other minors being tried under the same law were also present at the press conference.

Mehmet Balas, from Istanbul’s Küçükçekmece district, told the Hürriyet Daily News & Economic Review that his 17-year-old son, M.Ş.B., was seized from their house by police at 5 a.m. on Feb. 13.

“The police told us that our child had been used by terrorists. They took my son on the evidence that my son had told his friends on the phone to ‘bring water and bring cloth.’ My son was making jokes on the phone, but the police took this conversation as proof that my son was making a Molotov cocktail,” said Balas, noting that his son would also be tried in the same Beşiktaş court on terror charges.

The mother of one juvenile in custody, Nefise Acer told the Daily News in Kurdish that her son, Haşim Acer, 21, had also been taken from their house in Küçükçekmece at 5 a.m. She said she had seen her son only once since his arrest but said she was prevented from speaking with him by police officers. The mother believes her son is innocent and demanded his release, just as other mothers have requested.

Under the TMK, children tried for terror offenses that mostly result from participation in illegal protests in southeastern Turkey receive sentences that are similar to those handed to adults.

 “In 2009 alone, 267 children were tried on terror charges in Turkey for sentences ranging from 240 to 688 years in prison,” Alabora said.

Some 96 percent of the children are Kurdish, yet the group said the TMK could be used against other minorities in the future.

While Turkey will eventually be condemned by the European Court of Human Rights for giving roughly 4,000 children adult sentences, the group said the children would lose precious years of their youth languishing in jail. (hurriyetdailynews.com, February 16, 2010)

5000 prisonniers politiques dans les prisons turques

A notre demande, Reyhan Yalcindag, avocate à Diyarbakir, nous livre l'information suivante :

Aujourd'hui, plus de 5000 prisonniers politiques sont détenus dans les prisons turques dont certains depuis 1990; 2000 mineurs, environ, âgés de moins de 18 ans, sont détenus aujourd'hui dans les prisons turques et plus de 3000, laissés en liberté, sont en attente de passer en jugement devant les tribunaux.

Depuis le 14 avril 2009, ce sont environ 900 élus et cadres du DTP/BDP qui ont été incarcérés (des maires, des conseillers municipaux, des ex-maires, des membres du Conseil des Femmes et du Conseil de la Jeunesse, des présidents d'associations de droits de l'Homme, des vice/Présidents du DTP/BDP, des syndicalistes, des personnels des mairies etc....

Il n'a été procédé à aucune remise en liberté de maires ou d'ex-maires, qui, tous, sont toujours en détention préventive, au motif que l'acte d'accusation n'est pas encore prêt"

Nous serons bientôt en mesure de publier le rapport complet de l'Association turque des Droits de l'Homme (IHD affiliée à la FIDH) concernant les violations des droits humains en Turquie, pour l'année 2009. (andre-metayer@orange.fr, 12 février 2010)

Five Years Imprisonment for 14-Year-Old

The Diyarbakır 5th High Criminal Court handed a 5 years prison sentence to 14-year-old C.E. by reason of "membership of an illegal organization". Initially, the juvenile received a sentence of ten years imprisonment which was then reduced accordingly. His lawyer Serkan Akbaş declared to appeal against the decision saying, "This was not a fair trial."

Akbaş indicated, "Children up to a certain age are not able to anticipate the negative consequences of their actions and are not fully sensible of them". The lawyer explained:

"Children are not afraid of penalties since they cannot foresee the meaning and the result of their actions. Nevertheless, these children are expected to give proper, reasonable and logic answers before the court just like an adult. When C.E. appeared at court, he was not even aware of the fact that he might be punished. He did not even defend himself properly. This was not a fair trial".

Court decision ordered in the first hearing

The court decided on the case in the first hearing. Lawyer Akbaş criticized that the "report on the ability of differentiating between right and wrong" was prepared in a perfunctory way. He stated that the photographs presented as evidence did not provide any proof of C.E.'s guilt.
According to the law, a "report on the ability of differentiating between right and wrong" has to be prepared for children younger than 15 years old. The report should give information on the child's ability to identify right from wrong and to make a choice accordingly. It is only after this situation has been clarified that the child can be held responsible for the crimes committed.

As reported by Akbaş, the report for C.E. merely included a few hand-written lines signed by a doctor from a state hospital.

"Membership of an illegal organization and committing crimes on behalf of it"

On 9 October 2009, the anniversary of militant Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) leader Abdullah Öcalan's extradition from Syria, a group of people lit a fire and set up road barricades in Cizre in the south-eastern province of Şırnak on the Syrian border. When the police intervened with tear gas and water cannons, the demonstrators threw stones at them. The police arrested people in side streets around the demonstration who they supposed to have attended the demonstration. 14-year-old C.E. was arrested as well. He was kept at the police station for one day before he was released.

When the case was initially filed, C.E. was facing 12 years imprisonment under charges of "membership of an illegal organization and committing crimes on behalf of it", "opposing law no. 2911 on public meetings and demonstrations" and "spreading propaganda for an illegal organization".
The first hearing of the case was held on 10 February. Photographs of C.E. showing him at the scene of the event with his t-shirt pulled over his face were presented as evidence of crime. C.E. stated that he was on his way to open up the place he was working for. He apparently ran into the demonstration by chance and pulled up his t-shirt to protect himself of the tear gas.

The court decreed for a ten years prison sentence; the sentence was reduced to five years and 15 days because C.E. was younger than 15 years old at the time of the incident.

İHD: 13 Children waiting for justice in Mardin

The Human Rights Association (İHD) branch in Mardin, a neighbouring province of Şırnak, announced that 13 children are detained under the Anti-Terror Act (TMK) in the Mardin Midyat M Type Prison. These 13 children face a total of more than 100 years imprisonment.
The human rights defenders urgently demanded to make the necessary amendments of the TMK and release the children as soon as possible. (BIA, Burçin BELGE, 12 February 2010)

"Unsolved Murder Cases Should not Be Closed by Prescrition"

The "Deep Families" is an organization of 23 three families who lost a relative because of a political murder. The families refer to their group as the "Social Memory Platform" and are drawing attention to the fact that many cases related to political murders are about to be closed by prescription, like the case Kemal Türkler, President of Confederation of Progressive Trade Unions (DİSK). They addressed the Turkish Parliament with the request to provide a legal solution in order to prevent the closure of the cases.

In the case of Swedish Prime Minister Olof Palme who was killed in 1986, the Swedish parliament lifted the statute of limitation for legal reasons. The new law to be enforced on 1 July 2010 will prevent the closure of the case which would otherwise become time-barred in the coming year.
19 representatives of the 23 "Deep Families" visited the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TBMM) on Thursday (11 February) to talk to political officials. The families issued a brief press release after their meetings.

"We did not come to settle old scores, we are here to communicate"

The joint statement was read by Meryem Türkmen, sister of journalist Metin Göktepe, who was killed in detention. Türkmen informed the press about a petition forwarded to the parliamentary officials requesting to establish a Parliamentary Investigative Commission. She continued, "We did not come with the request to settle old scores but to communicate face to face. We have to find answers to the remaining questions in a joint effort. We know that such crimes will be committed again and again if we do not take that effort. These files will not be closed until we advance to the chain of command and expand into all crimes concealed".

Türkmen finished the statement with a quotation of Prosecutor Doğan Öz who was killed in the course of investigations related to unsolved murders. As Ankara Deputy Prosecutor he had said "We are here to show the situation in its entire clarity and bitterness".

Meetings with major political parties

Meryem Türkmen told bianet that first off all the delegation talked to MP Bekir Bozdağ from ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP). Afterwards they met Prof. Dr. Zafer Üskül, Head of the Parliamentary Human Rights Commission, Kemal Anadol, Deputy Chairman of the Republican People's Party (CHP) and a group of CHP MPs and President of Parliament Mehmet Ali Şahin subsequently. Later on the delegation talked to MPs of the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) and Democratic Left Party (DSP) and finally to officials of Peace and Democracy Party (BDP).

Families who signed the petition

The families of journalist and writer Sabahattin Ali, prosecutor Doğan Öz, journalist Abdi İpekçi, prosecutor Cevat Yurdakul, sociologist and writer Cavit Orhan Tütengil, producer and writer Ümit Kaftancıoğlu,  Sevinç Özgüner, socialist trade union leader Kemal Türkler, publisher İlhan Erdost, journalist Çetin Emeç, critic of religion Turan Dursun, Kurdish writer and poet Musa Anter, journalist Uğur Mumcu, folk music singer Nesimi Çimen, poet Metin Altıok, Behçet Aysan, singer Hasret Gültekin, writer and poet Onat Kutlar, archaeologist Yasemin Cebenoyan, Hasan Ocak, journalist Metin Göktepe, historian and intellectual Necip Hablemitoğlu, journalist Hrant Dink. (BIA, Erol ÖNDEROĞLU, 12 February 2010)

42 prisonniers politiques menacés de mort en Turquie
 
La Maison Populaire de Genève vient de faire le suivant appel urgent au Parlement européen, aux organisations internationales, défenseurs des droits de l'homme et aux médias du monde

Nous sommes alarmés par l’état de santé de 42 prisonniers politiques en Turquie qui se trouvent actuellement entre la vie et la mort.
 
Selon l’Association des droits de l’homme de Turquie (IHD), l’état de santé de 42 prisonniers politiques dans les prisons turques est très grave. 12 d’entre eux souffrent d’un cancer, 4 ont une paralysie très grave, 3 souffrent de la maladie Wernice Korsakof et 23 autres souffrent de diverses maladies graves. Etant donné qu’ils ne reçoivent pas de soins adéquats dans les prisons, leur état de santé s’aggrave de jour en jour. Il s’agit de:
 
1. Taylan Çintay. Emprisonné depuis 12 ans, qui souffre d’un cancer du côlon. Il est détenu à la prison d’Erzurum (type H) ;
2. Nurettin Soysal. Condamné à la perpétuité et emprisonné depuis 16 ans, M. Soysal souffre d’un cancer de la lymphe. Il est détenu à la prison de Diyarbakir (type D) ;
3. Erol Zavar souffre d’un cancer du côlon. Il est détenu à la prison de Sincan n° 1 (type F);
4. A. Samet Çelik souffre d’une leucémie. Il est détenu à la prison de Sincan n° 2 (type F) ;
5. HASAN ALKIŞ est cardiaque. Il est détenu à la prison de Kırıkale (type F) ;
6. Gazi Dağ est paralysé. Il est détenu à la prison d’Antalya (type E) ;
7. Halil Güneş souffre d’un cancer des os. Il est détenu à la prison de Diyarbakir (type D);
8. Hediye Açık souffre d’insuffisance rénale. Elle est détenue à la prison de Bakırköy (İstanbul) ;
9. İnayet Mete est cardiaque. Il est détenu à la prison de Diyarbakır (type D) ;
10. İzzet Turan souffre d’ulcères, d’insuffisance rénale, d’hernie discale et d'ostéoporose. Il est détenu à la prison de Diyarbakır (type D) ;
11. Nizamettin Akar souffre d’un cancer des ganglions. Il est détenu à la prison de Muş (type E) ;
12. Remzi Aydın est paralysé. Il est détenu à la prison de Kocaeli  n° 1 (type F) ;
13. Yusuf Kaplan (85 ans) est paralysé et cardiaque. Il souffre également de problèmes de vue. Il est détenu à la prison d’Elazığ (type E) ;
14. Kemal Ertürk souffre de multiples maladies. Il est détenu à la prison de Sincan n° 1 (type F) ;
15. Latif Bodur souffre d’un cancer des poumons. Il est détenu à la prison de Midyat (type M) ;
16. Veysi Özer souffre d’un cancer. Il est détenu à la prison de Diyarbakir (type D) ;
17. İsmet Ayaz souffre de la maladie coeliaque. Il est détenu à la prison d’Adıyaman (type E) ;
18. Nesimi Kalkan souffre de la maladie coeliaque. Il est détenu à la prison  de Mardinde type E
19. Aslan Karslı souffre de la maladie de Wernice Korsakovet et est devenu schizophrène. Il est détenu à la prison  de Silifke (Mersin) de type M ;
20. Mehmet Ali Çelebi souffre de la maladie de Wernice Korsakov et est devenu schizophrène. Il est détenu à la prison de Bolu (type F) ;
21. Mesut Deniz souffre de la maladie de Wernice Korsakov et est devenu schizophrène. Il est détenu à la prison de Sincan n° 1 (type F);
22. Hülki Güneş souffre d’un Ankilozan spandilit. Il est détenue à la prison de Muş de type E;
23. Necmettin Korkaç souffre d’une colite, de problèmes de vue et est paralyse. Il est détenu à la prison de Van de type F ;
24. MEHMET EMİN ÖZKAN (74 ans) est paralysé et cardiaque. Il est détenu à la prison de Mardin ;
25. HAYATİ KAYTAN a perdu ses orteils dans les deux pieds à cause d'une hypothermie. Ses plaies ne se sont toujours pas cicatrisées et saignent régulièrement. Il est détenu à la prison de Kırıkkale de type F ;
26. YAŞAR İNCE souffre d'hépatite B, cardiaque et d’hernie discale. Il est détenu à la prison de Sincan n° 1 (type F) ;
27. CENGİZ EKER souffre d’une Cardio-vasculaire. Il est détenu à la prison d’Erzurum (type H);
28. KEMAL ÖZELMALI souffre de la maladie de Wernice Korsakov et est devenu schizophrène. Il est détenu à la prison d‘Adana KÜRKÇÜLER;
29. DENİZ YILDIZ souffre d’un cancer. Il est détenu à la prison d’Adana Karataş;
30. GÖRGÜN OKTAR souffre d’emphysème des poumons Il est détenu à la prison de Muş de type E ;
31. LOKMAN AKBABA souffre de maladies dégénératives du rachis. Il est détenu à la prison de Kırıkale de type F ;
32. METİN KARA souffre du cancer de l'intestin et a  subi une chirurgie cardiaque. Il est détenu à la prison de Batman ;
33. M. SIDDİK CENGİZ souffre de vasculite liée un écoulementde sang dans l'auriculaire provoquant des crises cardiaques fréquentes. Il est détenu à la prison de Siirt de type E ;
34. SELİM BUĞRAHAN (75 ans) souffre de la vessie, du rein, du cœur, il a difficultés à marcher. Il est détenu à la prison de Bingöl (type M) ;
35. HÜSEYİN BABAR  souffre d’une tuberculose et de pneumonie. Il est détenu à la prison de Tekirdağ (type F) ;
36. AHMET AKYOL souffre de la maladie d'Addison. De plus, il est cardiaque et a perdu à ce jour 40 kg. M. AKYOL est détenu actuellement à la prison d‘Adana KÜRKÇÜLER (type F) ;
37.  İSA YAĞBASAN souffre d’un cancer. Il est détenu à la prison de Midyat (type M);
38. SEYİTHAN BOZDAĞ a une tumeur au cerveau. Il est détenu à la prison de Nevşehir
39. MEHMET TAPAR souffre d’une tuberculose. Il est détenu à la prison de Maltepe d’Istanbul
40. EMRAH KAÇAR soufre d’un lymphome Il est détenu à la prison de Silivri n° 5  (type F) ;
41. TEMİNO BAYSAL est paralysé. Il est détenu à la prison de Siirt (type E) ;
42. Aynur Epli souffre d’un cancer du côlon. Elle se trouve actuellement à la faculté de médecine de Dicle

Ces prisonnier-e-s ont bien souvent contracté des maladies en raison des conditions de détention déplorables et ils-elles ne sont pas soigné-e-s par les  autorités turques sous prétexte que leurs soins coûtent cher.

En réalité, les prisonniers politiques sont considérés comme des ennemis et traités comme tels par les autorités turques. Leur isolement, dans tous les sens du terme, et leur non traitement en cas de maladie obéissent à cette politique. Bien que la peine de mort soit abolie officiellement, les autorités turques ont recours à deux méthodes pour se débarrasser de certains de leurs opposants : les exécutions sommaires et l’élimination à petit feu des prisonniers (torture, mauvais traitements, obstacles pour les soins des prisonniers malades, isolement, etc.).

Au vu de ce qui précède, nous vous appelons à adresser des lettres de protestations aux autorités turques pour qu’elles cessent leurs politiques inhumaines à l’égard des prisonniers politiques et fassent le nécessaire pour le traitement des détenus malades.

Nous vous demandons surtout d’intervenir auprès des autorités compétentes de Turquie afin d’obtenir leur libération. En vous remerciant de l’attention vous accorderez à la présente, nous vous prions de recevoir, Madame, Monsieur, nos salutations distinguées.

Demir SÖNMEZ
Maison Populaire de Genève
www.assmp.org

Transgender Derya Y. Killed in Antalya

Transgender Derya Y. was stabbed to death at her home in the Altındağ district of Antalya on the Mediterranean coast. The police has launched an investigation into the matter.

The LGBTT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transvestite and transsexual) Rights Platform has scheduled a press release for today (10 February) at 3.00 pm in the centrally located Yüksel Avenue in Ankara. The platform will read out an annoucement concerning Derya Y. and transsexual women Zuhal who was stabbed in Ankara on the night of 6 February.

As reported by KaosGL.org, website of the Kaos Gay and Lesbian Cultural Research and Solidarity Association (KaosGL), Derya Y. was killed at around 11.30 pm on Monday night (8 February).

The murder was reported by phone. When the police arrived at Derya Y.'s home, they talked to the victims friend İ.Ö. The body of Derya Y. was found in her bedroom.

The police declared that Derya Y. was stabbed and died of loss of blood.

Friends of the victim remained in front of her home until the morning. The police investigated the scene of crime and took Derya Y.'s body to the forensic medicine morgue. (BIA, Bawer CAKIR, 10 February 2010)

Adana: 3,155 Children Arrested in 2009

A report prepared by the Human Rights Association (İHD) Adana Branch revealed that 3,155 children aged 13-18 were arrested in Adana in 2009. 122 of them were taken into custody in the course of social uprisings. 299 children were taken into detention, 54 of them in the scope of social uprisings.

The association demands: "Detained children who came into conflict with the law should be released immediately".

According to the data compiled by İHD Adana, 48 children were sentenced to a total of 203 years, three months and 15 days imprisonment under charges of "throwing stones to police forces" and "spreading propaganda of illegal organizations".

Torture in police cars, at police stations and in prison

İHD Adana received 62 applications related to children in 2009. According to the report, the children were beaten in police cars and at the Police Department; they were threatened and restrained by hand-cuffs or chains when they were taken to another place.

Two children claimed to have been beaten by the police when they came back from a wedding ceremony. They were allegedly taken to an orange grove where they were beaten and threatened to "confess their crimes".

16 people detained in the children's prison of Kürkçüler Prison in the town of Pozantı stated that they were beaten by soldiers. Moreover, the soldiers supposedly told the guards that the children were terrorists and that "they could do with them whatever they wanted". One child said that he was insulted by the house physician and was made to clean the infirmary bathroom.

Violations in the Pozantı Children's Prison as revealed by the report read as follows:

- 13 people are forced to sleep in bunk beds designed for six people
- Beating wet hands with plastic pipes
- Neglect of health problems
- Implying pressure on the children regarding the election of the ward headman
- Forced education of the National Anthem

"Stop prosecuting children for terror crimes"

These are some of the recommendations comprised in the İHD Adana report:

The respective articles of the Anti-Terror Act and the Criminal Code providing for the prosecution of children for "terror" crimes should be amended as well as politics assessing children as "members of terror organizations".

Children should be tried at juvenile courts.

A Social Studies Report should be prepared to understand the reasons behind the crimes committed by children and to establish recommendations for prevention.

Experts should prepare reports regarding 12-15-year-old children's understanding of their crime and of the consequences of their behaviour.

No child should be deprived of his or her rights, including the right to education. Psychological and developmental support should be provided to children throughout the duration of prosecution and afterwards.

All kinds of violence against children should be prevented and forbidden by law. (BIA, Tolga KORKUT , 5 February 2010)

Sentence for Juveniles' "Light Bulb Tayyip" Slogans

High school students and community centre members Y.S., E.Ç. and A.S. will stand trial before the Bursa 2nd Juvenile Court for an alleged decrial of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. The students supposedly attended two protest actions where they compared Erdoğan with a light bulb in reference to the symbol of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP). They came up with slogans like "Light bulb Tayyip sells education", "Light bulb Tayyip sells health", "Light bulb Tayyip", "American light bulb Tayyip" and "Collaborating light bulb Tayyip". The first hearing of the case is scheduled for 5 May.

As reported by Radikal newspaper journalist İsmail Saymaz, the three juveniles face imprisonment for their slogans put forward on 1 October 2009 at the meeting of the "Platform for Health and a Secured Future for Everybody" in Bursa and in the course of protests against "IMF and World Bank" on 6 October.

Light bulb Tayyip not considered as political satire

High school student O.K. was tried before the same court and under the same accusations last year. He was found guilty in the last hearing of the case on 31 July 2009 and was sentenced to three months and 26 days of duty in a public institution. The prosecution defended the reasoned decision with citations from Google:

"The term light bulb is a noun with roots in the French language. In its primary meaning it comprises a glass device that generates light by electric current within a vacuum (Turkish Language Association Dictionary 2005). In colloquial language however, the word can be used as a bad word or a curse (Google). In this context, it can be used in the meaning of 'peasant' or 'jerk' (Google)".

"The term 'light bulb' might not imply the connotation of insult between two friends who are constantly teasing each other. Be that as it may, saying 'Light bulb Tayyip' in the course of a crowded protest action in the busiest places of the city does not account for criticism in the shape of political satire or communicating one's thoughts. This was said and meant as an insult".

Just one court allowed criticism of a political party

A total number of eight cases have been opened against the three young community centre members in Bursa since 2006 because of the slogans. Four of those trials have been decided. The children were handed penalties in three cases, only one court decreed for their acquittal.

The Bursa 1st Magistrate Criminal Court decreed at that time: "... The slogan 'You are a light bulb, Tayyip', which the defendants used at a protest action related to the government's health politics, did not imply an insult but was part of their criticism of a political party in a democratic society".(BIA, Erol ÖNDEROĞLU, 4 February 2010)

Given prison sentence for calling Ataturk 'Mıstık'

K.K (17) and S.U (18) who live in Norway wrote a mocking comment in visitor’s book at Ataturk’s Mausoleum in Ankara when they were in Turkey for a holiday. Two youth told the court “It was a joke we did not know that it was a crime” but the Appeal Court approved 11 months and 7 days prison sentence for each.

K.K wrote in the visitor’s book At the Mausoleum on 4 July 2005 “Mıstık (short for Mustafa), I feel worse now that I saw you, I can’t bring me to saying God bless you, thanks for what you have done, but I don’t trust you.”

S.U wrote “F… your type”. Two youth were arrested by the guards. They were placed in Elmadağ Children’s prison pending trial and were charged with “insulting Ataturk”. The two youngsters were condemned to 11 months and 7 days prison sentence each.

Children’s Court tried

Ankara Children’s Court condemned the kids to 1 year and 10 months and 15 days each for insulting Ataturk. Sentences were reduced to 1 year and 3 months due to their age.

It was sent to the appeal court. Appeal Court Penal Chamber number  11 approved the sentences. Appeal Court Prosecutor wanted the sentences to be reduced by half due to the ages of the children. Appeal Court Penal General Assembly reduced the sentences to 11 months and 7 days each. (info@antenna-tr.org, February 2, 2010)

Human Rights Defender Kalaycı Released

Lawyer Filiz Kalaycı, member of the Central Executive Committee of the Human Rights Association (İHD) has been released after 8 months in detention. İHD member Nedim Taş who had been arrested together with Kalaycı is still kept in detention.

More than 90 lawyers attended the second hearing on 28 January at the Ankara 11th High Criminal Court for Kalaycı's defence. As reported by İHD, a total number of 274 lawyers attended both hearings for Kalaycı's defence.

The next hearing of the case is scheduled for 10 June.

Witness: "My statement was taken under pressure"

Kalaycı was charged with membership of an illegal organization, supposedly proven by statements to be accounted for as evidence. However, witness Alpaslan Özkan stated that these statements had been taken at the police station only after considerable pressure had been imposed on the witness and that he actually did not know Kalaycı before.

Kalaycı: Evidence is unlawful

Kalaycı pointed out that the process of gathering evidence was unlawful since it had not been initiated by the prosecution. Even private telephone conversations were put forward as evidence, Kalaycı remarked. "We know the implementations of torture at the Anti-Terrorism Branch to create evidence. If this is happening again, it is the prosecutors' and the court's duty to prevent it", Kalaycı argued. She furthermore indicated that the police was disturbed by being reminded to the right of arrested political defendants to refuse to give evidence.

"There has not been any telephone conversation which could be associated to the allegations. Does footage from legal press releases count as evidence?" Kalaycı indicated that the aim of this case was to intimidate rights defenders.

Judge: Unlawful evidence unacceptable

President Judge Hasan Şatır said that unlawful gathering of evidence was wrong in principle.

Kalaycı's lawyers stated that the investigation was carried out in contrary to the legislation since the lawyers were hindered to do their job freely. They claimed that the investigation was based entirely on imputing evidence to their client and that the defence was "forced to prove innocence".

Lawyer Kemal Aytaç emphasized that the imprisonment was a "punishment of suspicion":

"Kalaycı was perceived as a lawyer for an illegal organization because she joined cases of the organization. With the same reasoning, is the judge involved in a case about the organization a judge of this illegal organization, or is the judge dealing with a drug case a judge involved with drugs?"

"Invented evidence"

Before her detention, Kalaycı was struggling against rights violations in prisons. She had been arrested in Ankara on 12 May 2009 together with İHD members lawyer Hasan Anlar, lawyer Halil İbrahim Vargün, lawyer Murat Vargün and Nedim Taş under allegations of "membership of an illegal organization". The lawyers were released from detention after four days. Kalaycı was arrested again on 28 May upon the prosecutor's objection and taken to the Sincan Closed F Type Women Prison. The first hearing was held on 9 November.

İHD said that the case had been opened unlawfully based on invented evidence. With this case the police "intended to place obstacles before the defensive profession of Kalayıcı and other lawyers and hinder their work as human rights defenders. The police tried to threaten these people and also other lawyers and activits".(BIA, Tolga KORKUT, 1 February 2010)

Pression sur les médias / Pressure on the Media

Publisher Adanır in Prison until 6 May

Bedri Adanır, the licence holder of Aram Publications and representative of the Hawar newspaper, was arrested on the order of the Diyarbakır 6th High Criminal Court after entering Turkey from Northern Iraq.

He has been in prison in Diyarbakır since 5 January, accused of "spreading propaganda of an illegal organisation" in newspaper articles and three books, which include the defence of PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan, and of "praising a criminal". He faces up to 31 years imprisonment.

Adanır faces a court case for a book of Öcalan's speeches, entitled "On the Culture-Art Revolution", which was not given a revenue stamp by the Ministry of Culture and thus not published officially. Two other books, entitled "Democratic Civilisation" and "Freedom Sociology" also form part of the accusation.

The publishing house was raided by the police in October 2008 and an investigation into certain documents began.

Three trials merged

Muharrem Şahin, Adanır's lawyer, has told bianet that his client faces three trials, which have now been merged. Two concern articles he wrote for the newspaper, while one deals with the book containing Öcalan's defence speeches.

He faces two accusations of spreading terrorist propaganda, three accusations of "praising a crime and a criminal" and one accusation of membership in an illegal organisation.

First hearing

At the hearing yesterday (25 February), Adanır was in court before judges for the first time.

He said in his defence that he some of the banned books he owned had been acquired prior to their confiscation orders and that he needed them and other materials for his work.

His lawyer criticised the "unfair and arbitrary" manner in which the publishing house has been described as the PKK's publishing company.

The court refused to release the defendant because of the "quality of the crimes" he is accused of and because of the existing evidence. The next hearing will be on 6 May.  (BIA, Erol ÖNDEROĞLU, 26 February 2010)

Megastar Tarkan detained in anti-drug operation

Turkish pop star Tarkan (Tarkan Tevetoğlu) detained in anti-drug operation in İstanbul along with several other celebrities Turkish pop star Tarkan Tevetoğlu, who goes by just his first name in the entertainment business, was detained early Friday in an anti-drug operation in İstanbul along with several other Turkish celebrities.
           
Cracking down on drug dealers in the city, İstanbul narcotics officers have seized notebooks from a number of dealers during the course of an ongoing narcotics investigation and found many names and addresses. The police obtained search warrants and raided the addresses listed, including Tarkan’s villa in the Ömerli district, detaining a number of entertainers and three businessmen. The son of a former deputy was also reportedly taken into custody. Police seized 12.5 grams of cannabis at Tarkan’s villa. Among the 10 people detained, two were allegedly involved in dealing drugs while the eight others only used drugs. İstanbul Police Chief Hüseyin Çapkın said the operation had been planned for six months and that the case will be submitted to court shortly.

After their testimony was taken, Tarkan and the other detainees were expected to be referred to the Beşiktaş court. Tarkan has been a chart-topping pop star for more than a decade in Turkey and Europe and has sold millions of records. His catchy Arabic-influenced tune “Şımarık” (Spoiled) reached the top of music charts in France in 1998. (Today's Zaman, 27 February 2010)

La directrice d'un site reste accusée de faire partie d'un groupe terroriste

Après 10 mois de détention préventive, la cour d'assise d'Istanbul a accordé une libération conditionnelle, le 23 février, à Aylin Duruoglu, la directrice du site Vatan (gazetevatan.com), ainsi qu'à neuf autres personnes, dont Mehmet Yesiltepe, employé de la revue Devrimci Hareket ("Mouvement révolutionnaire"). Aylin Duruoglu reste accusée d'être membre de la cellule armée "Quartier Général Révolutionnaire" ("Devrimci Karargah").

"Reporters sans frontières accueille avec soulagement la nouvelle de cette libération, mais rappelle que celle-ci intervient après 10 mois de détention préventive. Le motif d'accusation reste ridicule : avoir connu un membre d'un groupe armé, ainsi qu'Aylin Duruoglu l'a elle-même admis, ne revient pas à faire partie de ce groupe armé (http://www.rsf.org/La-journaliste-Aylin-Duruoglu.html). Nous demandons l'abandon immédiat des charges qui pèsent contre Aylin Duruoglu et Mehmet Yesiltepe", a déclaré l'organisation.

Aylin Duruoglu était détenue à la prison de Bakirköy à Istanbul depuis le 27 avril 2009, et Mehmet Yesiltepe à la prison de Tekirdag (Nord-Ouest de la Turquie). Ils avaient été arrêtés à Istanbul parce qu'ils étaient soupçonnés de faire partie du groupe terroriste, le "Quartier Général Révolutionnaire". Le QGR a revendiqué un attentat à la bombe contre le siège du Parti de la justice et du développement (AKP), le 1er septembre 2008, causant un mort, ainsi qu'un attentat début août 2008 contre le Commandement de la première armée à Üsküdar (rive asiatique d'Istanbul).

Aylin Duruoglu a donné sa version des faits :"Depuis 10 mois, j'essaie de me rappeler quelque chose qui explique ma détention. Je me trouve devant vous, parce que je n'ai pas pu prévoir qu'une personne se promenant librement dans la rue et ayant sa place dans la société puisse être un terroriste. Je n'ai jamais entendu parler du nom de cette organisation avant mon interpellation. J'ai déjeuné avec Orhan Yilmazkaya (militant tué le 27 avril 2009 et faisant partie du "Quartier Général Révolutionnaire"). Je ne me considère pas accusée mais victime de la terreur. Je travaille depuis quinze ans dans le secteur des médias. Il n'y a pas de raison pour que je collabore avec les terroristes."

La prochaine audience a été fixée au 29 juin 2010.

Lire l'article : http://www.rsf.org/La-directrice-d-un-site-reste.html

A Seven Year Wait for Native Language Broadcasting

In a meeting on 23 February, the Turkish Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTÜK) decided to allow media institutions to broadcast in languages other than Turkish, basing their decision on the "Regulations on Radio and TV Broadcasts in Languages and Dialects Traditionally Used by Turkish Citizens in Everyday Life" passed on 13 November 2009.

The decision affects 14 radio stations and TV channels: Cemre FM (Mardin), Radyo Ses (Mersin), Radyo Net (Urfa), Çağrı FM (Diyarbakır), Gün Radyo, Nur FM, Gün TV, TV 21, Aktüel TV, Söz TV, Can TV, Can Radyo, Aktüel FM and Aksa FM.

Radyo Ses, which broadcasts in Mersin, southern Turkey, has programmes in Kurdish, Zaza and Arabic. Radyo Net broadcasts in Kirmanci, a Kurdish dialect, Zaza and Arabic, while the other media bodies have announced that they will broadcast in Kirmanci and Zaza.

"Permission should have been given years ago"

Mahmut Saruhan, chairman of Cemre FM, said that his station had applied to RTÜK because the great majority of people living in Mardin, a city in southeastern Turkey, spoke Kurdish.

The station wants to be able to comply with Kurdish song requests from listeners. Saruhan said, "This right, which was given to private radio stations in recent years, should have been given years ago. Everyone should be able to listen to the music they want in their own language. The bureaucratic hurdles need to be lifted."

Previously many restrictions

In 2004, local and national media institutions were first permitted to broadcast in languages other than Turkish, following the publication of regulations on 25 January of that year. However, radio stations were limited to one hour a day and a total of five hours a week, while TV stations were only permitted to broadcast in other languages for 45 minutes a day and a total of four hours a week.

Because radio stations and TV channels were unable to translate simultaneously, live broadcasting was forbidden, as the media bodies were forced to translate all of their programmes. In addition, it was also forbidden to target children with educational language programmes. The latest regulations have lifted these restrictions. (BIA, Erol ÖNDEROĞLU, 25 February 2010)

IFJ Condemns Terrorist Charges against Kurdish Journalist

The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) and its European group, the European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)  have today expressed their shock following terrorist charges against Vedat Kursun, former editor of a Kurdish-language newspaper, who risks a 525-year jail sentence if convicted.

"We are shocked by these outrageous charges which purport to turn the role of journalists in reporting about terrorist organisations into a crime," said EFJ President Arne König. "It is part of European standards of freedom of expression to be able to report on political organisations or movements even if they are banned".

On 19 February the Diyarbakir High Criminal Court in Turkey charged Vedat Kursun, former editor of  the  Kurdish daily, Azadiya Welat, with 105 counts of "helping and abetting the PKK organisation by spreading propaganda" and "glorifying crimes and criminals "  in  several articles published  in his newspaper.  These charges come just less than two weeks after Kursun's successor as editor, Ozan Kilinc, was also convicted and sentenced on 12 February to 21 years imprisonment for similar charges.

Kursun was arrested in January 2009 in Istanbul and spent the last 13 months in Diyarbakir Prison, in the southeast of Turkey, awaiting his trial.

Prosecutors accused Kursun of disseminating propaganda for the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) by publishing stories on the statements and activities of the organisation. However Kursun argues that he is not a member of PKK and maintains that information or comments he published are serving the right of the public to know.

"Turkish laws do not allow journalists to do their jobs freely. Journalists have to choose between self-censorship or facing arrest and imprisonment without judgment. It means execution without due process. In democratic societies, it should not be so easy to blame journalists for terrorism propaganda or being a member of a terrorist organisation. These applications restrict freedom of press and freedom of expression in our country. We refute these allegations and condemn prosecutions of journalists," said Ercan Ipekci, President of the EFJ affiliate Turkiye Gazeteciler Sendikasi (TGS).

The IFJ and EFJ also say that Turkish justice and the authorities should stop harassing media with repressive anti-terrorism laws that undermine press freedom in the country.

The EFJ is involved in a joint project with the TGS on enhancing press freedom in Turkey. In this regard, the TGS has issued a Monitoring Report on breaches of press freedom in Turkey showing that 44 journalists and media workers are currently in jail, most of them awaiting trial. The EFJ will also hold its General Meeting in Istanbul on 16-18 April 2010. Press freedom in Turkey will be discussed during a special session with an intervention of Heidi Hautala, Chairwoman of the Sub-Committee of Human Rights of the European Parliament.

TGS Monitoring Report is available here: http://www.tgs.org.tr/index.php?option=com_content&task=blogcategory&id=47&Itemid=49

For more information contact the EFJ at +32 2 235 2215The EFJ represents over 250,000 journalists in over 30 countries in Europe
(europe.list@ifj.org, February 24, 2010)

Un journaliste kurde risque 525 ans de prison en Turquie (IPI)

L'Institut international de presse (IPI) a fait part lundi de son inquiétude sur le sort d'un journaliste kurde menacé de 525 ans de prison lors d'un procès en Turquie.

Vedat Kursun, ancien responsable du quotidien kurde Azadiya Welat, est poursuivi pour avoir "glorifié des crimes et des criminels" et "aidé le Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK) à faire de la propagande" dans ses articles.

Entendu vendredi après 13 mois de détention provisoire, M. Kursun attend en prison le délibéré du tribunal de Diyarbakir. Le parquet a réclamé 525 années de prison.

Le successeur de M. Kursun à la tête de la rédaction d'Azadiya Welat a été condamné le 12 février à 21 ans de prison pour les mêmes motifs, ajoute l'IPI.

"Ce n'est pas la première fois que les autorités utilisent des lois antiterroristes pour étouffer la liberté de la presse et la liberté d'expression en Turquie", a déploré David Dadge, directeur de l'IPI, cité dans un communiqué.

L'organisation basée à Vienne avait épinglé la Turquie dans son dernier rapport annuel. (AFP, 22 fév 2010)


Un film turc, "Miel" couronné de l'Ours d'or à la 60e Berlinale

A la 60e Berlinale le film turc "Miel" réalisé par Semih Kaplanoglu, 46 ans, a été couronné de l'Ours d'or samedi. "Miel" est le portrait d'un enfant initié aux mystères de la nature par un père apiculteur.

"Il est clair que les ours aiment le miel !" a plaisanté Kaplanoglu, 46 ans en recevant son prix des mains du président du jury Werner Herzog.

"Nous avons tourné dans une région extraordinaire, avec de magnifiques paysages (qui) risquent d'être détruits parce que des centrales électriques vont y être construites", a-t-il expliqué. "J'espère que ce prix contribuera à protéger l'environnement là-bas".

Tourné près des côtes de la mer Noire dans le sud-est du Caucase, "Miel" suit Yusuf, joué par Boras Altas, sept ans à l'époque, un gamin introverti qui dans un rêve prémonitoire, voit la mort de son père, apiculteur dans la forêt.

"Miel" complète une trilogie autobiographique débutée avec "Oeuf" (2007) et "Lait" (2008), où Semih Kaplanoglu explore la relation mystique entre les êtres humains et la nature. (AFP, 20 fév 2010)

Record of "Crimes of Thought" in 2009

The Turkish book "Freedom of Thought 2009" was published as part of the Initiative against Crime of Thought. The book includes punishments and trials based on thoughts, banned publications and events and legal regulations for 'crimes of thought'.

Upon the prosecution of Turkish writer Yaşar Kemal in 1995 on the ground of his article in the German Der Spiegel magazine where he criticized the government's Kurdish policies, ten articles representing 'crimes of thoughts' and the offenders respectively were published in a book of 80 pages with 1080 publishers.

185 people were tried because of the book. Nevertheless, the Initiative against Crime of Thought carries on with its publication every year, drawing attention to lawsuits and punishments contrary to freedom of thought.

The book is an annual review of freedom of thought in Turkey and of respective legal regulations and implementations.

36 journalists imprisoned in 2009

Legal advisor Ceren Baykal refers to article 288 of the Constitution on influencing a fair trial when he says, "The fearful attitude towards influencing still prevails. Influencing a fair trial is being prevented, but its attempt is being punished. On one hand the judiciary does not accept influencing a fair trial and there is no such crime, on the other hand the criminal code still evaluates the respective attempt as a crime".

The book summarized the events of 2009 as follows:

-         The democratic initiative as a way to deal with the Kurdish question became a topic of discussion.

-       While some Kurdish media institutions were banned, the Kurdish state channel TRT Şeş was guaranteed the right to 24-hours broadcast.

-         According to data from the Solidarity Platform of Journalists in Detention, seven chief editors and 36 journalists and writers were imprisoned in 2009.

-         Police officials opened a tender to stock "necessary" material such as truncheons, tear gas or water cannons by reason of the consecutive dates of Newroz, Women's Day and Labour Day.

-         Despite the legal approval of events in Taksim regarding 1 May, 108 people were arrested according to the police whereas the Contemporary Lawyers Association spoke of 400 arrests. Five of the arrested people applied to the Human Rights Foundations on the grounds of having been imposed to torture in custody.

-         According to the group "Justice for Children", children in detention on the base of the Anti-Terror Act because of throwing stones in demonstrations were publicly exposed to torture.

-         The Constitutional Court decided for the closure of pro-Kurdish Democratic Society Party (DTP) on 11 December. Senior party executives were imposed to a ban from politics.

Trials on freedom of thought

The book compiles the most unusual and ordinary cases followed by the initiative. It presents cases of punishment and acquittals, dropped cases and crimes based on trials. The review of 2009 includes names such as Osman Baydemir, Aysel Tuğluk, Leyla Zana, Ragıp Zarakolu, Nedim Şener, Nedim Gürsel, Erol Karaaslan, Ahmet Karayay, İbrahim Kaboğlu, Baskın Oran.

Banned theatres, concerts, posters, seminars, festivals, demonstrations, exhibitions, books, magazines and internet sites have also been taken into account. Furthermore the Eregekon case is mentioned as well as police violence and the closure of Democratic Society Party (DTP). (BIA, Çiçek TAHAOĞLU, 19 February 2010)
Radikal Newspaper Journalists on Trial

Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) Mardin MP Emine Ayna opened a lawsuit against editor-in-chief Hasan Çakkalkurt and journalist Rıfat Başaran from the Turkish daily Radikal on the grounds of an interview given by Ayna.

Both journalist will be tried under charges of "spreading propaganda for the PKK organization", the militant Kurdistan Workers' Party, in accordance with article 7/2 of the Anti-Terror Act. The accusations are based on an interview with Ayna published in Radikal on 7 December 2009 entitled "Ayna: Our base tells us to go to the mountains". The journalists are facing up to five years imprisonment.

The pro-Kurdish Democratic Society Party was closed by a decision of the Constitutional Court on 11 December last year. DTP co-chair Ayna said in the interview, "All of us prepared our resignations. This prospect came up at our base anyways when the first closure case was opened. They told us 'What are you still doing in this Parliament? Resign and go to the mountains'.  There is such a say at our base. It made us laugh at the time. But it expresses an emotion".

Prosecution: exceeding the boundaries of freedom of expression

In the indictment prepared by the Istanbul Public Chief Prosecution it is said, "Taking the contents of the article into account, it evokes the impression that violence is considered a necessary and legitimate precaution in the eyes of the reader; also in reference to the decision of the European Court of Human Rights on the third file of the case of Kamil Tekin Sürek, drawing attention to the fact that armed propaganda for the terror organization is still continuing".

The indictment points out that the right to freedom of expression is guaranteed by the Constitution and the European Convention of Human Rights. However, the document determines, "A restriction of this freedom is anticipated in respect to prevention of crime, to ensuring public order and to protect public security, the unity of the country and the security of the nation. According to the European Court of Human Rights, opinions that openly call for violence and praise violence cannot be assessed within the scope of freedom of thought".

Çakkalkurt and Durukan still in the docks

Hasan Çakkalkurt and Radikal newspaper journalist Namık Durukan face prison sentence on the grounds of their news item entitled "We do not put down our weapons even if a general amnesty would be declared" based on an announcement made by PKK executive Duran Kalkan to Fırat News Agency. (BIA, Erol ÖNDEROĞLU, 18 February 2010)

Two Journalists at Court for Pursuing Dink Murder

Vatan newspaper journalist Kemal Göktaş is facing a five years prison sentence at the Istanbul 2nd Criminal Court of First Instance by reason of his book entitled "The Hrant Dink Murder: Media, Judiciary, State". The book reveals background information on the murder of Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink in 2007.

Göktaş was supported in yesterday's hearing (16 February) at the Istanbul Sultanahmet Courthouse by Milliyet newspaper journalist Nedim Şener. Şener himself is facing 32.5 years imprisonment for his book which also deals with the Dink murder.

Şener told bianet, "I am not here to support the political power but to support the invariable victims. It will be my duty to defend Akyürek's rights if he is in fact a victim or treated unjust".

Lawyer Aydın: Case should be dropped by prescription

Journalist Göktaş was furthermore supported by human rights activists Özlem Dalkıran and Füsun Çelikel and by Ani Aba and Takuş Kalk from the "Group of Hrant's Friends".

Lawyer Filiz Aydın requested to drop the case by prescription, referring to the statute of limitation of the case initially filed by Intelligence Office President Ramazan Akyürek and the Police General Directorate:

"The case should be rejected because it is time-barred. The case was opened on 30 September 2009. Yet, the prescription period of four months ran out on 24 August 2009. We will forward further requests later on".

The case was postponed to 11 May to hear prosecutor Atilla Ayvacı's evaluation of the statute of limitation of the file in the next session. Göktaş is put on trial on the grounds of publishing an F4 document in his book which was sent from the Trabzon Police Directorate to the Istanbul Intelligence Branch Directorate, concerned with Yasin Hayal being up to "an influential action" related to Hrant Dink. (BIA, Erol ÖNDEROĞLU, 17 February 2010)

Interesting preamble in Oran-Balbay case!

Appeal Court Legal Department N° 4 noted an important detail in its decision about the case of Mustafa Balbay Ankara representative of Cumhuriyet daily who was condemned for commenting “Bought” for Baskın Oran. The important detail stressed by the Appeal Court is Baskın Oran's articles in Agos weekly!

Baskın Oran was invited to St. Anthony’s College of Oxford University to give six conferences on Turkey between October and December 2006 and conduct research. Balbay criticised that on TV saying that was an example of being bought of Turkish intellectuals. Oran claimed compensation from Balbay. Balbay was condemned to pay 3500 Liras of compensation. Appeal Court N°4 reversed the decision on the grounds that Balbay’s statement was part of freedom of expression. However Appeal Court’s preamble of the decision was surprising:

“It has been understood that the complainant writes articles in Agos newspaper about Armenian question and conducts academic studies abroad. It has been understood that the accused commented as a reaction to Oran’s articles in Agos weekly. The complainant is free to express opinion hence must endure statements against his opinion.” (Freedom of Expression Weekly Bulletin, Issue 07/10, February 12, 2010)

Seven Journalists on Trial for an Anti-Pashas Article

Writer Abdurrahman Dilipak and the representatives of  six newspapers have been on trial over Dilipak’s articles "If Pashas Misbehave", "Pashas who lack discipline" and "indispensable principle of military service is not secularism but patriotism" published in Cuma magazine.

Chief editor Mustafa Karahasanoğlu, Dilipak, responsible editor Cengiz Almış, Mustafa Hacımustafaoğulları, Hüseyin Arı, Yalçın Turgut and Abdurrahman Şeref Kazan have been on trial.

Trial began on 11 February 2010. The next hearing is on 21 May. The journalists were first appeared in a military court over the articles published in 29 August -3 September issue. They were charged under article 95/4 of military penal code "damaging line relations".

Following the amendment of TPC the case was sent to Bağcılar Criminal Court and then to Bakırköy Criminal Court. Dilipak had to wait for the conflict over the power of jurisdiction between Bakırköy Court N°2 and Court N°17. The prosecutor wants the accused to be imprisoned for between 6 months and 3 years. (Freedom of Expression Weekly Bulletin, Issue 07/10, February 12, 2010)

Ankara condamné pour avoir censuré "Les onze mille verges" d'Apollinaire

La destruction d'exemplaires en langue turque d'une oeuvre érotique de Guillaume Apollinaire et la condamnation de l'éditeur en Turquie ont été condamnées mardi par les juges européens des droits de l'homme de Strasbourg.

Editeur dans la maison d'édition "Hades", le plaignant, Rahmi Akdas, avait publié en juin 1999 "Les onze mille verges", roman érotique du célèbre poète français, traduit en turc sous le titre "On Bir Bin Kirbaç".

Il avait été condamné en 1999 à Istanbul à une forte amende "pour publication obscène ou immorale, de nature à exciter et à exploiter le désir sexuel de la population". Les ouvrages avaient été saisis et détruits.

Dans son arrêt, la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme "considère que la reconnaissance accordée aux singularités culturelles, historiques et religieuses des pays ne saurait aller jusqu'à empêcher l'accès du public d'une langue donnée, en l'occurrence le turc, à une oeuvre figurant dans le patrimoine littéraire européen".

L'éditeur avait vainement fait valoir devant la justice turque qu'il s'agissait d'une oeuvre littéraire, une fiction utilisant des techniques d'écriture telles que l'exagération, le grotesque, la métaphore. Selon lui, l'ouvrage n'avait aucune connotation violente et le ton humoristique adopté par l'auteur, allié à un parti pris d'exagération, était plutôt de nature à éteindre le désir sexuel qu'à l'exacerber.

La Cour européenne des droits de l'homme rappelle dans son arrêt que cet ouvrage avait fait scandale lors de sa parution en France en 1907 mais qu'il a depuis été publié dans de nombreux pays en plusieurs langues. (AFP, 16 fév 2010)

Caricaturist Özdabak Faces 20,000 TL Compensation Claim

A compensation case against caricaturist Halil İbrahim Özdabak from Yeni Asya ('New Asia') newspaper has been launched on the grounds of a caricature published on 21 May 2009.

The illustration refers to President Judge Osman Kaçmaz of the Sincan (central Anatolia) 1st High Criminal Court who intends to prosecute President Abdullah Gül regarding the investigation into "Lost Billions". It shows a person in a judge's robe on a podium positioned on a tank, ignoring the road sign to "Ergen" but instead following the sign to "Sincan Avenue".

TL 20,000 compensation claim

Özdabak faces a compensation claim of 20,000 Turkish Lira (TL) (€ 9,525) in the latest case launched on the grounds of the caricature. The case will be heard at the Sincan 2nd Criminal Court of First Instance on 23 March.

Additionally, Özdabak is prosecuted under charges of article 125 of the Turkish Crimial Code (TCK) under charges of "insulting personal rights", facing prison sentence of two years and eight months. The case was postponed to 22 February.

Prosecutor Ali Çakır, who filed the case against caricaturist Özdabak on 18 August 2009, previously prepared an indictment on "influencing the judiciary" against Milliyet and Radikal newspapers for criticizing the cancellation of the Ottoman Armenian Conference. Furthermore, the prosecutor filed a complaint against artist Bülent Ersoy for "alienating the public from military service" and launched an investigation into artist Hülyar Avşar.

Acquittal for "Owl in a judge's robe"

Öydabak was also tried for illustrating Supreme Court Public Prosecutor Abdurrahman Yalçınkaya, who filed a closure case against the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and was depicted in the caricature as an owl in a judge's robe. The cartoonist was acquitted on 24 March 2009. (BIA, Erol ONDEROGLU, 16 February 2010)

Protest Against Journalist Ergündogan's Jail Sentence

The unjust condemnation of Journalist Yalcin Ergündogan was protested on February 11, by journalists and human rights defenders at a press conference held at the Istanbul Office of the Human Rights Association of Turkey (IHD).

The representatives of the IHD, the Publishers' Union of Turkey (TYB), the Platform for Solidarity with Imprisoned Journalists (TGDP), Initiative for Stopping Racism and Nationalism (DUR DE), the Coalition of 70 Million Steps Against Coup d'états, The Planetary Action Group (KEG), the Planetary Coalition for Peace and Justice (Küresel BAK), the Platform "Planet Is Not Ours Alone (DYBD), the Peace and Democracy Party (BDP), the Revolutionary Socialist Workers' Party (DSIP) were present at the press conference.

First, Ergündogan gave detailed information about his trials and condemnation (See: Writer Ergündogan Sentenced for Criticism of Sheikh Baş), and said: "I wrote that article with the purpose of informing public opinion. I based my article on the revelations made at the site haydarbas.com made by a dissident group against the head of the Independent Turkey Party (BTP) Haydar Bas. In spite of many proofs that I presented to the court, I was sentenced to 105-day prison for insult. As seen in this case, the press freedom is under heavy threat in Turkey."

Publisher Ragip Zarakolu, spokesman of the Publishers' Union of Turkey (TYB), drew attention to the anti-democratic laws preventing to freely express and write. "At present, there is a double-faced justice system in Turkey.  You can criticize someones but can't do it for some others. For example, if the person in question is a minister of police origin such as Mehmet Agar, you can never do anything against him. Otherwise, you should pay a too heavy price for your attempt," he said.

Journalist Necati Abay, spokesman of the Platform for Solidarity with Imprisoned Journalists (TGDP), protesting against the prosecution of journalists, said: "Here is such a country where criticism or insult are totally free for a part of the citizens. The right to criticize is denied only for socialist or opponent intellectuals."

Finally, IHD Istanbul Chairwoman Gülseren Yoleri, protesting against jail sentences for expressing opinion, said that the IHD will be in a constant solidarity with Ergündogan and all journalists under prosecution. (Info-Türk, February 11, 2010)

Journaliste kurde Kilinç condamné à 21 ans de prison

Le directeur de la publication d'un quotidien en langue kurde a été condamné mercredi par contumace par un tribunal du sud-est de la Turquie à 21 ans et trois mois de prison pour propagande en faveur des rebelles kurdes du Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK).

Un tribunal de Diyarbakir a jugé Ozan Kilinç, d'Azadiya Welat (la liberté de la patrie, en kurde, ndlr), coupable de 12 actes de "propagande en faveur d'une organisation terroriste" et de "crime au nom d'une organisation sans appartenance à celle-ci", rapporte un correspondant de l'AFP.

Le journaliste était poursuivi pour la publication, en juin 2009, d'articles et de photographies faisant selon l'acte d'accusation l'apologie du chef emprisonné du PKK, Abdullah Öcalan.

Un mandat d'arrêt a été délivré par la cour à l'encontre du prévenu, qui n'était pas présent à l'audience.

Fondé en 1994 sous un format hebdomadaire, puis devenu quotidien en 2006, Azadiya Welat fait régulièrement l'objet de poursuites et de saisies pour propagande pro-PKK.

Le prédécesseur de M. Kilinç à la tête du journal, Vedat Kursun, est actuellement emprisonné pour des faits similaires, selon un rapport récent de l'ONG de défense de la liberté d'expression Bianet.

Le rapport fait état de 323 personnes, dont 123 journalistes, poursuivies en Turquie en 2009 pour des crimes liés, selon Bianet, à la liberté d'expression. (AFP, 10 fév 2010)

Writer Ergündoğan Sentenced for Criticism of Sheikh Baş

The Beyoğlu (Istanbul) 2nd High Criminal Court handed down a 2,000 Turkish Lira (TL) (€ 910) converted judicial fine to writer and journalist Yalçın Ergündoğan under charges of "violating the personal rights" of Haydar Baş, Chairman of the Independent Party of Turkey (BTP). The charges were based on Ergündoğan's writing entitled "Disciples revolted against Haydar Baş", published in Birgün newspaper on 26 April 2005.

Haydar Baş, head of the Kadiri religious order, had filed a complaint with Ergündoğan on the grounds of his article with a TL 20,000 (€9,100) compensation claim at the Istanbul 7th Criminal Court of First Instance. He had opened another case against the writer at the Beyoğlu 4th Magistrate Court with a TL 5,000 (€4,550) claim for damages for mental anguish.

Ergündoğan: I fulfilled my duty as a journalist

Ergündoğan did not attend the hearing on 28 January when the court decided against him. In an announcement subsequent to the hearing the author stated that he did not intend any defamation, "The behaviour of a public figure who is the leader of a political party should be brought to attention and criticism should be tolerated", Ergündoğan argued.

It was the 17th hearing of the case when President Judge İrfan Adil Uncu of the Beyoğlu 2nd Court of First Instance pronounced the decision. Initially, Ergündoğan was sentenced to 90 days imprisonment applying article 125/2 of the Turkish Criminal Court (TCK) (If the act is committed by means of a voiced, written or visual message addressing the victim, the perpetrator shall be sentenced to imprisonment for a term of three months to two years or imposed a judicial fine.). Afterwards, the sentence was increased by one sixth to 105 days imprisonment applying TCK article 125/4(In case the offence of insulting has been committed in public, the penalty shall be increased by one sixth.) Finally, the penalty was converted into a judicial fine of TL 2,000.

Ergündoğan's lawyer Tora Pekin did not attend the hearing either but presented his client's defence in writing.

According to the defence, Ergündoğan aimed to inform the public about Baş's long-time disciples leaving the religious sect for certain reasons. The journalist's source was the 'Gerçek Yüzü' website run by Baş himself.

Lawyer Pekin said, "The Court of Appeals stated that the publication was done in a proper way. According to evidence included in the expert report the news item written by Yalçın Ergünddoğan was based on information taken from the internet site".

Lawer Pekin reminded the fact that the referring topic was even brought to the agenda of the Turkish Parliament and that furthermore a public case was opened against Haydar Baş. (BIA, Erol ÖNDEROĞLU, 8 February 2010)

The 2009 Media Monitoring Report : Getting Rid of Freedom of Thought...

At least 9 newspapers were banned based on the Anti-Terror Act, 23 people were sentenced to 58 years imprisonment and fines summing up to 9,740 TL; 101 people were convicted of "attacks on personal rights", received prison sentence of 98 years in total and were sued for compensation claims of 1,408,680 TL. Journalist Cihan Hayırsevener was killed due to the state's indifference to violence.

The process of the "Kurdish initiative" imposed a muzzle to freedom of expression. The 2009 Media Monitoring Report by the Independent Communication Network (BİA) Media Monitoring Desk revealed that 323 people, among them 123 journalists, were tried in the context of freedom of thought and freedom of expression.

Three years after the murder of Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink, the state's indifference to violence against journalists lead to the death of Güney Marmara Yaşam newspaper editor-in-chief Cihan Hayırsevener. Hayırsevener was writing about organized crime and corruption in tenders.

The Anti-Terror Act (TMY), which was not accounted for as "in contrary to the Constitution" by the Constitutional Court, silenced nine newspapers and magazines: Günlük, Özgür Yorum, Politika, Ayrıntı, Azadiya Welat, Özgür Mezopotamya, Demokratik Açılım and Atılım newspapers and Aydınlık magazine. One-month publication bans were imposed once or in some cases more than once.

The report tackles the struggles and cases of 978 people. Violations of freedom of expression are divided into the following sections: Attacks and Threats, Detentions and Arrests, Cases on Press Freedom and Freedom of Expression, Corrections and Seeking Justice, European Court of Human Rights, Reactions to Censorship and Punishments by RTÜK.

Heavy convictions in TMY and TCK cases

47 people, 22 of them journalists, were prosecuted in 2009 under charges of "publishing pronouncements of terror organizations", "spreading propaganda for an illegal organization" or "revealing people struggling against terrorism as targets". 23 people were sentenced to 58 years imprisonment and monetary fines of 9,749 Turkish Lira (TL) (€ 4,640). However, this is a small number compared to 44 convicts and thus twice as many convictions under the TMY in 2008.

The convicts: Baki Yıldırım, Cesur Yılmaz, Hüseyin Tunç, Orhan Miroğlu, Murat Polat, Aysel Tuğluk, Mehmet Altay, Ethem Açıkalın, Temel Demirer, Dinçer Ergün, Leyla Zana, Hasan Yüksel, Mehmet Bıldırcın, Hasan Mutlu, Halime Keçeli, İlhan Sarıoğlu, Emrah Eskibal, Özkan Tacar, Rüştü Demirkaya, Abdullah Demirtaş, Osman Baydemir, Nejdet Atalay and Bedri Adanır.

Increase in cases and punishments related to defamation

34 journalists among 101 Turkish citizens were sentenced to 98 years and five days imprisonment and compensation claims summing up to TL 1,408,680 (€ 670,800) under charges of "attacks on personal rights". Local courts in 2009 decreed for a total of nine years, three months and 6 days imprisonment and monetary fines of TL 41,290 (€ 19,660). In the previous year, 74 people received prison sentences of 77 years and faced compensation claims of TL 1,885,500.

The defendants convicted at local courts were Perihan Mağden, Cemal Subaşı, Hacı Boğatekin, Leman Yurtseven, Fakir Yılmaz, Selmi Yılmaz, Şamil Tayyar, Sevda Turaçlar, Betül Öztürk, juvenile O.K, Ahmet Keskin, Hasan Özaydın, Berna Özarslan, Özgür Boğatekin, Dengir Mir Mehmet Fırat, Mahmut Alınak, Muzaffer Erdoğdu, Ahmet Güner and Taner Akçam.

16 years seven months imprisonment for "Incitement to hatred and hostility"

21 people, six of them journalists, stood trial for "incitement to hatred and hostility"; 13 defendants were convicted, among them three journalists. They received a total of 16 years and seven months imprisonment.

The names of the convicts are Aysel Tuğluk, Ethem Açıkalın, Tayyip Temel, Ercan Öksüz, Oktay Candemir, Mahmut Alınak, İbrahim Güçlü, Hüseyin Kalkan, Fuat Önen, Arif Sevinç, Nadir Yektaş, Eyüp Karakeçi and Mehmet Kemal Uğurlu. In 2008 on the other hand, seven defendants out of 23 were acquitted.

Writer Demirer still defendant under article 301

37 people were tried under article 301 of the Turkish Criminal Code (TCK) in 2009, six cases were dismissed by the Ministry of Justice. The trial of author Temel Demirer is still pending. Ten activists from Eskişehir and radio journalist Sabri Ejder Öziç were acquitted. The Ministry of Justice has still not decided whether to pursue or dismiss the prosecutions of another 20 people.

The trials of 54 mayors of Democratic Society Party (DTP), which was closed down by the Constitutional Court in mid December, including four journalists, are pending under charges of "praising criminals".

State impassive to violence; Hayırsevener killed

27 journalists and the Bizim Kocaeli newspaper were subjects of attacks in 2009. Ten people were threatened for their thoughts, among them six journalists.

Violence was mainly directed at local journalists: Cihan Hayırsevener (Balıkesir), İzzettin Oktay (Siirt), Ömer Çelik (İstanbul), Seyfullah Ayvalı (İzmir), Hacı Boğatekin (Adıyaman), Zeki Dara (Hakkari), Erhan Telli (Bursa), Diya Yarayan (Siirt), Yakup Önal (Tekirdağ), Mansur Obut (Batman), Durmuş Tuna (Aydın), Ömer Pınar (Şanlıurfa), Sedat Şahinler (Antalya), Fırat Akyol (Giresun), Rasim Ozan Kütahyalı (İstanbul), İbrahim Gündüz (Ankara), Mahmut Bozarslan (Diyarbakır), Özden Erkuş (Ankara), Ediz Alıç (Adana), Rengin Gültekin (Adana), Kadir Puslu (Adana), Meral Özdemir (Diyarbakır), Mehmet Emek (Diyarbakır), Gamze Dondurmacı (Ankara), Doğan Durak (Ankara), Neşet Öner (Bursa), Şükrü Öner (Bursa) and Orhan Kaplan (Bursa).

Five out of 25 detained journalists were released

Devrimci Demokrasi newspaper owner and editor-in-chief Erdal Güler and former editor-in-chief of the Kurdish Azadiya Welat newspaper Vedat Kurşun are in prison under charges of "publishing praise" for organisations such as the militant Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) or the Maoist Communist Party (MKP).

Prison sentences were handed to at least 23 people arrested for activities related to their profession, the actual number in this respect is estimated even higher. Abdurrahman Gök, Serhat Bolluk, Nadiye Gürbüz, Mehmet Ali Varış and Vedat Yenerer were tried un-detained and released throughout the year.

Journalists like Mustafa Balbay and Emcet Olcayto are still in prison in context of the Ergenekon case. Gün TV official Ahmet Birsin, Adana Radyo Dünya broadcasting director Kenan Karavil and Seyithan Akyüz from Azadiya Welat newspaper were taken into detention in the scope of an operation regarding the Union of Kurdistan Societies (KCK), the umbrella organization of the PKK.

Istanbul Özgür Radio broadcasting director Füsun Erdoğan, Atılım magazine publishing co-ordinator İbrahim Çiçek and magazine official Sedat Senoğlu are in detention since 2006 on the grounds of alleged membership of the illegal Marxist Leninist Communist Party (MLKP) organization.

Penalties of ECHR more than doubled

The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) convicted Turkey to a total fine of TL 472,392 (€ 225,000) in compensation. In the previous year, this amount added up to TL 183,801 (€ 87,525). 11,100 complaint files concerned with Turkey are currently waiting to be dealt with at the ECHR.

26 employees of Ülkede Özgür Gündem, Gündem, Güncel ve Gerçek Demokrasi newspapers sought their rights at the ECHR together with Seyithan Demir, İsmail Kara, Ömer Bahçeci, Fikret Turan, Cihan Öztürk, Aziz Özer, İbrahim Güçlü, Sedat İmza, Ayhan Erdoğan, Mehmet Cevher İlhan, Rüya Kurtuluş, Erdinç Gök, Haşim Özgür Ersoy, İnci Açık, Serpil Ocak, Ayfer Çiçek, Nuri Günay and Murat Kaya.

The following new applications were made to the ECHR in 2009: the Hrant Dink murder, publication bans imposed to Özgür Mezopotamya, Özgür Görüş, Rojev, Siyasi Alternatif and Süreç newspapers, Internet Technology Association (INETD) in regard to the ban of youtube.com, Birecik'in Sesi newspaper official Şevket Demir, Siirt Mücadele newspaper owner Cumhur Kılıççıoğlu, Cumhuriyet newspaper journalist Alper Turgut, Cevat Düşün from Alternatif newspaper, Vakit newspaper writer Abdurrahman Dilipak and Taraf newspaper journalist Orhan Miroğlu. (BIA, Erol ÖNDEROĞLU, 4 February 2010)

Call for Release of "Revolutionary Headquarters" Defendant Yeşiltepe

The Human Rights Association (İHD), the Chamber of Electro Engineers (EMO) and the Contemporary Lawyers Association (ÇHD) are among the institutions that speak up for the release of Mehmet Yeşiltepe from Devrimci Hareket ('Revolutionary Movement') magazine. Yeşiltepe has been imprisoned since April 2009 in the context of the "Revolutionary Headquarters" organization.

The involved organizations will carry out a series of activities starting from 5 February until the hearing on 23 February. Yeşiltepe and another 16 people stand accused of "maintaining connections with the illegal organization". One of the actions, for instance, is going to focus on Yeşiltepe's state of health; the defendant is said to suffer from hydrocephalus.

13 defendants waiting for the hearing in prison for ten months

The Istanbul 9th High Criminal Court brought 17 people to trial in relation to an operation carried out in Bostancı on the Anatolian side of Istanbul on 27 April 2009. One of the defendants is gazetevatan.com website official Aylin Duruoğlu.

The operation was aimed at a building in Bostancı which was supposedly used by the Revolutionary Headquarters organization. Orhan Yılmazkaya, Security Chief of the Anti-Terror Branch Directorate Semih Balaban and by-stander Mazlum Şeker were killed during the operation, eight police officers and two civilians were injured.

According to the indictment released on 15 September 2009, 17 defendants stand trial, including ship captain Necet Öztürk, Selim Öztürk, Ergin Öncü, Muhammet Çetin, Özgür Dinçer, actress Melek Seven, Mustafa Aşula, Abdülselam Sultan, Nail Arıkan and dancer and musician Ceren Sütlaş.

The indictment also mentions that the fact-finding report concerning connections to people involved in the "Ergenekon Investigation" has been sent to the prosecution. Furthermore, it is stated that Fatih Aydın, Cem Bozkurt, Özgür Dinçer and Orhan Yılmazkaya participated in several actions related to the organization.

Calendar of events for Yeşiltepe

5 February, 12.00 pm: a press conference held by intellectuals, writers and artists in the meeting room of the Chamber of Mechanical Engineers Istanbul Branch as part of the Turkey Union of Chambers of Architects and Engineers (TMMOB).

8 February, 12.00 pm: public announcement made by lawyers of the ÇHD and the Istanbul Bar Association about injustice and mistakes regarding the case file.

15 February: Representatives of İHD, the Turkish Medical Association (TTB), the Solidarity Platform for Detained Journalists (TGDP), ÇHD and the Writers Union are going to visit the Tekirdağ No. 1 F Type Prison on the same day. A press release is scheduled for 12.30 from in front of the prison. The participants aim to bring the issue to the attention of the Parliamentary Human Rights Commission and the members of parliament.

16 February, 12.00 pm: in a press release to be made in the İHD Istanbul Branch, TTB, İHD and the Human Rights Foundation of Turkey (TİHV) are going to draw attention to reports regarding Yeşiltepe's health problems and his detention as contrary to the law.

18 February: a press conference organized by members of parliament and intellectuals. A group of intellectuals is expected to hand a petition to the court on 22 February. (BIA, Erol ÖNDEROĞLU, 4 February 2010)

"Ipekçi's Murder Case not Closed for Turkish Journalists"

Turkish journalist Abdi İpekçi was killed on 1 February 1979. On the 31st anniversary of his death, the International Press Institute (IPI) declared that the imprisonment of Mehmet Ali Ağca at the time did not mean that the murder case has been solved yet.
Milliyet newspaper publishing director İpekçi was killed in 1979 in front of his house in Nişantaşı, Istanbul. His murderer Ağca was released from the Ankara Sincan prison on 18 January this year.

After the murder of İpekçi in 1979, Ağca was imprisoned in Maltepe Prison from where he escaped to Bulgaria. Forces behind the murder remain in dark until today. From Bulgaria, ex-convict Ağca went to Italy where he was involved in an assassination attempt targeting Pope John Paul II.

Tınç: For us the İpekçi case is still not solved

In reference to the IPI Unsolved Murders Campaign initiated against journalist murder cases closed on prescription and unjust detentions of journalists, IPI Board Member Ferai Tınç stated, "We, as Turkish journalists, see the İpekçi murder as an unsolved case".

Column writer for Hürriyet newspaper and IPI Turkey National Committee chairman Tınç announced: "After Ağca's release from prison we call for the İpekçi case not to be closed. We want a proper investigation to be carried out in order to find answers to all those questions left in the dark".

In March last year, a judge ruled that the statue of limitations barred the case. Nevertheless, a large number of journalists in Turkey believe that Ipekçi's case has not been solved since it has never been brought to light who collaborated with triggerman Ağca and who assisted him later on to escape from prison.

İpekçi was former vice-president of IPI

Journalist İpekçi was elected to the IPI board in 1964. In 1971, he became vice-president. Before his death, he was working on the preparation of an international conference with the topic of "Political edges". In his professional life, he sought to build a bridge between Turkish and Greek journalists and was devoted to national unity, mediating and anti-terror dialogue.

Prime Minister of the time Bülent Ecevit said after the death of his close friend İpekçi: "The bullet that killed him was aimed at the democracy and constitutional order of Turkey". IPI Director David Dadge claims, "The Turkish government owes it to Abdi İpekçi and to all journalists to bring his murderers to justice".

For his commitment to democratic rights and freedoms, İpekçi was rewarded the IPI World Press Freedom Award for Heroes in 2000. (BIA, Erol ONDEROGLU, 2 February 2010)

Last week’s trials of freedom of expression

o The case was filed against Dickinson for holding up a collage work showing Prime Minister Erdoğan as a dog during the trial of Erkan Kara. Dickinson put his collage work on an exhibition on Peace Festival. A case was filed against the organiser of the festival Erkan Kara. Dickinson said that he was responsible for his work but investigation against him was dismissed.  Dickinson then attended the hearing of the case against Kara and held up a collage work showing Erdoğan as a dog. A case was filed against him. Expert report stated that condemning Dickinson would be contrary to ECtHR case law, the court acquitted him. Appeal Court department four reversed the decision. Dickinson was put on retrial and was condemned on 27 January 2010, to a fine. Dickinson told the Court that he was not guilty and his work was freedom of expression. Dickinson was given time until 9 March to pay the fine but he said he would not pay it and go to jail instead.
 
o 27 people were asked to be imprisoned for up to 13 years over a commemoration after writer Kutsiye Bozoklar who died in July. BEKSAV Chairman Hacı Orman, Tekstil-Sen trade union president Ayşe Yumli Yeter and the representative of Socialist Platform of the Oppressed (ESP) Figen Yüksekdağ are among the accused 13 of whom are on remand. They were charged due to an ‘oath for revolution’ chanted during the commemoration and the mentioning the name of MLKP in the slogans. They are charged with ‘membership to and propaganda of an armed organisation’ carrying prison sentences for up to 13 years. The head of BEKSAV executive board Hacı Orman told Ankara High Criminal Court num.12 on 29 January 2010, “The indictment claims that I addressed the crowd at the funeral and directed people. A recording is presented as evidence. However the recording proves I am innocent. I acted as the host for those who attended the funeral and all of what I said was in line with that. The video does not show me as chanting illegal slogans and the Prosecutor did not claim that anyway.” The Court decided to release 13 people and set the next hearing on 30 March 2010 at 09:00. (info@antenna-tr.org, February 2, 2010)

Journalists Listed in Alleged Coup Plan File Complaint

27 journalists filed a criminal complaint in the scope of the "Balyoz" coup plan, which was allegedly worked out by 1st Army Commander Çetin Doğan. A total of 36 journalists had been mentioned in the plan to be arrested, 27 of them filed the complaint.

The plan was published by Traf newspaper on 21 January. Upon strong reactions in the country, Chief of General Staff İlker Başbuğ and Secretary of General Staff Major General Ferit Güler had announced that the plan was not a coup plan but a "planning workshop". They had also said that the leakage of information was going to be investigated.

The plan labelled 137 journalists "to benefit from", whereas the names of 36 journalists were listed "to be arrested". 27 journalists from the latter group made a press release in Istanbul on 28 January, claiming a disregard of their personal rights.

Journalists voice their demands

Spokeswomen journalist Nazlı Ilıcak stated in the joint announcement that the time of military coups started on 27 May 1960 has still not come to an end. "The documents brought to light one after another make clear that the military is still severely meddling with politics in the beginning of the 21st century."

"We were among the journalists assorted as the ones to be arrested in the so-called war game. Another 137 journalists were labelled as the ones to benefit from. We condemn the tagging of 137 of our colleagues beyond their control as 'collaborators'. They can also file complaints. We are not together in this because we are not organized as a group", Ilıcak explained.

On behalf of her colleagues, Ilıcak demanded to cancel the Protocol on Security, Public Order and Assistance Units (EMASYA) in order to prevent future coups, furthermore to abolish the Supreme Military Administrative Court and the Military Court of Appeals, to remove article 35 of the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) Internal Service Law and to have the matter investigated by the Parliamentary Investigative Commission.

"Never again İpeckçi, Mumcu or Dink"

Ilıcak also referred to bombings as mentioned in the Balyoz plan, "Non-Muslim places of worship are sacred as well as mosques. If they were going to bomb them they would also bomb mosques", she said.

Members of the Young Civilians group held up placards in the background of the podium with slogans like "Never again Balyoz" or "Never again İpekçi, Mumcu or Dink" in respect to the assassinated journalists.

Journalists called authorities to take action

Yeni Şafak journalist Ali Bayramoğlu claimed that the Poyrazköy case was accepted by a civil court in accordance to the Constitution, referring to a recent decision by the Constitutional Court that soldiers may not be prosecuted at civil courts anymore. "It is not only a matter of who is to be arrested. The people on the list should also object and complain. The actual victims are the ones on the other list. No army should see its citizens as bullets to be used", Bayramoğlu said.

Zaman newspaper general publication director Ekrem Dumanlı argued, "The authorities should definitely take relevant steps related to the heavy charges against the TSK. A diary comes up, a coup plan is revealed, weapons are found but they still do not act. Unfortunately, Turkey faces a serious threat. The whole country is threatened by that".

Also journalist Yavuz Bahadıroğlu from Anadolu Vakit newspaper, journalist Hüseyin Gülerce from Zaman newspaper and journalist Perihan Mağden from Radikal newspaper commented the allegations.

Mağden warned, "If you do not get out of that junta, there are also very serious problems within the army. The army does not take them to account but creates ambiguity".

Mehmet Altan, Abdurrahman Dilipak, Cengiz Çandar, Ekrem Dumanlı, Hasan Celal Güzel, Sadık Albayrak, Gülay Göktürk, Etyen Mahçupyan, Ahmet Taşgetiren, Ali İhsan Karahasanoğlu, Hidayet Karaca, Hüseyin Gülerce, Mustafa Karaalioğlu attended the meeting as well. (BIA, Erol ONDEROGLU, 1 February 2010)

Kurdish Question / Question kurde

German court lifts gag on Roj TV

Restrictions on broadcasts by Roj TV, accused of being a mouthpiece for the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party, or PKK, have been temporarily lifted by a German court.

A German federal court in the eastern city of Leipzig on Thursday lifted the broadcast restrictions on Roj TV that were previously ordered by the country’s interior ministry, daily Radikal reported.

The court said the interior ministry’s decision would be sent to the European Court of Justice to determine whether it is compatible with European law. It lifted the restrictions until a decision is reached, saying that since Roj TV is based in Copenhagen, its broadcasts should be controlled by Denmark.

The German interior ministry blocked Roj TV broadcasts in Germany in 2008 for spreading propaganda for the PKK, which took up arms in 1984, in a campaign that has killed tens of thousands of people. Turkey, the United States and the European Union have listed the PKK as a terrorist organization.

Italian police meanwhile said Friday they have broken up a ring of people of Kurdish origin who have allegedly recruited and trained fighters for terror attacks against Turkey, the Associated Press reported. Venice’s anti-terrorism police said in a statement Friday that they had issued 11 arrest warrants for 10 Turkish citizens of Kurdish origin and an Italian who allegedly supplied fighters to the PKK. All 11 are accused of association with the aim of international terrorism. Police say the investigation was conducted alongside a parallel French probe and also involved police in Germany, Belgium and the Netherlands.

Dutch authorities have also arrested a Turkish citizen of Kurdish origin who is said to be a leader of the PKK, media in the Netherlands reported Thursday, according to the Associated Press. The Dutch justice ministry could not immediately confirm if the man, identified as Hasan Adır, had been arrested at Turkey’s request. According to Netherlands state broadcaster NOS, Adır was arrested after crossing the border from Germany, where he has lived since fleeing his homeland in 1995. The broadcaster said an extradition hearing is set for March 18.

Dutch newspapers cited Adır’s lawyer as saying that Turkey considers him a leader in the PKK. (Daily News with wires, February 26, 2010)

"Peace Group" is charged with "making PKK Propaganda
 
Diyarbakır Prosecution Office filed a case against 17 members of the “Peace Group” who arrived from refugee camp in Iraq Maxmur and Mount Kandil.
 
The prosecutor accused then for “making PKK propaganda” at a press conference at Human Rights Association (HRA) Diyarbakır Branch. Diyarbakır Prosecutor with Special Powers wants prison sentences for up to 7 and half years.
 
8 people arrived from Mount Kandil, and 26 from Maxmur camp. The Peace Group entered Turkey at Habur Border Gate in Şırnak's Silopi district on 19 October. The Group addressed the crowd in Diyarbakır on 21 October saying they returned responding to the call of Abdullah Ocalan, PKK leader. The group wanted the roadmap for a solution in Kurdish question prepared by Ocalan to be published, an end to military operations and dialog. (Freedom of Expression Weekly Bulletin, February 19, 2010)
 
Tuğluk acquitted, lawyers get 10 months prison sentence
 
The case against former DTP MP Aysel Tuğluk and İrfan Dündar and Fırat Aydınkaya lawyers of Abdullah Ocalan has been concluded. The case was over Tuğluk’s statement to Gündem daily in 2004 and an article by the lawyers. Tuğluk was charged with "making PKK propaganda". Istanbul High Criminal Court heard the case. Lawyers of Tuğluk, Dündar and Aydınkaya wanted acquittal.

The court stated that Aysel Tuğluk was charged with "propaganda" but her statement was about the health condition of Ocalan and acquitted Tuğluk.

The court stated that Ocalan’s lawyers Dündar and Aydınkaya conveyed the ideas of Ocalan in their article “ a chance for Ocalan” published in Ozgür Gündem on 29 and 30 April 2004, condemning the lawyers to 10 months each. The executions of the sentences were postponed. (Freedom of Expression Weekly Bulletin, February 19, 2010)

Killed for Singing a Kurdish Folk Song

On the International Mother Language Day, Turkey is a country where its citizens have to fear for the safety of their lives when singing a song in their native language on the street.

Young man Emrah Gezer was killed by a former special operations police officer in Ankara in the course of a birthday party celebrated in a bar because he sang a Kurdish song.

Blamed for PKK membership because of singing Kurdish songs

In the first hearing of the case on 11 February at the Ankara 9th High Criminal Court Baran Gezer stated, "We were singing songs at the bar and enjoying ourselves. We sang Kurdish songs as well. Sinem Uludağ, sitting at the table next to us, said, 'Dirty PKK members, I cannot stay in a place together with PKK members'. He started cursing and throwing glasses at us. The two people sitting next to him shouted, 'What kind of man are you. Beat them'. The waiters got in between. The owner of the bar made them leave. When we went out afterwards, we heard the noise of weapons. I saw Emrah falling to the ground. A person called Serkan shot my brother directly".

Both detained defendants Serkan and Levent Akbulut are police officers. They conceded that the incident evolved "because of a Kurdish song". The case is to be continued on 6 April.

Kurdish artist Rojda on trial

The government lifted restrictions on local radio and television programs broadcasting in languages and dialects other than Turkish. A TRT channel for instance is broadcasting in the Kurdish dialect Kırmançi 24 hours a day.

However, Kurdish artist Rojda had recently been arrested for "propaganda for an illegal organization" on the ground of a Kurdish song called "Heval Kamuran". Rojda was released within a couple of hours after her statement had been taken.

BDP co-chairs call for the protection of peoples' mother tongues

A few days before the arrest, Selahattin Demirtaş and Gültan Kışanak, co-chairs of pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) had emphasized the importance of protecting the mother tongue.

The Political Parties Law and the Election Law forbid political propaganda in any other language but Turkey in the run-up for elections. The government announced that in the scope of the democratic initiative measures are in progress to allow addressing the Kurdish electorate in their mother tongue.
Backlash for promoting the Kurdish language

Kurdish politician Orhan Miroğlu applied to the European Court of Human Rights after his conviction based on having addressed his electorate in Kurdish in Mersin in the run up to the General Elections in 2007.

Diyarbakır Mayor of the Sur distrtict Adullah Demirbaş and the parents of ten-year-old girl M.Ö. were investigated because the girl gave Kurdish lessons within the scope of a Municipality Project. The Public Prosecution did not see legal grounds to open a case.

Politician Mahmut Alınak was handed down a six months prison sentence by the Kars Magistrate Criminal Court on the grounds of  playing Kurdish music on his promotion van in the run-up to the elections. (BIA, Erol ÖNDEROĞLU, 22 February 2010)

Turkish court starts probe on prosecutors over PKK surrenders

Turkey's Supreme Court's Chief Public Prosecutor announced earlier Wednesday that "it launched a criminal investigation into alleged misconduct of Erzincan and Erzurum prosecutors and the prosecutors who took testimonies of the PKK members who surrendered at the Habur gate."

34 members of PKK from Makhmour refugee camp and Qandil Mountain surrendered to Turkish authorities at Habur border gate within government's Kurdish opening.

Anadolu news agency repported, the Chief Public Prosecutor's office said, "these investigations harmed the judiciary and damaged people's trust in justice, implying that judges, prosecutors and other officials who carried out these probes might have been influenced by the political administration."

"In order to determine whether the judiciary is influenced by political powers, whether legal rules protecting the individual against the state are enforced, and in order to protect the rule of law and democracy", the Supreme Court Chief Public Prosecutor's office decided to launch an investigation of the probes and legal proceedings in Habur, Erzincan, and Erzurum.

Meanwhile, the main Opposition Republican People's Party submitted a censure motion on the legal proceedings in Habur against the interior minister.

It argued that "he affected the judicial process for members of the terrorist organization, mobilized state facilities to ensure a special trial order, violated laws not to arrest members of the terrorist organization, made bargaining that guided the judiciary, and carried out secret negotiations."

The Ministry of Interior was assigned with the coordination of Kurdish opening.

However, the Interior Ministry had denied the claims in a statement that read: “The Turkish Republic is a state governed by the rule of law. All legal procedures vis-à-vis the returning group were carried out by independent judicial bodies in accordance with their authority. No interference came from our ministry.” (worldbulletin.net, 17 February 2010)

Thousands of People Demonstrated for PKK Leader Öcalan

Thousands of people in several cities organized demonstrations on the 11th anniversary of PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan's extradition to Turkey. BDP members voiced their protest against arrests of party members due to the "KCK operation". Clashes occurred in several cities.

Abdullah Öcalan, leader of the militand Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) was taken to Turkey on 15 February 1999. Many cities saw demonstrations on the 11th anniversary of his extradition.

Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) executives voiced their protest in a press release concerning the arrest of almost 200 people in the course of operations on 13/14 February, among them several BDP party members. BDP called "everybody to raise their voices and go to the streets whereever they are" to protest the arrests and the date of 15 February.

Shutters pulled down in Hakkari

Protests in the predominantly Kurdish south-east of the country lasted till the morning of 16 February. As reported by Yüksekova News, shops remained closed in Hakkari, Yüksekova, Şemdinli and Çurkurca, students stayed at home and vehicles did not enter the cities.

Protests in Yüksekova lasted till the evening, clashes between demonstrators and the police occurred. BDP Hakkari MP Hamit Geylani visited the town when the incidents went on. The mayor and representatives of non-governmental organizations among others established a committee to stop excesses.

Demonstrations in many cities

Demonstrations were organized in Erzurum and Ağrı in north-eastern Turkey, Van, Mardin, Urfa, Hakkari, Diyarbakır, Şırnak, Bingöl, Adıyaman and Bitlis in the south-east, Sakarya in the north-west, Mersin, Hatay and Antalya on the Mediterranean coast, İzmir and Aydın on the coast of the Aegean Sea and in Istanbul.

One-day hunger strikes were organized in Diyarbakır, Adıyaman, Şırnak, and Ağrı.

Noise bombs were thrown to the Kızıltepe Republic Police Station in Mardin, the guard house of the 7th Corps Command in Diyarbakır and to the Katha district Courthouse in Adıyaman.

Clashes occurred between the police and demonstrators in Başakşehir/Istanbul.

According to Fırat News Agency, 25 people got injured in the demonstrations, 21 people were taken into detention, 17 of them children. Overall, 110 demonstrators were arrested including 35 children.

Demonstrations against the Iraq Kurdistan Regional Government were organized in several European cities.

Kurkish police announcement in Şırnak

In the Cizre district of Şırnak the police made an announcement in Kurdish saying that parents should take care of their children. (BIA, Tolga KORKUT, 16 February 2010)

Heurts en Turquie lors de commémorations de la capture d'Öcalan

Des manifestations organisées lundi dans plusieurs grandes villes turques, à l'occasion du onzième anniversaire de l'arrestation du chef rebelle kurde Abdullah Öcalan, ont dégénéré en heurts avec la police, ont rapporté des correspondants de l'AFP et l'agence de presse Anatolie.

A Diyarbakir, principale ville du sud-est turc peuplée majoritairement de Kurdes, environ 3.000 personnes rassemblées dans le centre-ville ont dénoncé la capture le 15 février 1999 au Kenya d'Öcalan avant de tenter de marcher sur l'un des grandes axes de la cité.

Empêchés par les autorités d'avancer, les manifestants se sont heurtés à coup de pierres et de bâtons aux policiers anti-émeutes qui ont répondu avec des gaz lacrymogènes. Une trentaine de manifestants ont été interpellés.

La plupart des commerces avaient fermé à Diyarbakir, mesure traditionnellement utilisée pour appuyer la cause kurde et protester contre l'Etat turc dans le sud-est de la Turquie.

A Istanbul, quelque 500 personnes ont manifesté à Taksim, sur la rive européenne de la métropole, en faveur du fondateur du Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK), selon un photographe de l'AFP.

Plusieurs dizaines de manifestants ont fait fi des avertissements de la police de se disperser et ont affronté les forces de l'ordre qui ont aussi procédé à des jets de grenades lacrymogènes.

A Hakkari (est), des manifestants ont lancé des engins incendiaires sur les forces de sécurité, et allumé un incendie, vite étient, dans un bâtiment d'habitation, selon l'agence de presse Anatolie.

Des affrontements de rues ont été signalés également dans les provinces de Sirnak et Batman (sud-est) et dans les villes d'Adana et Mersin (sud), où vivent de nombreux Kurdes, selon Anatolie. (AFP 15 fév 2010)

Le nombre des arrestations du 13 février atteint le chiffre de 131

Le gouvernement turc a déclenché contre notre parti, le BDP, Parti pour la Paix et la Démocratie, avec les rafles, les arrestations et les mises en détention, une politique plus répressive encore que celle du temps du régime militaire.

Il ne se passe pas une journée sans que les bureaux des sièges sociaux du BDP, les locaux lui appartenant et les domiciles personnels de nos dirigeants et de nos militants ne soient perquisitionnés par la police ; il ne se passe pas une journée sans que nos jeunes ne soient, sans raison, interpellés par la police et jetés en prison.

Hier encore, la police a procédé à İstanbul, Mardin, Batman, Diyarbakır, Hakkari, Ağrı, Bitlis, Muş, Van et Siirt à 131 interpellations avec mise en détention visant les cadres de notre parti : des présidents de sections, des responsables de la jeunesse, des responsables des femmes, des responsables locaux. Nous dénonçons cette opération, menée sous le nom de "KCK" et organisée par le gouvernement AKP. Nous sommes indignés de voir des éminents intellectuels et professeurs d’université, membres de l’AKP, participer à des programmes télévisés pour apporter leur soutien aux opérations de police et tenter de les justifier auprès de l’opinion publique. L’AKP tente d’utiliser la justice à son profit, pour des fins partisanes, contre notre Parti pour la Paix et la Démocratie (BDP).

Mais que chacun sache que ces méthodes répressives n’arriveront pas à bâillonner notre peuple, ni à faire taire notre parti, le BDP : l’AKP se trompe et devrait se rappeler que notre peuple n’a, dans le passé, jamais baissé la tête et qu’il saura résister jusqu’à son dernier souffle ; si le parti au pouvoir, l’AKP, utilise les mêmes méthodes répressives que ses prédécesseurs, il sera balayé comme eux et disparaitra.

Nous savons que notre peuple mènera, pour sauver son honneur, une résistance contre cette injustice avec ses propres forces; nous l’appelons à se rassembler, dans chaque lieu où il se trouve, à d’utiliser son droit démocratique pour protester contres les vagues des arrestations illégales, à rester uni et à condamner une fois de plus le complot international du 15 février [1].

Nous appelons le gouvernement turc, responsable des tensions insupportables qu’il provoque, à arrêter sa politique de terreur, à mettre fin aux arrestations et à libérer sans conditions tous nos militants et tous nos dirigeants emprisonnés.

14 février 2010

Gültan Kışanak, co-présidente du BDP
Selahattin Demirtaş, co-président du BDP

Approximately 1,500 arrests since 14 April 2009

During a visit of detained party members in the Diyarbakır E Type Prison, BDP co-chairs Gültan Kışanak and Selahattin Demirtaş declared that since 14 April 2009 at least 1,400 were arrested in the scope of this operation, about 900 of them were taken into detention; party headquarters executives, mayors, heads of provincial councils, and provincial executives among others.

After the closure of pro-Kurdish Democratic Society Party (DTP) by the Constitutional Court towards the end of last year, many former DTP members and executives joined BDP. DTP officials told bianet that the arrested and detained persons were candidates that won the local elections on 29 March 2009 and other active party members and executives. (BIA, Erol ÖNDEROĞLU, 15 February 2010)


Des milliers de Kurdes manifestent à Strasbourg pour Öcalan

Plusieurs milliers de Kurdes (plus de 30.000 selon les organisateurs, 6.500 selon la police) ont manifesté samedi à Strasbourg pour réclamer la libération de l'ancien chef du parti séparatiste PKK Abdullah Öcalan, détenu en Turquie depuis 1999.

Cette manifestation était organisée par la Fédération des associations kurdes en France (Feyka).

Venus massivement et en famille d'Allemagne, de Belgique, des Pays-Bas ou de Suisse, les manifestants ont défilé derrière des banderoles réclamant la "liberté pour Öcalan" et une "solution démocratique pour la question kurde".

"Nous voulons un Kurdistan autonome. La vie de 40 millions de personnes est en jeu", a déclaré à l'AFP Faruk Doru, l'un des porte-paroles de la Feyka.

Selon lui, l'Union européenne a tout intérêt à trouver une solution rapidement.

"Le projet de gazoduc européen Nabucco (qui doit acheminer à partir de 2013 le gaz de la mer Caspienne à l'Europe, ndlr) passe par le Kurdistan. Il ne pourra pas fonctionner si le problème kurde n'est pas réglé", a estimé M. Doru.

Les manifestants étaient principalement venus demander la libération d'Öcalan, fondateur du Kurdistan (PKK).

Öcalan avait été arrêté en 1999 au Kenya par des agents turcs avec l'aide des services de renseignement américains.

Transféré en Turquie, il a été condamné à mort pour "séparatisme" en juin 1999, peine commuée en 2002 en prison à vie après l'abolition de la peine capitale. La Cour européenne des droits de l'Homme a recommandé en mai 2005 l'organisation d'un nouveau procès, estimant que celui de 1999 était "inéquitable".

"Ses conditions de détention sont déplorables. Le gouvernement turc fait croire qu'elles se sont améliorées uniquement pour faire plaisir au CPT (Comité anti-torture du Conseil de l'Europe)", a affirmé Veli Tekiner, du comité national de soutien à M. Öcalan.

Une délégation du CPT avait rendu visite en janvier 2010 au chef rebelle dans sa cellule, après que ce dernier se fut plaint par le biais de ses avocats des conditions carcérales. (AFP, 13 fév 2010)

86 arrestations pour liens supposés avec le PKK

La police turque a arrêté samedi lors d'opérations simultanées dans dix provinces du pays 86 personnes soupçonnées de liens avec les rebelles kurdes du Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK), ont affirmé des sources sécuritaires locales.

Le coup de filet a été organisé dans le but de prévenir d'éventuelles émeutes à l'occasion du onzième anniversaire de l'arrestation du chef du PKK, Abdullah Öcalan, capturé le 15 février 1999 au Kenya, selon ces sources.

Les arrestations ont eu lieu dans les provinces de Batman, Hakkari, Mardin, Siirt et Sirnak (sud-est) ainsi que de Agri, Mus et Van (est), majoritairement peuplées de kurdes.

Plusieurs personnes ont également été interpellées à Adana (sud) et Istanbul (nord-ouest), deux villes accueillant d'importantes communautés kurdes issues de l'exode rural.

Parmi les suspects arrêtés pour des liens supposés avec la branche du PKK chargée d'encadrer la jeunesse, figurent des dirigeants et des élus locaux du principal parti pro-kurde de Turquie, le Parti pour la paix et la démocratie (BDP), ont indiqué ces sources. (AFP, 13 fév 2010)


Kurdish Artist Rojda on Trial

Kurdish artist Rojda, who is going to attend a meeting on the "Kurdish initiative" by invitation of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, was arrested in Istanbul on Tuesday night (9 February).

Journalist Uygar Gültekin informed bianet that Rojda was taken to the Istanbul Courthouse on the grounds of alleged "propaganda for an illegal organization". The allegations are based on the Kurdish song "Heval Kamuran" the artist performed at a festival in Diyarbakır in the predominantly Kurdish south-eastern part of Turkey last year. Rojda's statement was taken at the Courthouse on Thursday (11 February). The Diyarbakır Public Prosecution has filed a lawsuit against the artist.

Rojda, one of the artists of the Mesopotamia Culture Centre, was arrested at her home in the Gaziosmanpaşa Karayolları quarter of Istanbul on the evening of 9 February. She was kept at the Istanbul Police Directorate and later on taken to the Istanbul 13th High Criminal Court. There she gave her statement in the presence of her lawyer Hüseyin Çalışçı.

In an announcement Rojda made after she had given her statement, the artist said: "There are trials pending in Diyarbakır related to the songs I performed. We appear to be potentially guilty unless some laws are going to be amended. I will give my statements at all the trials. This time I was arrested because I did not receive a notification from court. I was not interrogated at the police station. I just made a short statement to the court".

Prime Minister Erdoğan is going to meet about 160 artists to discuss the Kurdish initiative. The talks will start on 20 February and are divided into three sessions. Invitations were issued inter alia to musicians Sezen Aksu, Ajda Pekkan, İbrahim Tatlıses, Emel Sayın and Orhan Gencebay, director Yılmaz Erdoğan, author and Nobel Prize laureate Orhan Pamuk and author Yaşar Kemal. (BIA, Bawer CAKIR, 12 February 2010)

Final Resolutions of the 6th Kurdish Conference at the European Parliament

European Parliament, Brussels 3rd & 4th February 2010 - Room ASP 1G2

Introduction to Final Resolutions as read out at the Conference

The 6th International Annual conference has once more brought together contributors including leading academics, writers, legal experts, human rights organizations and prominent Turkish and Kurdish intellectuals from all over the world to debate over two days the progress that has been made in Turkey’s bid for accession to the European Union and investigate what further efforts must be made to improve human rights and the rule of law in Turkey.

As regards accession, the EUTCC notes the progress cited in the European Commission Progress Report on Turkey including some substantive internal reforms within Turkey. However, events in the past year have indicated that there is still a long way to go, and more concrete steps must be made by both Turkey and the EU.

The Conference takes for its title this year ‘Turkey and the Kurdish Conflict: Political Dialogue & Peace-building’ in response to the Government’s launch of its Kurdish Initiative. The EUTCC notes the government’s Initiative and believes that dialogue is the only way forward to peace. It notes, however, with concern the widespread persecution of non-violent democratic political parties and urges the government of Turkey to adopt an all-inclusive approach to long-term democratic parliamentary reform and to calls upon it to have regard to the declarations cited herein.

There can no military solution to a political problem, therefore all side must accept and express commitment to resolution through peaceful dialogue acknowledging that a military solution will not bring lasting peace. Executive Summary of the 6th International Conference on the EU Turkey and the Kurds

The Conference highlights the following points from the 2010 Resolutions:

•    The Conference calls for the immediate end to all military operations by Turkey within Kurdistan, Iraq. These military operations are undermining the Kurdish Regional Government and threatening regional stability; The Conference calls on Turkey to also stop all military operations within its borders;

•    The Conference underlines its view that the resolution of the armed conflict between the Turkish State and the PKK can only come through political dialogue with representatives of the Kurdish people and the Turkish government;

•    The government of Turkey should ensure that there is political space for dialogue between all peoples constituting the Turkish Republic on concrete, substantive issues such as constitutional reform, and the EU should assist; civil society groups specifically should be encouraged and supported to contribute to such a platform;

•    The Conference urges Turkey to immediately stop using anti-terror legislation to criminalise and detain the legitimate representatives of the Kurdish people. We therefore call on the Turkish authorities to investigate and monitor prosecution of these cases and of all human rights defenders according to domestic and international law and for these cases to be dealt with expeditiously;

•    The Conference notes the Turkish Government’s Kurdish Initiative but also notes that it falls short because the government has failed to fully and genuinely consult with elected representatives of the Kurds and in the wider Turkish and Kurdish community;

•    All parties to commit to a peaceful Newroz where Kurds are permitted to freely celebrate, associate and express themselves without fear or favour;

•     The EU and international community should seriously facilitate the points made above.

Pursuant to the presentation of Conference papers and interventions made by delegates, this Conference resolves to adopt the following declarations and calls for action to be undertaken by relevant parties to the conflict in the Kurdish Regions of Turkey:

The Conference notes that neither the EU nor Turkey has publicly recognized the firm link between working towards a peaceful solution to the long-standing Kurdish issue and the realization of democracy, stability, and human rights in Turkey.

Noting the EU Commission’s 2009 Turkey Progress Report, specific areas of concern include freedom of expression, freedom of the press, freedom of religion, trade union rights, civilian oversight of the military and women’s rights and gender equality.  The report highlights that much more also needs to be done regarding impunity for those involved in torture and ill-treatment and points to the implementation of several judgments delivered by the European Court for which legislative amendments have been outstanding for several years.

Recalling the resolutions from the 1st, 2nd, 3rd 4th and 5th International Conferences on EU, Turkey and the Kurds, the Conference continues to give its qualified support to Turkey’s bid for EU accession.


The 6th EUTCC Conference adopts the following resolutions:

1)    The Conference reiterates, that the EU must hold Turkey to the standards laid out as criteria for accession, rigorously monitor Turkey’s progress, exert pressure on Turkey to implement further reforms, and most importantly, follow up on these conditions to ensure that concrete progress is made and that any gains made remain permanent. In its turn, Turkey must fulfil its obligations both under international law and as set out in the Copenhagen Criteria. There must be no leeway in negotiations when it comes to the assessment of whether the Copenhagen Criteria has been met;

2)    The Conference renews its mandate for its directors, advisors and committees, to engage and campaign on both a political and civic level across Europe in support of Turkey’s accession bid to join the European Union on the basis of this resolution;

3)    The Conference joins with the Commission in its concern that efforts to implement the Government’s ‘Zero Tolerance’ policy with regard to torture and ill-treatment have been limited and the number of allegations have increased. Turkey must strengthen and apply the legal framework that currently exists to safeguard against torture and ill-treatment, as well as bringing perpetrators to justice and ending the impunity of law enforcement officials. Turkey must also immediately ratify the Optional Protocol to the UN Convention against Torture (OPCAT) in order to being it in line with international human rights standards on the prohibition of torture and thus provide for systematic torture prevention and for independent monitoring of detention centres;

4)    With reference to the judgements of the ECtHR in several cases, including the case of Abdullah Öcalan vs. Turkey, regarding conditions of detention in Turkey the Conference calls on the Turkish government to implement the ECtHR judgement and CPT (Committee on Prevention of Torture) recommendations on conditions of detention and specifically relating to the health of Mr. Öcalan;

5)    The Turkish state must end its continued use of articles of the criminal code to prosecute writers, journalists, intellectuals, lawyers and many other defenders of free speech.  The Conference calls on the EU to ensure that Turkey remove restrictions on freedom of expression from their legal framework entirely;

6)    The Conference asks the EU to monitor closely the number of investigations opened and prosecutions launched in Turkey in relation to the expression of non-violent opinions, including cases where these do not result in convictions;

7)    Noting the recent report submitted to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) on violations of Media freedom, the Conference urges Turkey to abolish Article 301 of the Penal Code, and also to ensure that freedom of expression and press freedom is in line with ECHR standards and to fulfil its positive obligations under article 10 of the ECHR to promote a positive climate in which freedom of expression can flourish;

8)    The EU should assist —both politically and financially— in the creation of a democratic platform for dialogue between Turkey and Kurdish representatives aimed at finding a peaceful and sustainable solution to the Kurdish issue and fully comply with their own freedom of expression obligations in respect of those Kurdish organizations and individuals who are concerned to promote the same. Local and regional authorities should be consulted in deciding how financial aid should be spent;


9)    The Conference notes with regret the recent escalation in violence during demonstrations, and urges restraint of both the demonstrators and the Turkish security forces;

10)    EU member states must end the criminalisation of peaceful dissent of Turkey echoed by Kurdish organizations situated in Europe and to review its proscription of certain Kurdish organizations;

11)    The Conference urges the Turkish government to encourage and support the growth of NGOs and civil society organisations and welcome healthy debate and constructive criticism as natural and beneficial to a vibrant democracy. Turkey must also repeal other legislation that facilitates the harassment of human rights defenders and the obstruction of their work, including relevant provisions of the Law on Associations, the Law on Meetings and Demonstrations and the Civil Code.

12)    The Conference notes that while there has been some implementation of the Law on Foundations, Turkey has still failed to establish a legal framework enabling all religious communities to function without undue constraints, in particular as regards their legal status, training of clergy, election of hierarchy, religious education and construction of places of worship.
 
13)    The Conference reiterates the urgent need for the Turkish government to fully implement International Labour Organisation (ILO) conventions, and underlines the need to remove current restrictions on freedom of association, the right to strike and the right to collective bargaining;

14)    The Conference continues to support the stance of the EU that reform in the area of Turkey’s fundamental rights, democracy and the rule of law must be strengthened in the course of accession negotiations and welcomes the commitment by the EU Commission to continue to monitor the reform process;

15)    The Conference notes that progress has been made in developing the 10-part Judicial Reform Strategy which the Commission notes is ‘comprehensive and covers issues related to the independence, impartiality, efficiency and effectiveness of the judiciary, enhancement of its professionalism, the management system and measures to enhance confidence in the judiciary, to facilitate access to justice and improve the penitentiary system.’  The Conference notes with concern that Turkey continues to have far more judgements against it handed down by the European Court of Human Rights handed for violations of the ECHR than against any other country, including against Russia.

16)    The Conference calls on the EU member states to strongly and publicly support all EU requirements concerning democratic and legal reform within Turkey; in particular the EU must unambiguously condemn the recent closure of the DTP and the arrest and detention of politicians and human rights defenders who have been supportive of the state’s Kurdish population and ensure that political freedoms are protected.

17)    This Conference calls on Turkey to remove the10 per cent threshold of the vote in parliamentary election, as it is out of step with European electoral norms, and a violation of the right to free elections as provided for by Article 3 of Protocol 1 to the ECHR;
 
18)    Ensure that the legislation passed by the Turkish Parliament in 2009 that provides for military personnel to be tried by civilian courts during peacetime for crimes that would be subject to Heavy Penal Court jurisdiction and which removed the power of military courts to try civilians in peacetime, is enacted. The new legislation, which brings Turkey in line with EU practices, is currently pending at the Constitutional Court under appeal to be annulled;

19)    The Conference urges the Turkish judiciary to undertake and complete full and transparent investigations in cases of politically or religiously motivated violence, and to bring those responsible to justice.

20)    The Conference welcomes the indictment in March 2009 of 56 suspects, including 3 retired generals and a former commander of the Gendarmarie and in July 2009 of a further 5 suspects. The judiciary must ensure a fair and thorough trial of these suspects and that they are not protected by impunity;

21)    Turkey must make further efforts within Turkish state apparatus, including but not limited to the police and the military, to fulfil its obligations under the ECHR and international humanitarian law as well as to its own reforms introduced in the past 2 years as part of its commitment to the accession process. The Conference notes the frequent use of disproportionate force against peaceful protestors by the Turkish police and the continuation of military operations in the south east of Turkey, which shows a worrying disregard for the protection and safety of its own citizens;

22)    The Conference urges the EU to support Turkey in its move toward decentralisation and the devolution of power to local government and to encourage public participation in local government and foster a democratic governance model;

23)    This Conference calls on the Turkish State to immediately ratify the Rome statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC) and accept the jurisdiction of the ICC over genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, if its national courts are unwilling or unable to investigate and prosecute such crimes. The EU must continue to put pressure on Turkey to ratify the statute in line with European Union values;

24)    Turkey must ratify the European Framework Convention on the Protection of Minorities as well as other UN Instruments concerning minorities and respect the existing cultural and minority rights of all groups. The conference calls on the EU to apply pressure on the Government of Turkey as a potential member of the EU to ratify the Framework;

25)    Recalling Articles 10, and 14, and Article 2 of the first Protocol of the European Convention on Human Rights and Article 8 of the European Charter for Regional or Minority languages, and the Council of Europe’s Parliamentary Assembly’s resolution 1519 of October 2006 on the cultural situation of the Kurds, the Conference reiterates its call to the State of Turkey and the European Union to develop and promote a strategic plan for mother tongue education;

26)    To take the lead in formally recognizing the consistent policies of discrimination directed at Kurds, and by consequence, all who live in the Kurdish regions and the resulting economic, political and social problems and make a concerted, visible and tangible effort to support all parties in putting an end to them

27)    Use their good offices to urge Turkey to address the dire situation of women in Turkey who are at high risk of violence both domestic and from state actors, have high rates of illiteracy, especially in the Kurdish region of Turkey, and who are woefully underrepresented in the political sphere. The Conference agrees with the European Commission’s Turkey 2009 Progress Report’s statement that gender equality remains a major challenge in Turkey and calls on the state to establish the required gender equality body to comply with the acquis. The conference further calls on Turkey to remedy the widespread lack of implementation and enforcement of previous reforms aimed at protecting women from discrimination and violence.

28)    The Conference regrets that no further progress has been made to develop a National Action Plan in consultation and co-operation with Kurdish women to implement UN Security Council Resolution 1325 which is the first resolution ever passed by the Security Council that specifically addresses the impact of war on women, and women's contributions to conflict resolution and sustainable peace and requires that women are equal participants in all peace-building measures. The international community must support Turkey in the development and implementation of this plan.

29)    This Conference calls on the Turkish government to immediately cease the illegal expropriation of land related to the development of the Ilısu Dam, and notes that there is still no consultation plan, or plan for the resettlement of Internally Displaced Persons is in place, and calls upon the EU and international community to abstain from funding or supporting the project;

30)    The Conference notes that no further provision has been made in Turkey for the thousands of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) who are unable to return to their villages without government support and also face political difficulties. The EU could play a vital role in assisting Turkey and exerting political pressure to remedy the situation of IDPs. The Conference reiterates its call upon the EU to make this a vital criterion to the accession of the EU, to monitor the situation with regards to Internally Displaced Persons and their conditions, and to follow up on such monitoring.

31)    The Conference deplores the application of new anti-terror legislation that has been used to criminalise children. It is also highly concerned about the recent statistics released by the Turkish government which state that 2,700 children were detained in 2009 and remain in detention and over 700 were detained under the Anti-Terror Act. The lack of mother tongue education; discrimination in the justice system, plus the wide scale internal displacement and isolation of Kurds in Turkey are all contributory factors undermining the protection of Kurdish children in Turkey, and the EU and international community must put pressure on Turkey to stop the detention and ill-treatment of children;

32)    The conference The Turkish state must try all children up to the age of 18 in specialist juvenile courts with procedures adapted specifically to the needs of the child including in cases where the individuals in question are charged under the Anti-Terror Law;

33)    The Conference underlines its view that the resolution of the armed conflict between Turkey and the PKK in Turkey is essential to the establishment of a stable, democratic and peaceful Turkey capable of entering the European Union. True democratic reform can only occur if Turkey undertakes new political reform to its state institutions and banishes adherence to ethnic nationalism which is the root cause of the conflict and Turkey’s endemic instability;

34)    This Conference therefore asserts that the Kurdish people and their representatives should have the opportunity for genuine participation in the accession process and in any debate over Turkey’s democratic constitutional future;

35)    In particular, the Conference urges Turkey and the Member States of the EU to take practical and visible steps to demonstrate their full support for the establishment of a democratic platform for dialogue between all peoples constituting the Turkish Republic; NGO’s and civil society groups specifically should be encouraged and supported to contribute to such a platform;

The Conference further asserts that more must and can be done on all sides and calls for the following confidence building measures to be adopted:

36)    The Conference calls on the Turkish government to cease all military operations in northern Iraq (south Kurdistan) violating Iraq’s territory and urges Turkey to respect Iraq’s territorial integrity, human rights and the rule of law and to ensure that civilian casualties are avoided. These military operations are undermining the Kurdish Regional Government and threatening regional stability;

37)    The conference notes that the resolution of the armed conflict is central to regional stability and all parties should publicly re-commit to pursuing non-violent means to end the conflict;

38)    The Conference notes that the Turkish Government commencing a public debate about the Kurdish Initiative and the needs for cultural and constitutional reform. The Conference urges the Turkish government to ensure that Kurds are given full cultural and political rights in accordance with its obligations under the Council of Europe and EU accession criteria;

39)    The Conference calls upon all political parties in Turkey to help foster the conditions within Turkey for a democratic platform for dialogue;

40)    The Conference urges all parties to commit to a peaceful Newroz where Kurds are permitted to freely celebrate, associate and express themselves without fear or favour;

41)    The Conference calls upon the Turkish government to re-launch a political initiative that favours a lasting settlement to the Kurdish issue, which can only be achieved through social, economic and cultural opportunities being available to citizens of Kurdish origin;

42)    In particular, the Conference calls upon the Turkish Government to ensure that all legally constituted democratic parties are allowed to engage in peaceful political activity without interference or constant threat of closure, with particular reference to the Democratic Society Party (DTP) and its current democratically elected members of parliament; in accordance with Articles 10 and 11 of the European Convention of Human Rights; It further calls upon the Turkish Government to immediately cease the harassment and politically-motivated investigations of Kurdish politicians;

43)    The Conference urges Turkey to recognize that for democracy to function, it is imperative that local municipalities across the country enjoy the full support of national government.

The EUTCC Conference resolves to periodically make recommendations of measures for the Turkish accession process, the protection of human rights and the situation of the Kurds.

(stefano.squarcina@europarl.europa.eu, 9 February 2010)

Pour les Kurdes, Istanbul n’est pas une capitale culturelle

Le site Bersiv diffuse la traduction d’un article de Robin Welat, publié le 22 janvier 2010 sur le site Kurdistan Post:

Istanbul a été désigné comme la capitale européenne de la culture pour l’année 2010 et des festivités étaient organisées, il y a quelques jours, à quelques endroits de la capitale. Les membres du gouvernement ont, dans l’ensemble, pris part aux célébrations et, au cours de son allocution, le Premier ministre Erdoğan a déclaré qu’Istanbul était “une ville de la Liberté”. “Istanbul c’est un peu de Sarajevo, un peu de Jérusalem, un peu de Paris, un peu de Viennes, un peu de Madrid, un peu de Bagdad, un peu de Damas, un peu d’Amman.” a-t-il déclaré.

L’inauguration d’Istanbul comme la capitale européenne de la culture sonne un peu comme ces réunions des alliances occidentales… une tromperie! Istanbul, la capitale européenne de la culture, est une “ville de la Liberté” pour le Premier ministre Erdoğan mais, de cette liberté, les Kurdes ne peuvent s’en prévaloir.

Istanbul est considéré comme la capitale culturelle mais, on ne sait pourquoi, la culture de ces millions de Kurdes est sous pression. La seule institution culturelle des Kurdes - le MKM- et ses artistes sont systématiquement sous oppression.

Pour le Premier ministre Erdoğan, Istanbul la capitale culturelle peut être “un peu de Sarajevo, un peu de Jérusalem, un peu de Paris, un peu de Viennes, un peu de Madrid, un peu de Bagdad, un peu de Damas, un peu d’Amman” mais, allez savoir pourquoi, elle ne peut être un peu d’Amed et de Mardin quand bien même la capitale auraient bénéficier de leur vie et leur labeur.

A Istanbul, capitale culturelle, les Kurdes se font lyncher pour avoir parler en kurde, pour avoir écouter de la musique kurde ou pour avoir une sonnerie en kurde.

A Istanbul, capitale culturelle, l’écrivain Hrant Dink qui défendait la culture et la langue arménienne a été assassiné avec la connaissance, la négligence et l’appui des services de renseignement et de la sécurité de l’Etat.

A Istanbul, capitale culturelle, la police s’est opposée violemment aux manifestants le 1er Mai, a lancé des bombes lacrymogènes dans les hopitaux et les locaux des représentations syndicales.

A Istanbul, capitale culturelle, comme si les attaques de la police et les gardes à vue ne suffisaient pas, les ouvriers de Tekel [NDLR: ancien monopole turc des tabacs et alcools] se font attaqués par une meute de fascistes.

A Istanbul, capitale culturelle, les transexuels sont violés, sont assassinés par pure plaisir et leurs assassinats s’ajoutent aux affaires non élucidées.

A Istanbul, capitale culturelle, les individus se font tués pour ne pas s’être arrêtés à un Stop.

A Istanbul, capitale culturelle, en raison du manque d’infrastructures, les moyens de transports, emportés par des torrents, deviennent des cimetières pour les femmes qui partent au travail.

A Istanbul, capitale culturelle, toutes sortes de choses qui éloignent Istanbul d’une capitale culturelle surviennent.

Istanbul ne peut être la capitale européenne de la culture, elle ne doit pas l’être parce qu’elle ne le mérite pas.

Istanbul, si elle doit être une capitale, est celle d’une seule nation, d’une seule langue, d’une seule religion, elle ne peut être que la capitale du fascisme d’un Etat unitaire turco-islamiste.

Pour les Kurdes, Istanbul c’est la torture, c’est l’impossibilité de s’exprimer, c’est effectuer les travaux les plus lourds à un prix très faible, c’est se faire rejeter, c’est se faire lyncher.

Par ces paroles pompeuses concernant Istanbul, l’Etat ne peut tromper que les seuls touristes qui disent “şiş kebab, çok güsel” [NDLR: le chiche kebab, c'est bon] ou les racistes qui ont grandit avec des histoires de conquête. Les Kurdes ont le ventre plein de ces şiş kebab, çok güsel. Les Kurdes veulent participer à la vie citadine en exerçant librement leur culture dans une Istanbul capitale européenne de la culture. Et avec des déclarations épurées de ces propos qui tendent à se payer la tête des Kurdes.

Au cours des activités, le président du comité en charge de préparer Istanbul à devenir la Capitale européenne de la Culture en 2010, Şekip Avdagiç, a déclaré qu’ ”Istanbul est la clef de la paix dans le monde“. Il doit certainement ignoré que cette clef a ouvert les blessures dans l’âme et le corps des Kurdes à Istanbul, Izmir et dans de nombreuses villes du Kurdistan. (Robin Welat, publié le 22 janvier 2010 sur le site Kurdistan Post; Traduction faite par Berçem Adar pour Bersiv, 6 février 2010)

CEDH: Les Kurdes de Turquie ne pourront pas changer de prénom

Huit Kurdes de Turquie, qui demandaient le changement de leurs prénoms turcs en kurde en invoquant une discrimination, ont été déboutés mardi par la Cour européenne des droits de l'Homme.

Kemal Taskin et sept autres plaignants d'origine kurde dénonçaient une atteinte à leur vie privée et une discrimination après le refus des tribunaux turcs de changer leurs prénoms, au motif que les prénoms demandés "contiennent des caractères inconnus de l'alphabet officiel turc".

M. Taskin demandait ainsi que son prénom Kemal soit remplacé par "Dilxwaz", un prénom kurde qui signifie "désiré". D'autres souhaitaient être prénommés Xosewist (auguste) ou encore Berxwedan (résistance).

Leurs demandes furent rejetées en 2004 par les tribunaux turcs car les prénoms choisis contenaient les caractères "q, w ou x" qui ne figurent pas parmi les 29 lettres de l'alphabet officiel énumérées dans la loi.

Les juges de Strasbourg ont estimé que "rien ne donne à penser que les autorités turques auraient agi différemment si la demande d'orthographier avait été émise par des personnes non kurdes", ce qui exonère les autorités turques de l'accusation de discrimination.

Ils ont rappelé mardi leur jurisprudence en matière de changement de nom: "l'Etat jouit d'une large marge d'appréciation et les désagréments et sentiments qui en résulteraient ne sauraient emporter violation de la Convention européenne des Droits de l'Homme". (AFP, 2 fév 2010)


22 days prison sentence for every Kurdish word

Mahmut Alınak said that he has been condemned to 19 months and 17 days prison sentence by Kağızman Criminal Court, over a public address he made in Kar’s Kağızman district on July 20, 2007  while he was a DTP MP.
 
Speaks in Turkish for 33 minutes

Transcription of a recording of Alınak’s speech shows Alınak speaking in Turkish for 33 minutes. The only Kurdish words he spoke were the greeting words in the beginning: “Bırayêmin, xuşkêmin, bixêrhatin, serçeva hatin (Brothers and sisters welcome)” and the closing sentence, “Bijî azadî (Long live freedom)”. Alınak was condemned to 6 months prison sentence but it was reduced to 5 months under TPC article 62.
 
‘A present for the Prime Minister’

Alınak said that he was also condemned for “insulting the Prime Minister” at the same speech. Alınak said “It is not in my character to insult people. I would not say to anyone ‘‘Take your Mum and get lost’ (referring to what the PM had said to some protesting citizen). I criticised the Prime Minister over current issues. The court gave me 17 months and 15 days for my criticisms. That was reduced to 14 months and 17 days. Thus I was given a total of 19 months and 17 days prison sentence.” The Court decided to place Alınak probation for 5 years. Alınak said that with the latest sentences his prison sentence reached 7 years and 7 months and 17 days: “I am only saying Tu bı xêr hatî girtîgeh, dibêjim. (Wellcome to prison) Let my prison sentences be a present for the Prime Minister who said at ‘TRT6 TV ‘ tu bi xêr hatî’ (Welcome).” (info@antenna-tr.org, February 2, 2010)
 

Ovipot: Où en est l’ouverture kurde ?

Le 28 janvier dernier, le parlement a commencé à examiner deux textes, présentés comme faisant partie du projet d’ouverture kurde du gouvernement. Le premier établit un sous-secrétariat d’État à l’ordre public et à la sécurité, une institution présentée comme un pôle de réflexion et d’analyse de la lutte contre le terrorisme. Le second crée une institution indépendante de protection des droits de l’homme, qui examinera les plaintes concernant les actes de torture, les cas de discrimination et les atteintes aux droits fondamentaux. Cette nouvelle a fait écho à des déclarations de Recep Tayyip Erdoğan qui, la veille, avait annoncé sa détermination à poursuivre un processus d’ouverture kurde, fortement entamé, au mois de décembre, par la dissolution du DTP et les manifestations qui l’avaient entourée. Le ministre de l’Intérieur, Beşir Atalay, qui vient de demander aux préfets d’alléger les contrôles militaires sur les routes du sud-est, a salué cette relance parlementaire. En tant que ministre en charge de l’ouverture kurde, il s’est efforcé également de la mettre en rapport avec les récentes révélations concernant le plan «Balyoz» (cf. nos éditions des 21 et 23 janvier 2010) et le projet en cours de révision de la Constitution (cf. notre édition du 22 janvier 2010). Selon lui, tout cela prouverait que les efforts, faits par le gouvernement pour renouer avec son initiative kurde, se font dans une Turquie «nouvelle», «démilitarisée, plus transparente et plus ouverte.»

Pourtant, compte tenu du contexte ambiant, la relance de l’ouverture démocratique, visant à apporter une solution politique à la question kurde, apparaît comme une entreprise mal engagée. En effet, outre le fait que la création d’un sous-secrétariat d’Etat à l’ordre public n’était peut-être pas la première décision à prendre pour inaugurer de façon convaincante la réactivation de ce processus, il faut rappeler qu’après la dissolution du DTP, des mesures répressives répétées ont lourdement frappé de nombreux responsables kurdes. Le 24 décembre dernier, en particulier, 35 responsables politiques dont 8 maires, ont été arrêtés dans le cadre d’une enquête visant le KCK/TM (Le Conseil de Turquie de l’Union des Communautés Kurdes) que la justice turque soupçonne d’être la branche urbaine du PKK. Les images de ces personnes menottées, alignées en file indienne, et placées sous l’étroite surveillance de policiers en uniforme, ont frappé une partie de l’opinion, et provoqué des débats intenses dans les médias pendant plusieurs jours. Le 13 janvier, dans le cadre de la même enquête, et pour des propos tenus en décembre, le maire de Diyarbakır, Osman Baydemir (photo), a fait l’objet d’une mesure de contrôle judiciaire lui interdisant de sortir de Turquie. Le 21 janvier, neuf responsables du nouveau parti kurde BDP ont été arrêtés dont le maire d’Iğdır…

Dès le début du mois de janvier, le vice-président de l’AKP, Hüseyin Çelik, estimait que le processus d’ouverture kurde du gouvernement avait été gravement endommagé, tant par l’accueil triomphal réservé au groupe de la paix (ce groupe de rebelles qui avaient accepté symboliquement de déposer les armes au poste frontière de Habur, cf. notre édition du 8 novembre 2009), que par les images des responsables kurdes menottés, lors de l’opération visant le KCK/TM. Mais Hüseyin Çelik affirmait déjà que le gouvernement n’avait pas d’autres options que de continuer dans la voie qu’il s’était tracé depuis l’été ; une opinion que le premier ministre n’a cessé de réitérer. Toutefois, pour se convaincre que le gouvernement a réellement repris la voie de la réforme en la matière, il en faudra plus que les mesures limitées annoncées cette semaine au parlement. En novembre dernier, lors du lancement de l’ouverture kurde à l’Assemblée nationale, le ministre de l’Intérieur avait justifié la modestie de ses premières réformes, en invoquant l’impossibilité pour le gouvernement de réviser la Constitution par voie parlementaire. Force est néanmoins de constater que, la semaine dernière, un projet référendaire de révision constitutionnelle a été lancé par l’AKP, et qu’il ne concerne que peu l’ouverture kurde, qui semble être passée, dans les faits, au second rang des préoccupations gouvernementales. (ovipot.blogspot.com/, Jean Marcou, 30 janvier 2010)

Berivan,15, jailed for eight years over 'terror' crimes at Kurdish rally

A 15-year-old kurdish girl who was arrested at a demonstration in support of a banned Kurdish group has been jailed for nearly eight years after being convicted of "terrorist" offences, including allegedly throwing stones at police.

The case comes amid renewed scrutiny of Turkey's human rights record after it was named as the worst violator of the 47 signatory states to the European convention of human rights.

Berivan, was detained in the south-eastern city of Batman last October.

A court in Diyarbakir found her guilty of "crimes on behalf of an illegal organisation" after prosecutors alleged she had hurled stones and shouted slogans. She was also convicted of attending "meetings and demonstrations in opposition to the law" and "spreading propaganda for an illegal organisation" despite claiming in court that she did not know what the word propaganda means.

In her defence, the girl denied throwing stones or being part of the demonstration but said she had only stopped to watch it out of curiosity, while on her way to visit an aunt. She was arrested after police mistook her for a demonstrator, she said. She had confessed to the crimes only after being beaten in custody.

In an emotional letter published by the different newspaper, Berivan said she had been visiting Batman on a family holiday and pleaded to be released. "I want to get out of here. I want to be with my family. I always cry here. I cannot get used to this," she wrote. "I have been in jail since 9 October. My heart hurts and I miss my family so much."

As she heard her daughter being sentenced, Berivan's mother exclaimed in court: "Did she murder? The murderers are not sentenced to such a long prison term."

The initial 13-and-a-half-year sentence was later reduced on appeal to seven years and nine months because of her age.

The conviction highlights Turkey's practice of jailing children for terror-related offences under counter-terrorism legislation introduced in 2006. The law allows courts to try juveniles as adults and to jail them for up to 50 years. Recent official figures revealed that there are currently 2,622 minors in Turkish prisons.

Some 737 minors have been charged under the counter-terrorism legislation since its introduction, according to the Diyarbakir Human Rights Association. Out of 267 tried in the city last year, 78 were given extended jail terms. Last November, a prosecutor demanded sentences of 23 years each for six youths, aged 13 and 14, who were charged with throwing stones and Molotov cocktails.

Campaigners say many of those jailed have been wrongly accused and condemn the convictions as a breach Turkey's obligations as a signatory to the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child.

While most of those jailed are boys, an additional building was recently opened at a prison in Diyarbakir to hold girls aged under 18 who are convicted of participating in banned demonstrations.

Last week, Turkey was identified as the worst violator of the European convention on human rights between 1959 and 2009. According to figures released by the European court of human rights, the country accounted for almost 19% of all violations, with 2,295 judgements issued against it. Turkey also had the highest proportion of violations in 2009, making up 347 out of 1,625 negative rulings. The most common violation was the denial of the right to a fair trial. Turkey also had 30 rulings against it following complaints of inhumane or degrading treatment. (kurdish-info.eu, February 1, 2010)

Kurdish singer Sivan Perwer’s concert gathers Kurds in Vienna

Famous Kurdish singer Sivan Perwer, who left Turkey in the mid ’70s to evade a court case pending against him, took to the stage in the Austrian capital of Vienna on Saturday in a concert that gathered Kurds and politicians from around the world.

Perwer, accompanied by the Ensemble Wien Klang orchestra, was performing at the Konzerthaus in Vienna. Perwer’s concert was attended by Austrian President Heinz Fischer and politicians with Kurdish backgrounds, including Iraqi Kurdish leader Massoud Barzani, ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party) deputies Dengir Mir Mehmet Fırat and Gülşen Orhan, now-defunct pro-Kurdish Democratic Society Party (DTP) former leader Ahmet Türk, Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) deputy Sırrı Sakık, former DTP deputy Aysek Tuğluk and former Democracy Party (DEP) deputy Sedat Yurttaş.

Fischer made the inaugural speech at the concert and said he had long worked for a solution to problems faced by Kurdish people. He also noted that he has many Kurdish friends, including Barzani. During the concert, Perwer recounted the stories of a number of his songs in English, German and Turkish. While talking about his song titled “Lo Mamo” (Hey Uncle), he gave messages of unity and solidarity and later recited the call to prayer.

Meanwhile, at a reception before the concert, the AK Party’s Fırat said he believes that as an artist, Perwer will contribute to the process of the democratic initiative and that they would like him to return to Turkey.

Stating that they had come not only to listen to the music, Türk said they wanted to be with the artist, who was putting voice to the demands, pains and hopes of the Kurdish people on this day.

Perwer not planning to return to Turkey

Speaking to the Anatolia news agency before the performance, the singer stated that he does not plan to return to Turkey unless basic problems concerning the country’s Kurds are resolved. Noting that he would like to return to Turkey, Perwer said: “Who would not like to return to his country and people, especially after such a long absence of 25 years? My return does not make sense unless some basic problems [involving the Kurdish people] are solved.”

Perwer said the government’s democratic initiative was important and that he felt encouraged about the open discussion of previously taboo subjects but that there are pro-status quo mindsets that want to prevent the initiative from being successful. The concert was supported by Fischer, Austrian Education Minister Claudia Schmied, the Municipality of Vienna and a number of businessmen in the city. (Today's Zaman, 2 February 2010)

Demandons la libération pour raison de santé du maire Abdullah Demirbas

Abdullah Demirbas,  maire d'arrondissement de Diyarbakir  souffrant de thrombose veineuse (TVP), ne reçoit pas en prison les soins médicaux que nécessite un état de santé qui inquiète son entourage et ses médecins interdits de visite.

Abdullah Demirbas est ce maire d'arrondissement de Sur  (centre de Diyarbakir) plein de fougue qui avait déjà été destitué au cours de son mandat précédent, le 14 juin 2007 –et son conseil municipal dissout- au motif qu’il offrait à la population des services administratifs en turc, en kurde, en anglais et en syriaque, alors que, selon une enquête de 2006, les citoyens de langue kurde représentent 72 % de la population de la circonscription qui, reconnaissante,  l'a brillamment réélu comme maire en 2009.

Abdullah Demirbas arrêté le 24 décembre 2009 et écroué, n'a rien perdu de sa combativité :

" Les forces de l’ordre sont venues arrêter chez eux les principaux chefs du DTP, à cinq heures du matin, ainsi que le président de l’association de droits de l’homme de Diyarbakir qui ont été amenés menottés jusqu’à la Cour. Tous les medias ont largement filmé et diffusé cette honteuse image. Je veux ici préciser qu’aucun de ces membres n’a jamais utilisé une arme et n’a jamais usé de violence. Tout ce que nous avons essayé de faire est de résoudre le problème Kurde de manière démocratique."

S'adressant à ses amis européens il précise :

"L’Union européenne, à la laquelle la Turquie veut adhérer, a félicité de ses efforts le Premier ministre Erdogan comme s'il s’agissait d'une initiative démocratique. Mais, comme vous pouvez le constater, le gouvernement n'a aucune envie de dialoguer avec les Kurdes, ni de faire avancer la démocratie : le gouvernement turc ne supporte pas les Kurdes, ni le parti qui les représente ; son but est de casser du kurde"

Abdullah Demirbas avait participé au colloque organisé à Paris, le 30 avril  dernier,  au Palais du Luxembourg, par un certain nombre d'ONG (dont AKB) et placé sous le parrainage de la Sénatrice Isabelle PASQUE ; la déclaration finale avait proposé un plan de paix en trois points (modification de la constitution turque, négociation entre belligérants, reconnaissance de l'identité kurde)

Envoyez message de solidarité à Abdullah DEMIRBAS, Maire de la municipalité de Sur (Diyarbakir) derbaz66@mynet.com

envoyez vos protestations au gouvernement turc  via  Osman KORUTURK

Ambassadeur de Turquie en France 16, avenue de Lamballe 75016 Paris

Demandez sa libération pour raisons médicales. (http://akbdrk.free.fr, André Métayer, 2 février 2010)

Nouvelles réactions contre l'assignation à résidence du maire Osman Baydemir

la 5° Cour criminelle spéciale de Diyarbakir a décrété, le 13 janvier dernier, que le "suspect "Osman Baydemir, maire métropolitain de Diyarbakir, accusé d'être" membre d'une organisation terroriste" est "assigné à résidence et mis sous contrôle judiciaire".

Ceux qui pensaient que cette mesure allait intimider l'ancien président des droits de l'homme de Diyarbakir en seront pour leur frais : Osman Baydemir continue à dénoncer toutes les mesures coercitives qui sont autant d'atteintes la liberté d’expression, un des socles parmi les principes fondamentaux des droits humains :

"Les opérations que l'Etat a engagées depuis 14 avril 2009 sont autant d'atteintes à la politique légale et démocratique ; la Turquie ne peut se targuer d'avoir une politique civile, légale et démocratique en emprisonnant, au mépris du droit et des lois, des maires et des responsables d'organisations légales, surtout sans rendre publics les chefs d'accusation".

 Osman Baydemir, assigné à résidence, ne désarme pas et en appelle à la solidarité internationale : "Selon moi, la seule alternative à la démocratie est celle d’une démocratie à standards élevés. La paix a également une alternative, celle d’une paix honorable. La situation vécue par les élus kurdes ne devrait laisser insensible aucun démocrate, aucune citoyenne ni aucun citoyen."

Deux Vice-présidents du Conseil régional de Bretagne, Christian GUYONVARC'H (Union démocratique bretonne), et Gaëlle ABILY (Parti Communiste Français), Adjointe au Maire de Brest et Conseillère Communautaire de Brest Métropole Océane, informés du traitement réservé aux élus kurdes du Parti pour une Société Démocratique, ont tenu à faire part de leur indignation et demandent le respect des droits de l'homme, la liberté d'expression et de circulation pour tous et la libération immédiate des personnes interpellées et emprisonnées.

"De même que lors de la bataille pour la libération de Leïla Zana, je vous avais exprimé ma solidarité dans cette lutte, cette fois encore, je souhaite vous dire toute mon indignation devant ce nouvel acte de répression d’un pouvoir qui, une fois encore, montre le mépris qu’il nourrit pour la démocratie, pour les droits de l’ Homme et la liberté d’expression.", écrit Gaëlle ABILY qui souhaite également exprimer (sa)" solidarité avec le peuple kurde et avec toutes les forces progressistes de Turquie qui agissent pour un Etat de droit, pour une justice digne de ce nom et pour la dignité humaine".

Christian Guyonvarc'h a adressé un courrier à M. l'Ambassadeur de Turquie à Paris pour lui faire part de la vive préoccupation de la région Bretagne à la suite des mesures prises récemment à l'encontre de la communauté kurde de Turquie et de ses représentants légitimes issus du suffrage universel :

"Comme vous le savez, la ville de Diyarbakir a noué des liens étroits avec plusieurs collectivités bretonnes, dont la Ville de Rennes et l'émotion en Bretagne est à la mesure des liens amicaux".

" La Région Bretagne souhaite vivement que l'évolution du dossier kurde en Turquie permette aux Etats membres de l'Union européenne d'aborder avec plus de sérénité et de compréhension la question de l'adhésion de votre pays à l'Union.  (http://akbdrk.free.fr, André Métayer, 2 février 2010)

Minorités / Minorities

Hrant Dink Report Criticised as "Superficial"

Radikal newspaper journalist Tarık Işık reports that the Prime Ministerial Review Committee (BTK) has examined a report by the Ministry of the Interior on the murder of Hrant Dink.

The BTK has criticised the report, which deals with allegations of police negligence in the case, for exceeding its authority and for being superficial.

Meanwhile, the BTK reiterated the stance of its own previously published report. It is possible that the Ministry of the Interior will prepare a new report.

PM ordered investigation

Following the murder of Hrant Dink, the Armenian-Turkish editor-in-chief of the Agos newspaper in 2007, his wife Rakel Dink applied to the BTK for a report.

The BTK report contained accusations of negligence and led to Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan giving permission to auditors from the Ministry of the Interior (MoI) to investigate 19 police officers, including Ramazan Akyürek, the head of the police intelligence department.

The investigation was completed on 9 November 2009 and the ensuing report noted that there was no need to proceed against the 19 police officers from Trabzon and Istanbul.

However, the MoI report met with protests from the Prime Ministerial Office. According to one source, the government is determined to find the power structure behind the murder of Dink. On 18 January, the BTK wrote that the MoI report was superficial and that it, the BTK, did not agree with several conclusions in it.

Criticism

Differences of opinion were said to exist on the following issues:

* A preliminary investigation of the police officers had been ordered, but the civil servant auditors composed a research report, thus exceeding their authority.
* It cannot be ignored that the intelligence unit, which knew about assassination plans on Dink, did not act on this knowledge.
* It is still doubtful whether the information handed to the police by informant Erhan Tuncel led to "necessary action".
* There is a likelihood that intelligence received was not evaluated in a satisfactory manner.

Possibility of new report

The BTK reaction says that the MoI report is not "legally invalid", but has the quality of a "message". It is possible that Beşir Atalay, the Minister of the Interior, will consider the BTK criticism and call for a new report.

One of the duties of the BTK is to inspect and audit public bodies, and either carry out or call for investigations and questioning into issues related to duties, authorities and responsibilities.

The preliminary investigation the MoI was supposed to carry out was meant to be a gathering of information, documents and opinions on the relevant persons. (BIA, Erol ÖNDEROĞLU, 26 February 2010)

Every step of Hrant Dink murder case reveals another legal scandal

Police forgot to pick and escort “the secret witness” expected to appear at the court; three witnesses who had met Ogün Samast in Istanbul before the murder ‘somehow managed to get to the section of the accused and chatted with Samast who made jokes. Trabzon Security Centre failed to send some documents on grounds of “secrecy” while recently reinstated chief of Intelligence Department Ramazan Akyürek used the pretext of “state secret” for refusing to disclose some documents. Samast laughingly remarked “I am becoming famous dude” as his picture was projected on the screen. In the meanwhile AGOS's website was being hacked; a smiling Picture of Samast was placed on the main page of the website.

The chief of editor of Azadiya Welat who was condemned for 21 years in prison despite “being non-member” has been sad but his sorrow was alleviated by an unexpected increase in the value of the newspaper. A copy of the paper is sold for 50 kuruş at the newsagents however the price of a copy rose to 1080 liras at Van F Type Prison.

In the same week the Chief of General Staff İlker Başbuğ made a statement to the press noting that they knew very well the background of the campaigns against Turkish Armed Forces and added “What I mean by losing patience is that we know the background of all developments and actions. We keep silent hoping ‘some will do what needs to be done’. If the limits are exceeded we will begin sharing what we know with the public.”

Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) said 'Saying I will reveal' is meaningless. His revelations have become an obligation now." Republic People’s Party (CHP) said that what Başbuğ said should be heard. Turkey Party (TP) President Abdullatif Şener said, “Whoever has got something he has to say should say it."

Now we wonder. Is there a prosecutor who will dare to say "Please come and visit me on what day, and tell me what you know? If you have witnessed certain criminal acts your keeping silent would be crime under such and such law article."

If there is such a prosecutor what would Judges and Prosecutors Higher Board do to him? Keep him or bar him from the profession. We wonder!.. (Freedom of Expression Weekly Bulletin, Issue 07/10, February 12, 2010)

Le site internet du journal arménien Agos piraté

Le site internet d'un journal arménien dont le rédacteur en chef, Hrant Dink, avait été assassiné il y a trois ans, a été piraté et on pouvait voir vendredi sur le site la photo de l'assassin présumé, qui est actuellement jugé par un tribunal d'Istanbul.

Une photo d'Ogün Samast, jeune chômeur accusé d'avoir tué par balles le journaliste devant les locaux du journal en plein centre d'Istanbul, le 19 avril 2007, a été placé sur le site d'Agos (www.Agos.com.tr) et des textes et images remplacent le contenu du site.

Le drapeau turc rouge et blanc apparaît en arrière-plan, accompagné d'un texte où l'on menace d'autres attaques ceux qui "n'aiment pas la Turquie".

"Salut à toi Ogün Samast", écrivent les auteurs anonymes du message, qui ajoutent: "Si tu n'aimes pas (la Turquie), tu dois la quitter".

Hrant Dink s'était attiré la colère des nationalistes pour avoir qualifié de génocide les massacres d'Arméniens commis en Anatolie à l'époque de la Première guerre mondiale.

Le procès de l'assassin présumé, qui a avoué son crime, et de 19 complices, s'est ouvert en 2007 à Istanbul, et se poursuit.

Les défenseurs des droits de l'homme pensent qu'il existe des complicités au sein de l'appareil d'Etat afin d'empêcher que toute la lumière soit faite sur cette affaire. (AFP, 12 fév 2010)

Only Effective Judiciary Can End Threats against Agos

Armenian Agos newspaper was threatened frequently before and after the murder of editor-in-chief Hrant Dink. Now the newspaper's website has been hacked. Lawyer Çetin criticized that the judiciary lacks efficiency for crimes committed via the internet.

Most of the threats aimed at Agos newspaper founder Hrant Dink prior to his assassination in 2007 were not legally sanctioned. Fethiye Çetin, joint attorney of the weekly newspaper publishing in Turkish and Armenian, pointed out the internet is a medium very difficult to control and said that threats via the internet have increased despite a number of positive court decisions. Most recently, a hacker forced access to the website of Agos and posted a photograph of Dink murderer suspect Ogün Samast.

Çetin indicated that subsequent to the murder of Dink, the approach of the main stream media has changed. "Racist groups in particular publish hate speeches and organize racist attacks via the internet", Çetin stated.

Problematic approach of the judiciary

The Turkish Criminal Code (TCK) orders prison sentence for entering the IT system illegally and obstructing its operation.

In lawyer Çetin's opinion, the recent incident related to the Agos website comprises a number of additional crimes, namely inciting the public to hatred and hostility, praising crimes and criminals, threat and insult.

The text posted on the website included sentences like "You either like it or you leave". It furthermore voices threats concerning similar murders in the future.

According to Çetin, the perception of crime is the reason for the inefficiency of the judiciary. "Immediate action can be taken for a number of crimes. However, there is no mindset to oppose crimes that really obstruct our lives and that sabotage our common future".
Positive decisions

Dink had received several threats prior to the murder, none of which was sanctioned. After the murder, newspaper lawyers received threats via the internet in particular but their applications related to the threats were not considered.

After the murder on the other hand, the courts issued decisions with intimidating potential in four different cases. The Şişli (Istanbul) 2nd Magistrate Criminal Court sentenced Kenan Celepoğlu to a monetary fine of 8,000 Turkish Lira (TL) because he sent e-mails to the newspaper which contained insults, threats and racism. The court could identify Celepoğlu upon the lawyers' application regarding messages sent by an unknown person.

On 28 May 2009, the Şişli 1st Criminal Court of First Instance handed down a three years and three months prison sentence to Muhammet Karayı because he had threatened the newspaper staff and Armenian people by e-mail on 25 January 2007.

Zafer Filiz received a three years prison sentence from the Şişli 9th Criminal Court of First Instance on 20 March 2008 by reason of threatening the newspaper twelve days after the murder of Hrant Dink.

The same court sentenced 19-year-old Rıdvan Doğan to two years imprisonment on the grounds of threats sent to the newspaper subsequent to the murder; the court decided to suspend the sentence. (BIA, Bawer CAKIR, 12 February 2010)

Government Sponsored Terror Squad Killing Assyrians, Other Minorities in Turkey

Thousands of unsolved political and religious murders have been allegedly committed by the terrorist network Ergenekon in Turkey. Among these are the murders of up to 50 Assyrians during a ten year period between 1987 and 1997 in the Turabdin area, in southeastern Turkey. Assyrians have begun to speak openly about it for the first time.

In an interview with Cihan news agency, Gebro Tokgöz, an Assyrian living in Midyat has asked for an investigation into the unsolved murders of Assyrians.

"Ergenekon-prosecutors should investigate all killings committed against the Assyrians in Turabdin." said Gebro Tokgöz. "At that time we often received anonymous threat letters and phone calls. Our villages had been attacked, the area's most famous doctor, Edward Tanriverdi, was murdered when he was on his way home. Even a pregnant woman and her husband were brutally murdered. But in case after case, the police closed the investigation, citing 'unknown perpetrators.'"

But shortly after this interview was published, Gebro Tokgöz was interviewed by the local newspaper Midyat Habur, were he said that the Cihan news agency had misquoted him and that he did not intend to single out Ergenekon or anyone else for the murders committed against Assyrians in Turabdin. According to Assyrians from that area, Gebro Tokgöz changed his statement for fear of reprisals.

During the ongoing Ergenekon case, the police arrested Mehmet Ülger, a retired army colonel, Ruhi Abat, a theology professor at Inönü University and other people who work in the military intelligence for plotting the murder of three missionaries at Zirve Publishing House in the city of Malatya. The Murder Squad was a group of students in their 20s. After an anonymous tip-off, the police arrested the ringleaders. The Police revealed in the investigation that there had been febrile contact six months before the murders via mobile phones between the murderers and the ringleaders. Phone lists show that at least 12 calls per day had taken place between all parties during the six months. The last phone calls were made the evening after the murder of three Christians, who were beheaded in their publishing house. After the killing all mobile calls between the killers and the ringleaders stopped.

On November 1st, 1997, Varner Basoglu, the son of the Syriac Catholic Church Board director Can Basoglu, was found murdered. The murder came after the church had pursued a prosecution against the Turkish state, which had confiscated the church's property. On February 5th, 2006, the 60-year-old priest Andrea Santoro was shot to death at his church in the city of Trabzon. The killer was a 16-year-old boy. On July 2nd, 2006, the Catholic priest Pierre Brunissen was stabbed in the city of Samsun. On January 19th, 2007, the Armenian journalist Hrant Dink was murdered on the streets at midday in Istanbul. Hrant Dink's murderer was 17 years old. Hrant Dink's murderer has since been treated as a national hero by the Turkish police, where police officers posed proudly with the murderer in front of cameras.

On November 28th, 2007, the monk Daniel Savci was kidnapped in Turabdin, southeastern Turkey. The perpetrators were village guards, in service of the state security forces. Recently, during the events surrounding the Mar Gabriel monastery, the monastery staff several received death threats. The threats came from a village sheriff and other people. Despite repeated open threats to the monastery staff, which have been publicized by the media, no action was been taken by the police. The threats came from people who are the subjects of the feudal lord Suleyman Celebi in the Turabdin region. Suleyman Celebi is in the Turkish Parliament as a member of the ruling AK party.

In most cases, the murder weapon has been linked to the village guards, a militia which is equipped by and in the service of the government. But not a single one of these murders has led to any arrests. The victims have all been dissidents in relation to the standard Kemalist state ideology, they have been journalists, intellectuals, opposition members and Christians who sought their rights. No one was spared. From Kurdish politicians to the tiny Assyrian minority and other Christians who have never been a threat to "Kemalism", all have fallen victim to Ergenekon's terror.

There are many people both inside and outside Turkey who are asking questions about where the country is heading. It is indeed very encouraging that today's government does not hesitate to reveal all those generals and soldiers who had formed a state within the state and terrorized everyone with a different political view from their own.

But many who are savvy in how power structures operate in Turkey fear that what is happening now is the AKP government, together with the followers of the Fettullah-sect, who have taken positions in all governmental and military institutions, has begun to break down a competing power structure in order to establish its own position and take full control of the state. The question is whether the AKP government will deal and eliminate the terrorist network "Ergenekon" based on "Kemalism" to establish its own "Ergenekon" based on "islamofascist" ideologies. (AINA, Dikran Ego, February 10, 2010)

State Remains Untouched in Dink Murder Case

In the 12th hearing of the Hrant Dink murder case at the Istanbul 14th High Criminal Court, the joint attorneys of the Dink family demanded to investigate the "Cage Operation Action Plan" regarding claims that the plan targeted minorities. The plan was supposedly found at the work place of Levent Bektaş in March 2009, the referring indictment is in progress.

The document, saved on a DVD, contains "classified" paragraphs. The paragraph with the heading "Situation" was quoted as follows: "After the operations related to Priest Santoro, the Malatya Zirve Publishing House and Hrant DINK, the public opinion was shaped in a way that reactionary non-Muslim groups living in Turkey were being targeted. However, AKP [ruling Justice and Development Party], supported by the opposing media, will spread intense propaganda that the mentioned incidents were organized by ERGENEKON".

Trial to be continued on 10 May

At the end of the 12th hearing on 8 February the court decided to keep defendants Ogün Samast, Erhan Tuncel, Yasin Hayal, Ersin Yolcu and Ahmet İskender in detention because of the "risk of flight, since the factual criteria showing highly possible crime suspicion is still valid in the existing file and because of insufficient protection precautions". The next hearing is scheduled for 10 May.

In the course of the hearing joint attorney Fethiye Çetin presented numerous requests in a writing of 18 pages comprising eight clauses. The court decided to leave the evaluation of the requests to the prosecution.

Statements of Akyürek, Zenit and intelligence officers will not be taken

The court declined the request made by the joint attorneys as well as alleged instigator defendant Erhan Tuncel to take the statements of intelligence officers in charge, in particular that of Head of Intelligence Department Ramazan Akyürek and Muhettin Zenit.

Insisting on TİB records

The court reiterated the request made to the Telecommunications Communication Presidency (TİB) regarding the acquisition of a full list of telephone conversations and SMS from the morning of 19 January 2007 until after the murder.

Three witnesses were demanded to become defendants

Two weeks after the murder of Dink, witnesses Turan Meral, Orhan Özbaş and Kaan Gerçek had testified at the police that they drove around Istanbul with murderer suspect Ogün Samast. He had allegedly shown them his weapon and said "I came to kill somebody".  The witnesses had furthermore recalled a phone call with Samast on the day of the murder when he said "I killed that person, I will go now". They claimed that they had been too afraid to go to the police.

All three witnesses were heard again in the 12th hearing. This time though they stated Samast just wanted to show off and that they did not take him seriously. Two of the witnesses retracted the statement that they saw the weapon.

The joint attorneys had reason to assume these persons as part of an organized structure and requested to file a complaint with them on the grounds of "false testimony". However, the court informed the lawyers that they could file the complaint themselves at the prosecution.

A report from the Intelligence Office Presidency sent to the court on 25 September 2009 revealed information about the people who met Samast at the Istanbul Bus Terminal when he arrived.

The court is going to wait for a reply from TİB concerning telephone and SMS communications between Özbaş and Meral. A writing will be sent to the Şişli Mayor's Office regarding documents and the license of an internet café in Şafak Street used by Samast. Moreover, the Istanbul Police will be asked once again what was being done at a certain office at the time of the murder.

Defendants Erhan Sevil and Mehmet Ali Temelocak will be taken to the coming hearing under compulsion. (BIA, Erol ÖNDEROĞLU, 10 February 2010)

Cage Action Plan Related to Dink Murder

In the 12th hearing of the Dink murder trial the joint attorneys requested to investigate the "Cage Action Plan" with regard to the murder. The lawyers furthermore demand thorough investigations into all aspects of the case. International observers emphasized the importance of a forceful handling of the case.

The 12th hearing of the Dink murder trial was also concerned with the so-called "Cage Action Plan" which was supposedly worked out as a coup plan by the Naval Forces, targeting non-Muslims and aiming to charge them of their religious beliefs. The joint attorneys demanded to investigate whether such a plan had de facto been organized.

The lawyers requested an investigation into the plan regarding the sentences "It works out. Kadir Pasha should take over the coordination" on the first page of the document. Furthermore, the investigation should determine to whom the initials at the bottom of the plan belong. The lawyers also demanded to find out who is entitled to issue the according directives for such an investigation.

"The ones who did not prevent the murder should be interrogated"

The joint attorneys requested the interrogation of members of all security institutions who did not take precautions to protect Dink's life, who paved the way to the murder and turned a blind eye to it. These institutions are namely the National Intelligence Organization, the Istanbul Police Directorate, the Trabzon Police Directorate, the Trabzon Gendarmerie Command and the Intelligence Office Branch of the Police General Directorate.

Investigation of people who showed Dink as a target

A further request regarded an investigation into a group of people that played a vital role in the process of showing Dink as a target, a group that filed the same sort of complaints to launch court cases against Dink and that organized attacks against Dink and his lawyers when they came to court hearings.

"The people concealing evidence should be investigated"

Moreover, the joint attorneys demanded to investigate "those persons who attempted to manipulate the process after the murder of Dink in order to assist the real perpetrators to get away; those persons who hid and fraudulently altered evidence and who prepared forged documents".

Who deleted footage of security camera?

Regarding the deleted records of the security camera installed by AKBANK in the area where the murder happened, the lawyers requested to investigate by whom the footage of the morning of 19 January 2007 was deleted and how.

Facilities of Ergenekon Case should be provided to Hrant Dink Case

As in the previous hearings, yesterday's session was again attended by several international observers.

Paris Bar Association Board Member Vincent Noiré observed the 12th hearing of the Dink murder trial and commented: "At this stage of the case it becomes clear that this murder comprises a collective crime. The truth will be revealed if all requests of the joint attorneys are accepted".

"Democrats all over the world expect justice"

Paris Bar Association Armenian Lawyers and Jurists Association (AFAJA) Vice President Alexandre Aslanian made a brief press release following the morning session. He said, "The state carries the responsibility to protect all of its citizens regardless of origin or faith. Democrats all over the world are watching this case and expect justice to be delivered to full extend".

Aslanian argued that the same facilities applied in the Ergenekon Case should be applied to the Dink Case as well:

"Considering the facilities provided to the Ergenekon prosecutors, the same will power could be applied to the Dink case in order to reveal the full strain of events. The Paris Bar Association is determined to observe every hearing whether this difference will be removed or not. A case concerned with the murder of an Armenian citizen should benefit from the same facilities as provided to Zekeriya Öz, the prosecutor of the Ergenekon investigation".

Elsa Vidal form the European Desk of the international Reporters Without Borders (RSF) organization commented: "The actual power of the Judiciary should be allocated exclusively to the solving of this political murder. If this struggle is not handled with full efforts, it will open the door to other killings to come such as the recent murder of journalist Cihan Hayırsevener from Bandırma. (BIA, Erol ÖNDEROĞLU, 9 February 2010)

Families of Murdered Intellectuals Follow up Dink Murder Case

Families and friends of murdered journalists, writers, intellectuals and artists gathered before the 12th hearing of the Hrant Dink case to demand justice in respect to the Dink murder and other political murders. They stated, "We are interveners of the Dink case as well".

"We gathered here as the brothers and sisters of Arat, Delal and Sera. We came here to share the injustice we have experienced for years and to bear witness of it. We came here to remind once more the fact that this kind of organized political murder is being concealed ever since the murder of Sabahattin Ali".

More than 700 people gathered today in Beşiktaş (Istanbul) prior to the 12th hearing of the case regarding the murder of Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink, then editor-in-chief of Armenian Agos newspaper. Among the crowd were families and friends of journalists that were killed in Turkey throughout the last couple of decades.

The Dink family was supported today by the presence of the daughter of writer Sabahattin Ali, the wife and daughter of prosecutor Doğan Öz, the daughter of journalist Abdi İpekçi, the son and daughter-in-law of writer Ümit Kaftanoğlu, the daughter of unionist Kemal Türkler, the son and daughter of journalist Uğur Mumcu, the son of musician Nesmi Çimen, the daughter of poet Metin Altıok, the sibling of archaeologist Yasemin Cebenoyan, the brother and sister of journalist Metin Göktepe, and the family of journalist Cihan Hayırsevener.

The writing read out aloud during the meeting was signed by the families of Cevat Yurdakul, Musa Anter, Behçet Aysan, Hasret Gültekin, Turan Dursun, Sevinç Özgüner and Cavit Orhan Tütengil.

This was the first joint announcement of the families after the release from prison of Mehmet Ali Ağca this January, triggerman in the murder of Abdi İpekçi in 1979.

"We are interveners in this case as well"

Filiz Ali, daughter of murdered Sabahattin read out the joint press release at 10.00 am:

"Most of our cases have already been closed since they reached the statute of limitation. As far as the Dink case is concerned, it is still in the process of being concealed. The crimes have not yet fallen under their statute of limitation", Filiz Ali opened the speech.

"The state has still got the possibility to dissociate itself from the infiltrated and destructive focus in order to reveal the truth. Even with a murder as well concealed as this one, we still have the opportunity not to hand down this contempt of the state to the generations coming behind us, these affiliated crimes constituted after the murder".

"We are not here based on feelings of hatred, anger and revenge. We are here because of our responsibilities as citizens and because of our never-ending demand for justice. We are part of an ever growing family living in a country where people are getting killed constantly. We do not want the number of our family to increase any further. We hold all state institutions responsible for revealing the organizations behind the murders of our relatives. They will all remain guilty in our eyes until the truth will have been revealed. And they will convey the thought that they can easily commit this kind of crime any time", Ali pronounced.

"We came here to make our voices heard to the ones carrying the official capacity, addressing the ones in responsible positions. We are not addressing the people in despair who are sensitive about this issue. We came here to be together with Rakel Dink and our friends Arat, Delal and Sera. We are interveners in this trial as well and today we will follow up that the list of demands submitted by the lawyers will be taken into account by the court".

"We did not come here to have the pain and sorrow of our families depicted in the press but to pass on our demand for justice", Ali finished her speech.

After the announcement, the families together with the crowed walked to the Istanbul 14th High Criminal Court where the hearing was going to be held. On the way they shouted slogans such as "The killer state will be taken to account", "Long live the people's brotherhood" and "We are all Hrant, we are all Armenian". The families entered the court house to attend the hearing.

Claim for Justice in Beşiktaş

Among the crowd that demanded justice for Hrant Dink and the other victims of political murder were the following journalists, intellectuals, authors and artists and activists:

Mustafa Sütlaş, Ümit Kıvanç, Ayşe Gül Altınay, Nadire Mater, İpek Çalışlar, Ertuğrul Kürkçü, Tayfun Mater, Hayko Bağdat, Pınar Öğünç, Zeynep Tanbay, Merve Erol, Siren İdemen, Bülent Aydın, Gençay Gürsoy, Erol Kızılelma, Murat Çelikkan, Murat Utku, Çiğdem Mater, Özlem Dalkıran, Ragıp İncesağır, Nilgün Yurdalan, Doğan Tarkan, Ömer Madra, Ahmet İnsel, Muhsin Kızılkaya, Ayşe Berktay, Yıldız Önen, Nemciye Alpay, Ahmet Tulgar, Ufuk Uras, Banu Güven, Masis Kürkçügil, Hakan Tahmaz, Aydın Çubukçu, Alper Taş, Yalçın Ergündoğan, Yıldırım Türker, Socialist Feminist Collective, Lambdaistanbul, members of  Nor Zartonk. (BIA, Bawer ÇAKIR, 8 February 2010)

Secret Witness of Dink Murder Still not Heard

The 12th hearing of the murder case of Turkish-Armenian journalist and human rights defender Hrant Dink was held on Monday (8 February) at the Istanbul 14th High Criminal Court. 15 out of a total of 20 defendants attended the morning session, among them five detained defendants. Five un-detained defendants did not appear at court.

The secret witness who was present at the scene of crime at the time of the murder was not heard by the court once again. The judge informed the audience that he had given a written directive to the police to bring the secret witness in for the hearing. However, it was said that the police expected additional verbal instructions and another directive by the prosecution. So, the statement of the secret witness was postponed once more to the following hearing.

Three defendants altered their previous statements

Witnesses Turan Meral, Orhan Özbaş and Kaan Gerçek had stated in previous police statements that murderer suspect Ogün Samast had shown them his weapon when they were together with him in a car after Samast had arrived in Istanbul. All three witnesses recalled that Samast had told them that he was going to shoot somebody. Nevertheless, in yesterday's hearing Meral, Özbaş and Gerçek all claimed that they did not remember and that they did not know anything. Joint attorney Bahri Bayram Belen requested to take all three of them into detention because of false testimony.

"A proof cannot be a 'state secret'"

President Judge Erkan Canak read a document issued by security institutions upon request in the morning session. The writing was concerned with the registered phone numbers of Ramazan Akyürek's intelligence staff to be presented to the court. Saying that such information would endanger the intelligence employees' lives it was considered as a state secret and thus a response could not be given to the court. Lawyer Belen said that the document was unacceptable.

"A proof related to a crime cannot be kept confidential. It cannot be considered as a state secret. This response should not be taken into account".

Propaganda for Great Union Party

After police informant Erhan Tuncel, standing trial as the alleged instigator of the murder, requested to speak, he addressed un-detained  defendants Yaşar Cihan, former Great Union Party (BBP) Provincial Chairman of Trabzon, and BBP member Halis Egemen with the question, "Do you approve of this murder?". President Judge Canak did not intervene against Tuncel's directing of the hearing.

Defendant Cihan answered, "It is impossible to approve of this murder. We suffered a lot in the past". Defendant Egemen, whom Tuncel called by the address of a close friend, replied with phrases from BBP propaganda: "As BBP we are against actions aimed at human life. Human life should be cherished so that the state can prosper. We like the creation because of its creator".

Among the audience of the hearing were writer Adalet Ağaoğlu, the children of murdered journalists Uğur Mumcu and Abdi İpekçi Özgür Mumcu and Nükhet İpekçi, the mother of killed journalist Metin Göktepe Meryem Göktepe, Freedom and Solidarity Party (ÖDP) Chairman Alper Taş, lawyers Turgut Kazan, Sezgin Tanrıkulu, Taylan Tanay, Prof. Dr. İbrahim Kaboğlu, MP Ufuk Uras, Elsa Vidal from the European Desk of Reporters Without Borders (RSF), Paris Bar Association Board Member Vincen Nioré, Paris Bar Association Armenian Lawyers and Jurists Association (AFAJA) Vice President Alexandre Aslanian, Paris Bar Association Youth Confederation member Kee-Yoon Kim, Brussels Bar Association representative Melinee Nazarian, the family of journalist Cihan Hayırsevener who was killed in Bandırma on 18 December 2009, Sema Kılıçer from the Turkey Representation of the  European Union (EU) Commission, EU Commission's Vice President of the Turkey Desk Christos Makridis and Ali Yurttagül from the Greens Group of the European Parliament. (BIA, Erol ONDEROGLU, 8 February 2010)


Politique intérieure/Interior Politics

Erdogan met en garde l'armée, les arrestations se multiplient

Le Premier ministre turc Recep Tayyip Erdogan a mis en garde vendredi l'armée assurant que "personne n'est au-dessus des lois", au moment où dix-huit nouveaux militaires étaient interpellés dans le cadre d'une enquête pour complot présumé contre le gouvernement en 2003.

Le chef de gouvernement s'est montré particulièrement ferme en excluant toute impunité dans le cadre de cette affaire, qui a provoqué une grave crise de pouvoir dans le pays.

"Ceux qui préparent des plans en secret pour écraser la volonté du peuple doivent se rendre compte qu'à partir de maintenant, ils devront affronter la justice (...) Personne n'est au-dessus des lois. Personne ne peut jouir de l'impunité", a déclaré M. Erdogan lors d'une réunion de son parti de la justice et du développement (AKP, issu de la mouvance islamiste) sans toutefois mentionner explicitement l'enquête en cours.

Le même jour, dix-huit militaires, dont l'un à la retraite, ont été arrêtés dans un nouveau coup de filet dans le cadre de l'affaire du complot présumé contre le gouvernement islamo-conservateur en 2003. L'opération a été menée dans treize provinces et l'un des suspects interpellés est le chef des forces paramilitaires dans la province de Konya, dans le centre de la Turquie.

Parmi les 18 nouvelles arrestations figure le chef des forces paramilitaires de la province de Konya (centre).

Toujours vendredi, un tribunal turc a ordonné la détention, dans l'attente de leur procès, de treize nouveaux suspects dans l'affaire du complot présumé, portant le total des personnes poursuivies à 33, selon l'agence Anatolie.

Parmi eux figurent Cetin Dogan, général à quatre étoiles à la retraite, qui dirigeait la Première armée, basée à Istanbul, à l'époque où le complot aurait été conçu, et le général à la retraite Engin Alan, ancien chef des forces spéciales de l'armée.

Neuf officiers d'active, dont deux amiraux, et deux militaires à la retraite, dont un général, se trouvent également dans le groupe placé en détention préventive. Un colonel a été laissé en liberté pour raisons médicales.

Le Premier ministre a balayé les critiques de l'opposition selon lesquelles l'AKP devenait de plus en plus autoritaire et tentait de discréditer l'armée, considérée comme le garant de la laïcité en Turquie.

"Ce qui est train de se passer aujourd'hui, c'est la normalisation (...) Ce sont les marques d'une démocratie avancée", a-t-il dit en assurant que "personne ne devrait éprouver de doutes ou de craintes".

Les plus hauts gradés du complot présumé, notamment les ex-chefs de la Marine et de l'aviation Ozden Ornek et Ibrahim Firtina, avaient été libérés jeudi soir sur ordre du Parquet après interrogatoire.

Leur remise en liberté est intervenue après une importante réunion des dirigeants civils et militaires turcs qui se sont engagés à régler la crise dans le cadre des lois et de la constitution, dans une tentative apparente d'apaiser les tensions. (AFP, 26 fév 2010)

IHD demands a judiciary implementing the principle of the rule of law

The Human Rights Association of Turkey (IHD) has issued the following communiqué demandant a judiciary that implements the principle of the rule of law:

The implementation of the principle of rule of law is essential to protect human right by law. Additionally, judicial integrity, autonomy of judge and assurance for judges should be ensured for the protection of human right in accordance with the rule of law.

Yet, unfortunately, judiciary in Turkey is far away from having the principle of the rule of law. Reason behind this fact can be listed as follows;

 1- Ideological attitudes and behavior originated from 1982 Constitution, which are seen in especially Courts of Appeal, Supreme Courts along with special Heavy Penal Courts,

2- Politicization tendency in judiciary due to the structure and operation of The Supreme Council of Judges and Public Prosecutors(HSYK),

3- Absence of judicial integrity, (Judicial system of Turkey is divided into two parts such as civilian and military justice, both of which have the court of appeal. The Civil judiciary is also divided in itself because of the existence of the special Heavy Penal Courts. It is worth to say that the access to justice through this judicial system that was established for war period, so to speak, is not possible.)

4- Absence of autonomy and neutrality of judges and reflection of the current situation of Turkey resulted from being not a democratic constitutional state on judiciary,

5- Absence of assurance for judges, and

6- Various technical conditions that make judiciary nonfunctional or inoperative.
The Justice and Development Party (AKP) government has not made a fundamental amendment in Constitution since 3 November 2002. Only State Security Courts (DGM) were abolished but on the other side they were also transformed into Heavy Penal Courts (competent to examine crimes under articles 250 and 251 of the Criminal Procedure Code). In the context of realization of the principle of rule of law it can be claimed that last eight years were wasted by the government. Whereas the government has exhibited a democratic attitude to itself, it has made any situation against to itself a subject of investigation and criminal proceeding through the Prosecutions of Special Heavy Penal Courts.

Meanwhile, it assumed to be able to fight against crime efficiently. Yet the stage where we are now shows that there is need to have a judicial system based on the principle of the rule of law in democratic states for the realization of justice

To be more clear, it might be better to focus on what has happened in judiciary and how the opposition parts in society has been repressed during the period of AKP governments.

In 2004, although DGMs was officially abolished, a similar system was established through the articles of 250-251-252, thus deceiving law. Needless to say, such judicial mechanisms are always used as means to repress and suppress oppositions in the society. Moreover, the AKP government has suppressed the freedom of expression through new Criminal Procedure Code (CMK) and Turkish Penal Code (TCK) enacted within the scope of EU harmonization process in 2005.

It also prepared the definition of “catalog crimes” and paved the way for easy arrest by special Heavy Penal Courts through the article 100 of the Criminal Procedure Code. Therefore when Special Prosecutors charged someone with a crime listed in the catalog, it was accepted that there were valid reason to arrest him/her. This unappeasable implementation caused easy arrest of opposition parts of society, mayors, human right advocates, public prosecutors. On top of those regulation in CMK, freedom of expression were completely suppressed though the articles of 134,214,215,216,217,218,220/6,7,8 222,277,285,288,300,301,305,314/3, 318 and 341 of TCK. Millions of people, though not being member of armed organizations and not engaging in any violence activities, were detained, arrested and punished on accusation of membership of an illegal organization in accordance with the articles of 220/6,7 and 314/3 of TCK. It is surprising that even figures of September 12 could not think the method invented by AKP. Generally speaking, any differentiation between those who commit violence and those who abstain from violence in our penal law were not made during this period.

Unfortunately what we mentioned above were not enough for AKP governments. In 2006 through amendments in Anti-Terror Law “propaganda” was codified as an offence in the article 7/2 of Anti- Terror Law(TMK), as well as TCK/8, without identifying criteria for committing violence. Henceforth, the article 7 of TMK have been started to be applied to people who participate into demonstrations in special days such as the International Women's Day(8 Mart ), the Worker's Association and Solidarity Day(1 may) and the protest against to the Higher Education

Institutions(November 6) by special Heavy Penal Courts. Additionally, children between 15 and 18 year of age have been began to be tried in special Heavy Penal Court. The implementation of this mechanism allowing the children to be tried as adults means to disregard Convention on Right of Children. The government still maintains its silence about that issue and does not convince anybody, except itself, that these special Heavy Penal Courts, follow-up of DGM, so to speak, would provide justice.
In addition to these practices, imperium of the police was increased through the amendments of PVSK. In this respect, extra-judicial executions were invited by increasing especially imperium of using gun.

It is possible to increase the number of examples regarding this issue. Yet it should be noted that the only positive regulation by government during the process was to prevent civilians from being tried in military courts and to allow military officers to be tried in civilian courts. Yet an objection to this practice came from the Constitutional Court that acted in ideological manner.

 Notwithstanding, it is not too late to have a judiciary system based on the principle of the rule of law. Actualization of this by amending the current law, and especially the Constitution became an imperative for the government. Otherwise, this mechanism would also make AKP suffer.

For judicial integrity, the military courts should be closed and the only military discipline courts should be permitted. The articles of 250-251-252 should immediately be repealed and the special Heavy Penal Court should be abolished.

For autonomy of Judges and assurance for Judges, the current model of HSYK should be replaced with a new model which includes only judges and prosecutors and the tutelage of Ministry of Justice over HSYK should be removed.

For erase of ideological attitude in judiciary which took its source from the constitution, especially the beginning part of the constitution should be amended, rights of different ethnic, religious, linguistic groups in Turkey should be taken into guarantee and the judiciary should be redefined as guarantee of the right of each and any groups in Turkey.

Also the enacting of international legislation regarding the fundamental rights and freedom should be considered as an obligation.

 Although the number of suggestion for that issue can be increased, the main thing to be done immediately is to make a judiciary reform which is essential for all of us including the government and judges and prosecutors.

HUMAN RIGHT ASSOCIATION
ihd@ihd.org.tr, February 19, 2010

Cihaner file in Istanbul, suspects en route, bypassing "judicial coup"

A jailed chief public prosecutor and colonel are expected to be sent to Silivri Prison in İstanbul after Erzurum prosecutor Osman Şanal forwarded the file of an inquiry he was conducting to the Beşiktaş Courthouse following a swift and controversial decision by the Supreme Board of Judges and Prosecutors (HSYK) to strip him of his special authority.

Şanal was stripped of his authority on Wednesday along with three other prosecutors in Erzurum. He was conducting an investigation into Erzincan Chief Public Prosecutor İlhan Cihaner, who was arrested earlier that same day on charges of membership in a terrorist organization and falsification of documents.

Only hours after the HSYK decision, Şanal forwarded the Cihaner probe file to the Beşiktaş Courthouse through the National Judicial Network Project (UYAP). The project was launched in 2007 and seeks to increase the speed and efficiency of judicial proceedings. Şanal had not yet received the HSYK official notice when he forwarded the file to İstanbul.

İstanbul Chief Prosecutor Aykut Cengiz Engin told reporters yesterday that an İstanbul prosecutor would be assigned to resume the inquiry soon. “We will assign a prosecutor to the investigation. There is no need to hurry,” he said. According to many observers, the file is likely to be undertaken by an Ergenekon prosecutor and merged with the Ergenekon case. Ergenekon is a terrorist organization accused of working to overthrow the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government. Dozens of its suspected members are currently in jail pending trial. Among them are members of the military, businessmen and academics.

On Friday, an Erzurum court decided to send Cihaner to Silivri Prison together with Col. Recep Gençoğlu, commander of the Eskişehir Regiment, according to reports. The colonel was arrested earlier this month on charges of being behind a plot to undermine the government.

Şanal was interrogating the Erzincan prosecutor over his investigation into a number of religious communities in the city. Last year, Justice Ministry inspectors uncovered irregularities in the investigation. An inquiry was launched into Cihaner on the grounds that he failed to inform the justice minister about his investigation into the İsmailağa religious community and the Medine Foundation. Cihaner allegedly carried out the investigation illegally, in violation of established legal practice, and overstepped his authority.

The HSYK decision against Şanal sparked indignation in various segments of society as it cast doubt on the impartiality and independence of the judiciary.

Ergenekon prosecutors announced on Friday that they would interrogate 3rd Army Commander Gen. Saldıray Berk due to his suspected links to the terrorist organization if necessary. Earlier this week, Şanal summoned the general for a second time to testify as part of the ongoing probe in Erzincan. The HSYK move against Şanal sparked a debate over whether the general would avoid testifying. The general’s file was also sent to the İstanbul courthouse yesterday.

Former prosecutor Sacit Kayasu accused the HSYK of overstepping its authority and called on political parties to display a strong will to overcome the “judicial crisis.” “People have lost their confidence in the judiciary. They are confused. The law should be reinforced to get rid of the crisis in the country. Parliament, the government and academics can leap into action to this end. But first of all, we need a strong political will,” he noted.

Baki Uzun, one of Cihaner’s lawyers, complained that Şanal “deceived” the prosecutors who replaced him by sending the investigation file to Ergenekon prosecutors. Uzun also accused Şanal of acting in line with a directive from Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. “We submitted our appeal of Cihaner’s arrest to the newly appointed prosecutors in Erzurum. The new prosecutors were unaware of Şanal’s move, and they said they would examine our appeal. But we now understand that Şanal deceived both us and the new prosecutors,” he noted.

Şanal’s move spurred opponents of the Cihaner investigation to find new grounds for their arguments. They argue that the Justice Ministry was slow to send the HSYK notice to the Erzurum prosecutors. They also claim that this delay gave Şanal enough time to forward the investigation file to the Beşiktaş Courthouse.

The arguments were rebutted by Justice Minister Sadullah Ergin on Friday. According to the minister, the notice was sent to the prosecutors in a “reasonable period of time.” “I learned only this morning from newspapers that the file was forwarded to İstanbul. The HSYK notice was sent to the prosecutors in a reasonable period of time. I decline to comment on claims that I was aware [of Şanal’s plans],” Ergin said.

HSYK Deputy Chairman Kadir Özbek, on the other hand, said his board’s notice should have been sent to Erzurum posthaste. “It should have been sent urgently. There are claims of a delay, but I do not know,” he said.

Şanal initiated Cihaner investigation upon ‘conspiracy’ docs

Several Turkish dailies wrote on Friday that Şanal initiated his probe against the Erzincan chief public prosecutor in light of documents seized at the office and house of Lt. Ersin Ergut, who was arrested last year.

The lieutenant was working as the deputy head of the intelligence department at the Erzincan Regional Gendarmerie Command.

The documents, most of which featured Ergut’s handwriting, read: “Fethullah Gülen’s group will be proven to be a criminal organization. Evidence will be created to this end.” Ergut confessed to having written those notes during an interrogation by prosecutors. According to Ergut, he wrote those notes during daily and weekly gendarmerie meetings.

He also said Cihaner used to attend and even preside over those meetings. Ergut’s confessions led Şanal to launch the investigation into Cihaner.

A secret witness also told Şanal that he was offered TL 800,000 to place munitions in the houses of followers of Gülen’s religious community. “I declined the offer. Then, they made me meet with Cihaner. Cihaner told me that he expected me to do what I was ordered,” the witness reportedly told Şanal.

The “weapon-planting operation” is believed to be part of a military plan titled the Action Plan to Fight Reactionaryism. The plan, drafted by a colonel on active duty, was intended to undermine the power of the AK Party and eventually lead to a military coup.

The plot was exposed by a Turkish daily in 2009. According to the plot, religious communities would be presented to the public as “terrorist organizations” through subversive plans. Members of the military were to plant weapons and munitions at the homes of followers of certain religious communities. Police raids on these addresses would result in the arrest of those individuals.

Supreme Court of Appeals move result of pressure by court members

An examination initiated into Cihaner’s arrest by the Supreme Court of Appeals on Wednesday came as a result of pressure on İhsan Akçin, the court’s deputy president, by court members, Today’s Zaman has learned.

Akçin was presiding over the court at the time, as its president, Hasan Gerçeker, was abroad. Members of the Supreme Court of Appeals paid a surprise visit to Akçin and asked him to take action against Cihaner’s arrest. Among those members were Ersan Ülker, who will hear a case against Cihaner soon on charges of falsification of documents.

Shortly after the visit yesterday, the Supreme Court of Appeals Prosecutor’s Office announced that an examination has been initiated into Cihaner’s arrest. (Today's Zaman, 20 February 2010)

Crise entre le gouvernement et la haute magistrature

Les tensions récurrentes entre le gouvernement islamo-conservateur turc et la haute magistrature ont dégénéré jeudi en conflit frontal, provoquant une nouvelle polarisation politique en marge d'une affaire de complot présumé visant à encourager un coup d'Etat.

"La Turquie n'est pas un pays de juges, elle est un pays démocratique avec un Etat de droit", a sèchement déclaré jeudi le vice-Premier ministre Bülent Arinç, lors d'une conférence de presse.

"Le fonctionnement de la justice indépendante a été entravé. Comment désormais les procureurs peuvent-ils mener des enquêtes librement ?" s'est interrogé M. Arinç.

Des dizaines de personnes sont jugées depuis 2007 dans l'affaire Ergenekon, un complot présumé visant à encourager un coup d'Etat militaire contre le gouvernement du Parti pour la justice et le développement (AKP, issu de la mouvance islamiste).

Le gouvernement est accusé de vouloir se servir de cette procédure pour faire taire les milieux pro-laïcs.

La dernière crise entre l'élite du pouvoir judiciaire, bastion de la laïcité, et le gouvernement, est née de l'arrestation du procureur en chef de la province d'Erzincan (est), Ilhan Cihaner, qui a été inculpé d'appartenance à Ergenekon, provoquant une grave crise institutionnelle.

Ce procureur, qui avait tenté d'enquêter sur les agissements dans sa zone d'une confrérie musulmane, a affirmé avoir été la cible de pressions du gouvernement pour abandonner son enquête.

M. Cihaner a été arrêté et incarcéré mercredi par des procureurs rivaux de la province d'Erzurum.

Peu après, le Conseil supérieur des juges et des procureurs (HSYK) a démis de leurs fonctions les procureurs qui avaient fait arrêter leur collègue.

Dans la foulée, le premier magistrat de Turquie, le procureur en chef de la Cour de cassation, Abdurrahman Yalçinkaya, a fait planer la menace d'une nouvelle procédure pour dissoudre l'AKP, indiquant qu'il enquêtait sur d'éventuelles pressions par l'exécutif sur l'institution judiciaire.

En 2008, l'AKP avait évité de justesse une interdiction pour "activités antilaïques".

S'il y a un procès contre l'AKP, "nous convoquerons immédiatement des élections anticipées", a affirmé au journal Radikal un dirigeant de ce parti.

L'AKP avait remporté les dernières législatives en 2007, avec 47% de voix.

Le pouvoir judiciaire est au coeur des mutations que connaît le système politique turc depuis l'arrivée au pouvoir de l'AKP en 2002.

Les juridictions supérieures ont résisté à toutes les initiatives gouvernementales qu'elles considèrent comme un affront aux principes laïques, notamment une tentative d'autoriser le port du voile à l'université.

Pour l'opposition, le procureur Cihaner paye le prix d'avoir attaqué les intérêts d'une communauté religieuse opérant dans sa province.

"Il est clair que l'on vise ici à dissuader un procureur de faire son travail", a estimé Deniz Baykal, le chef du parti républicain du peuple (CHP, centre-gauche), montrant du doigt le gouvernement.

Interdites, les sectes musulmanes sont pourtant tolérées en Turquie, et elles comptent des adeptes aux niveaux les plus élevés de la classe politique et de la bureaucratie. (AFP, Burak AKINCI, 18 fév 2010)

Chief Prosecutor Arrested, Supreme Court Investigates

The Erzincan Public Chief Prosecutor İlhan Cihaner was arrested by the Erzurum court in the context of the Ergenekon investigation.

"Ergenekon" is the case of a clandestine ultra-national organisation, said to have planned to overthrow the government and to create chaos in the country with murders and attacks.

After a seven hours interrogation by Courthouse Special Authority Public Prosecutor Osman Şanal in Erzurum (north-eastern Anatolia), Cihaner was taken to the court upon the request of taking him into custody. The Erzurum 2nd High Criminal Court decided for Cihaner's arrest.

Cihaner was brought to the Erzurum Closed Prison.

Cihaner's lawyer Hamit Sekman declared to lodge an appeal against the decision today (18 February). Sekman said that the arrest did not come as a surprise since taking somebody into custody that way would always bear the possibility of arrest.

Special Authority Public Prosecutor Şanal carries out the Ergenekon investigation in Erzurum. Preceding the arrest, Şanal had Cihaner's office and home searched on Tuesday (16 February) together with another three prosecutors.

Lawyer Sekman explained that his client Cihaner was arrested on charges of "membership of the Ergenekon terror organization", "misconduct of office" and "threat and slander".

Supreme Court initiated investigation

At the same time, the Supreme Court Chief Prosecution announced that they initiated an investigation into judicial inquiries which damaged the judiciary.

According to the announcement, the Supreme Court Public Prosecution launched an investigation into "judicial inquiries shaking the confidence of justice and damaging the judiciary in the judicial environment of Habur, Erzincan and Erzurum in order to ascertain whether the judiciary is influenced by political pressure and whether individuals are protected from public forces by legal rules".

Authority of interrogating prosecutors revoked by HSYK

The Supreme Board of Prosecutors and Judges (HSYK) revoked the special authorities of the prosecutors involved in the interrogation and arrest of Cihaner, namely Erzurum Special Authority Tarık Gür, prosecutors Rasim Karakullukçu, Mehmet Yazıcı and Osman Şanal, by reason of having exceeded their authorities.

In yesterday's (17 February) meeting the HSYK decided by majority vote to file a complaint with Erzurum Public Chief Prosecutor Sinan Kuş, and prosecutors Gür, Karakullukçu, Yazıcı and Şanal. The HSYK furthermore applied to the Ministry of Justice.

Justice Minister Sadullah Ergin did not attend the HSYK meeting since he was in another meeting with the ministry undersecretary.

Upon the decision the prosecutors can no longer continue the file related to the Ergenekon organization in Erzurum.

Prosecutor versus prosecutor

On Tuesday, the Ministry of Justice announced its approval for an investigation into the criminal offences that emerged from the prosecutors' duties. The investigation into the special authority prosecutors can be carried out based on charges of organized crime in relation to article 250 of the Criminal Procedure Law (CMK).

The Ministry put forward that this exception related to the prosecution of judges and prosecutors is part of the "stage of the investigation" and emphasized that the Supreme Court is determined in this way as well.

Erzurum Bar Association President İsyanı: law is suspended

Erzurum Bar Association President Naci Turan criticized the arrest of prosecutor Cihaner and the subsequent revocation of the other prosecutors' special authorities in Erzurum. He argued, "The law has been suspended".

In an interview with bianet Turan said that it was a mistake to arrest Cihaner. "You can initiate an investigation into a chief prosecutor on charges of membership of a terror organization, you can also prosecute him. But he could have been deposed from office, it was a mistake to arrest him". (BIA, Tolga Korkut - Erhan Üstündağ, 18 February 2010)

President Gül says new constitution is not possible

Owing to political disagreements, Parliament missed a historic opportunity to update Turkey’s junta-made Constitution, said President Abdullah Gül.

“Unfortunately the opportunity for a new constitution was missed. Carrying this into practice in the first place would befit this assembly. But, it did not happen,” Gül told a group reporters Sunday on his way to India.

The current Constitution was written by the junta following the coup staged in 1980. The politicians have long discussed renewing it with a civilian agenda, but every effort has failed due to disagreements between the political parties. Gül tried to encourage Parliament to move forward for a modern and civilian charter but his calls fell short.

“A consensus on a new constitution has been reached in Turkey. Furthermore, every party has its own draft. Difficulties may arise from methods, forms and expressions,” Gül said. The ruling Justice and Development Party, or AKP’s, initiative did not bring any results as the opposition parties did not endorse its methodology. They were seeking the establishment of an independent commission that would draft the document.

As Gül pointed out, due to the growing polarization among political parties, it became nearly impossible to update the Constitution or even partially amend it. “I cannot make a comment on amending it partially. It is up to the deputies and party groups,” he said.

On last week’s fist fight in Parliament, Gül said, “This image weakens politics,” adding: “Turkish politics should move in mutual respect and appreciation. Political dispute is crucial, but we should not overdo it.” (Hürriyet Daily News, February 8, 2010)

Bataille rangée à la Grande Assemblée Nationale de Turquie

La Grande Assemblée Nationale de Turquie a été le théâtre, mardi dernier, 2 février 2010, de très vifs accrochages entre opposition et majorité. Ce sont les commentaires sarcastiques d’un député nationaliste sur le premier ministre et son épouse qui sont à l’origine de ce qui s’est transformée rapidement en une véritable bataille rangée. Pour comprendre les raisons de l’incident, il faut rappeler que, dimanche dernier, lors d’une émission en direct sur la chaîne publique TRT1, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, afin de stigmatiser la persistance des rigidités du laïcisme officiel, avait révélé une mésaventure dont son épouse, Emine, avait été victime, en 2007. Celle-ci, qui voulait alors rendre visite à l’acteur Nejat Uygur, hospitalisé dans un hôpital militaire, le GATA (Gülhane Askeri Tıp Akademisi), s’en était vue empêchée en raison de sa coiffure. L’accès des bâtiments et des zones militaires en Turquie est, en effet, strictement interdit aux femmes voilées ou aux hommes barbus, et le premier ministre avait vivement regretté cette situation à la télévision.

Rebondissant sur l’exposé public des déboires d’Emine Erdoğan, Osman Durmuş, député du MHP et au demeurant ancien ministre de la santé, a donc ironisé, mardi, au Parlement, en se demandant comment «on avait pu oser refuser l’entrée du GATA à la femme d’un premier ministre qui est considéré comme un prophète.» Il faut dire que la remarque de Durmuş faisait aussi allusion implicitement à la déclaration d’un responsable local de l’AKP, qui, en novembre dernier, avait qualifié le premier ministre de “second prophète”. Quoi qu’il en soit, les propos du député nationaliste ont provoqué la colère de Recep Tayyip Erdoğan et des députés de l’AKP. Furieux que l’on implique son épouse, d’une façon cavalière, dans des polémiques parlementaires, il a accusé le MHP de manger à tous les râteliers, en cherchant d’un côté à gagner le vote des femmes voilées et en continuant, de l’autre, à soutenir ceux qui leur refusent l’accès de certains lieux. Cet échange verbal a été suivi par un pugilat, qui a vu les députés des deux partis en venir aux mains, tandis que leurs leaders respectifs ne cherchaient même pas à les séparer.

À peine apaisées, les tensions ont repris, opposant cette fois le gouvernement au CHP. En effet, le vice-premier ministre, Bülent Arınç, s’en est pris à la présidente de séance, la députée kémaliste, Güldal Mumcu, en lui reprochant de mal conduire les débats parlementaires, et notamment de n’être pas juste dans la répartition des temps de parole. Güldal Mumcu a vertement riposté, en expliquant que Bülent Arınç était venu la voir dans son bureau, avant la reprise de la session, pour mettre en cause sa conduite des débats. Piquée au vif, la députée kémaliste a même qualifié une telle initiative d’atteinte à la séparation des pouvoirs. Pour sa part, Bülent Arınç, lors d’une conférence de presse, tenue le lendemain, a estimé que Güldal Mumcu était coutumière du fait, et que, si l’on prenait la peine de relire les procès verbaux de l’Assemblée Nationale, on s’apercevrait que, souvent, par le passé, des débats avaient dérapé par la faute de la députée du CHP. Il faut savoir en outre qu’un lourd contentieux existe entre Güldal Mumcu et les milieux islamistes turcs, puisqu’elle est la veuve du journaliste Uğur Mumcu, victime en 1994 d’un assassinat qui n’a jamais été élucidé.

Ces incidents dont le gouvernement et les partis d’opposition se sont rejetés la responsabilité, en se demandant mutuellement de présenter des excuses, révèlent le climat de tensions qui règne à l’Assemblée Nationale actuellement, et qui découle principalement du fait que deux projets à haut risque viennent d’y être relancés par le gouvernement : la réforme constitutionnelle et l’initiative kurde. Tandis que, pour l’opposition, de tels incidents illustrent le comportement dominateur du parti majoritaire à qui elle reproche d’avoir établi une véritable «dictature civile», pour l’AKP, ils démontrent en fait que l’opposition est prête à tout pour empêcher l’aboutissement des réformes constitutionnelles et de l’ouverture kurde, avant les prochaines élections législatives, qui doivent avoir lieu en 2011.

À cette occasion, en tout cas, la question du foulard a fait son retour au sommet de l’Etat. On se souvient que ce problème, objet de conflits permanents, au sein des universités, depuis une vingtaine d’années, a déjà atteint le plus haut niveau de la société politique turque, à plusieurs reprises, au cours de la dernière décennie. En 1999, Merve Kavakçı, une députée du parti islamiste Fazilet, avait tenté de siéger dans l’hémicycle, la tête couverte. En 2003, lors de la fête nationale, le président de la République, Ahmet Necdet Sezer, avait refusé l’accès de sa résidence aux femmes voilées des ministres de l’AKP, récemment entrés en fonction. En 2007, la coiffure de la femme du président actuel, Hayrunisa Gül, avait été l’une des raisons majeures de la résistance farouche, opposée par l’establisment politico-militaire, à la candidature de son époux, Abdullah.

À l’issue des incidents de mardi, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan a déclaré que son épouse et lui-même avait été confrontés à bien d’autres situations de rejet, qu’il s’est toutefois refusées à détailler, en estimant qu’il serait temps de le faire, lorsqu’il aurait définitivement quitté la vie politique. En attendant, le premier à faire les frais de toute cette affaire est le responsable AKP de la province d’Aydın, Ismail Hakki Eser, qui, emporté par son enthousiasme, avait qualifié son leader de «second prophète». Mal lui en a pris ! «Cette remarque peut certes provenir d’une certaine ignorance ; mais si vous êtes pieux, vous ne pouvez pas tenir un tel propos ; l’ère des prophéties est finie depuis longtemps et l’on ne peut parler d’Erdoğan comme d’un prophète», a déclaré le premier ministre, en expliquant que, bien qu’Ismail Hakki Eser soit «un ami», il faudrait qu’il se résolve à abandonner ses responsabilités au sein du parti. L’enfer est souvent, comme l’on sait, pavé de bonnes intentions… (http://ovipot.blogspot.com/JM, 6 février 2010)

Sixth Annual EUTCC Kurdish Conference Concluded at the European Parliament          

The EU-Turkey Civic Commission’s (EUTCC) Sixth International Conference on the EU, Turkey and the Kurds has concluded at the European Parliament in Brussels.

The Sixth International Conference on the EU, Turkey and the Kurds continues at the European Parliament today, with sessions dedicated to promoting discussion around progress on EU-Turkey accession, human rights and democratisation.

After yesterday's debate on recent peace initiatives, the morning session commenced with a speech by Emin Aktar, Chairman of the Diyarbakir Bar Association in Turkey. He spoke about the need for the Turkish government to uphold international standards and outlined ongoing human rights abuses, particularly with regard to violations of children's rights, freedom of expression and the right to freely associate. He also spoke of the need to fight actions to close political parties, which restrict political debate in the country.

Richard Howitt, MEP for the UK Socialists and Democrats Group, followed by expressing his deep regret of the banning of the DTP, and played tribute to Mark Muller QC, and the work of the KHRP in championing human rights issues in the Kurdish regions before the EU. He also talked about Turkey’s need to embrace minority rights if it is to join the EU, and to tackle their misplaced fear that these are somehow a threat to the unity of the state.

The session also included Baroness Sarah Ludford, MEP for the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe, who spoke of the need for a strong working political system in Turkey, which can respect and not impede obligations placed on EU member states to protect human rights. She outlined problems including ongoing human rights abuses, such as the growing criminalisation of children, the excessive power of the military, and the persistent closure of political parties, contending that the failure to solve the Kurdish issue distorts the whole of the Turkish system.

Because of the overseas travel ban imposed against members of the now defunct pro-Kurdish Demokratik Toplum Partisi (Democratic Society Party, DTP), the third and final session of the conference— entitled 'Possible Roadmap for the Kurdish Resolution and Role of the EU’— was opened with a written message that was read out by EUTCC board member Mr. Hans Branscheidt, on behalf of Diyarbakir Mayor, Osman Baydemir. Baydemir vowed that despite the recent arrests and widespread detention of mayors in the south-east of Turkey, the non-violent civilian struggle for an honourable peace will continue and affirmed that peace is not only possible, but that it will prevail.

KHRP Chief Executive Kerim Yildiz later talked about ‘Recognition of the Conflict and Political Dialogue´. Yildiz outlined how the government's operations since December have further polarised both sides and underlined why recognition of the conflict alone will not be enough. He highlighted the need to consider a variety of mechanisms for justice and reconciliation and called for the design of conflict resolution and post-conflict programmes which involve all parties so that all citizens are ´galvanised in the project of peace´.

The session concluded with a speech by Mark Muller QC, Honorary Secretary General of the KHRP and Chairman of the Bar Human Rights Committee of England and Wales. In his speech entitled, ‘Kurdish Initiative: Illusion or Reality', Muller conceded that despite their limitations, real gains have been made within Turkish society and that these are not illusory. He set out eight fundamental steps towards creating a platform for a durable peace process, and similarly asserted the need for the AK government to engage with a ´parliamentary partner for peace´, and stated that long-term stability is incumbent on tackling the source of tensions within Turkish society.

The final resolutions to the Sixth International EUTCC Conference ended calling for:

• the immediate end to all military operations by Turkey within Kurdistan, Iraq;

• that the resolution of the armed conflict between the Turkish state and the PKK can only come through political dialogue with representatives of the Kurdish people and the Turkish government;

• that the government of Turkey, with the EU´s assistance, should ensure that there is a political space for dialogue between all peoples on concrete, substantive issues, such as constitutional reform;

• Turkey to immediately stop using anti-terror legislation to criminalise and detain the legitimate representatives of the Kurdish people;

• that the government's Kurdish Initiative must genuinely consult with elected representatives of the Kurds, and with those in wider Turkish and Kurdish society;

• all parties to commit to a peaceful Newroz where Kurds are permitted to freely celebrate, associate and express themselves without fear or favour;

• the EU and international community to seriously facilitate the above in order to support political dialogue and peace-building in Turkey and the region as a whole.

A full set of resolutions will be published in due course and will be available on the EUTCC website. (www.khrp.org, February 4, 2010)

The Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) elected Demirtas et Kisanak as co-leaders

The Peace and Democracy Party elected two new co-chairs at an extraordinary party congress. MP Demirtaş is the former president of the Human Rights Foundation Branch of Diyarbakır; journalist Kışanak is co-ordinator of social projects of the Bağlar Municipality.

Members of the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) elected their new co-chairs in an extraordinary congress on 1 February. Diyarbakır MPs Selahattin Demirtaş and Gültan Kışanak share the party's forefront.

After the Constitutional Court had decreed for the closure of Democratic Society Party (DTP) in mid December last year, a political ban was imposed on 37 party members, among them DTP co-chairs Ahmet Türk and Aysel Tuğluk. The remaining 19 DTP MPs joined the Peace and Democracy Party.

The work of former co-chairs Türk and Tuğluk was appreciated with a hugh applause at the congress. According to the speakers of the congress,  BDP aims at becoming a nation-wide alternative for Turkish voters. The party lays its hope on the year 2010 as a year of democratization and peace. Speeches were made on various topics, such as the solution of the Kurdish question, saying that the willpower of imprisoned Adullah Öcalan, leader of the militant Kurdistan Workers' Party, should be a determinant. Furthermore, Turkey in its role as a "democratic partner country" and a "democratic republic" was emphasized. "Democratic autonomy" was suggested as an administration model on a local level.

The congress was attended by 2,000 particiapants, the same amount of people were waiting outside the congress hall. Among the attendants were former DTP co-chairs Türk and Tuğluk, BDP MPs, members of the "Peace Group" coming from Kandil and Mahmur and also a group of Tekel workers.

Gültan Kışanak

Journalist Gültan Kışanak was born on 15 June 1961 in Elazığ in eastern Turkey. She graduated from Ege University Communication Facutly in Journalism and Public Relations. Kışanak worked for various newspapers as a journalist. She ran several projects as co-ordinator and consultant for the Bağlar Municipality Social Project in Diyarbakır in eastern Turkey. The new BDP co-chair is married and mother of one child. With an independent candidacy she was elected Diyarbakır MP on 22 July 2007 and joined the DTP group.

Selahattin Demirtaş

Lawyer Selahattin Demirtaş was born on 10 April 1973 in the Elazığ of Palu. He graduated from Law School at Ankara University and worked as a lawyer. He became Board Member of the Human Rights Association (İHD) Diyarbakır Branch and Branch President. He is also member of the Human Rights Foundation of Turkey and the Turkish branch of Amnesty International. Demirtaş is married and has two children. As his colleague Kışanak, Demirtaş was elected Diyarbakır MP as independent candidate in the elections on 22 July 2007 and joined the DTP group. (BIA, Tolga KORKUT, 2 February 2010)


Forces armées/Armed Forces
 
Des généraux libérés après un nouveau marchandage politico-militaire

Les dirigeants civils et militaires turcs se sont engagés jeudi à régler dans le cadre des lois et de la Constitution la crise née de l'arrestation d'une cinquantaine de militaires soupçonnés d'avoir voulu comploter en 2003 contre le gouvernement islamo-conservateur.

"Les citoyens doivent être convaincus que les questions d'actualité seront réglées dans un cadre constitutionnel et en vertu des lois", indique un communiqué de la présidence turque publié au terme d'une réunion d'urgence jeudi entre le président Abdullah Gül, le Premier ministre Recep Tayyip Erdogan et le chef de l'état-major de l'armée, le général Ilker Basbug.

Les parties présentes ont souligné "la nécessité pour tous d'agir avec responsabilité afin de ne pas affaiblir les institutions (civiles et militaires) au cours de ce processus", selon le texte.

A l'issue de la rencontre, M. Erdogan n'a pas caché sa satisfaction, disant que l'entretien s'était "très bien passé".

Juste après le nouveau marchandage politico-militaire, les anciens chefs de la Marine et de l'aviation turques, Ozden Ornek et Ibrahim Firtina, ont été libérés sur ordre du Parquet, après avoir été interrogés dans le cadre de l'affaire de la préparation présumée en 2003 d'un coup d'Etat.

Ces deux ex-responsables de haut rang de l'armée figuraient parmi la cinquantaine de militaires arrêtés lundi.

Un autre ancien responsable militaire, l'ancien numéro deux de l'armée de Terre Ergin Saygun, a lui aussi été libéré un peu plus tard.

L'état-major avait réagi mardi aux arrestations de militaires en qualifiant la situation de "sérieuse".

Malgré la déclaration commune et les mises en liberté, certains observateurs estimaient que les termes vagues employés dans le communiqué laissaient penser que les tensions entre la hiérarchie militaire et le gouvernement ne semblaient pas pour l'heure surmontées même s'il y a une volonté d'apaisement.

"La crise a été surmontée pour l'instant, mais comme il s'agit d'un problème systémique, une nouvelle crise pourrait surgir pour une autre raison", a commenté Soli Özel, de l'Université Bilgi d'Istanbul. (Agences, 25 fév 2010)

Vingt militaires inculpés et écroués

Vingt militaires, pour la plupart des officiers, ont été inculpés et écroués par un tribunal d'Istanbul pour avoir ourdi en 2003 un complot visant à renverser le gouvernement islamo-conservateur turc.

Cette affaire a fait rebondir le conflit entre le parti au pouvoir et la hiérarchie militaire.

L'agence Anatolie a annoncé une réunion extraordinaire jeudi à 09H00 GMT comprenant le président Abdullah Gül, le Premier ministre Recep Tayyip Erdogan, et le chef d'état-major, le général Ilker Basbug.

Deux amiraux en service actif, ainsi que deux amiraux, un général et deux colonels à la retraite ont été inculpés d'appartenance à une orgnisation clandestine au cours de la nuit de mardi à mercredi, selon Anatolie et les chaînes de télévision.

Le même tribunal a ordonné mercredi l'incarcération de cinq autres suspects également accusés d'avoir comploté en 2O03, portant à douze le nombre des personnes écrouées dans cette affaire, précise l'agence.

Les cinq suspects, quatre officiers à la retraite, dont un amiral, et un soldat d'active, ont été interrogés par un procureur d'un tribunal d'Istanbul avant d'être incarcérés, toujours selon l'agence.

Le tribunal a en revanche décidé de libérer six militaires arrêtés dans le cadre d'un coup de filet inédit lundi, visant 49 officiers accusés d'avoir imaginé une opération de déstabilisation pour faire chuter le Parti de la justice et du développement (AKP, issu de la mouvance islamiste), au pouvoir depuis 2002.

Le coup de filet de lundi, réalisé par des procureurs qui enquêtaient depuis trois ans sur des complots présumés en vue de renverser l'AKP, est la mise en cause la plus radicale jusqu'ici de l'institution militaire.

L'ancien chef de l'armée de l'air, Ibrahim Firtina, et Özden Örnek, ancien commandant de la marine, ont notamment été arrêtés. Les médias ont rapporté qu'ils seraient entendus jeudi par des procureurs.

L'armée a qualifié mardi de "situation sérieuse" l'arrestation la veille d'une quarantaine d'officiers de haut rang soupçonnés d'implication dans un complot visant à renverser le gouvernement islamo-conservateur.

"Une réunion à laquelle ont participé tous les généraux et amiraux des forces armées turques a été organisée aujourd'hui au quartier général de l'état-major pour évaluer la situation sérieuse survenue dans le cadre d'une enquête menée par le procureur de la République d'Istanbul", a affirmé l'état-major des armées dans un communiqué diffusé sur son site internet.

Des analystes militaires ont vu dans cette réunion exceptionnelle un moyen pour l'état-major d'exprimer un soutien moral à ses cadres, sans vouloir toutefois s'immiscer dans une procédure judiciaire en cours.

La réunion des généraux a provoqué une première réaction du parti gouvernemental, dont un dirigeant, Salih Kapusuz, a mis en garde contre toute tentative d'"influencer" la justice. "J'exhorte tout le monde à laisser la justice faire son travail en paix", a-t-il dit. (AFP, 25 fév 2010)

Le rôle de l'armée en question après une rafle inédite

L'arrestation lundi en Turquie de dizaines de militaires a-t-elle permis d'empêcher un coup d'Etat ou s'agit-il de l'ultime épisode d'une guerre de pouvoir entre le gouvernement islamo-conservateur et l'armée, bastion du régime laïque?

Coup de filet historique dans les milieux militaires, la police a interpellé 49 officiers d'active ou à la retraite, dont les ex-chefs de l'aviation et de la marine, dans le cadre d'une enquête sur un projet supposé de coup d'Etat, intitulé Balyoz (masse de forgeron).

Le plan, tel qu'il a été révélé en janvier par le quotidien libéral Taraf, prévoyait de susciter la colère des milieux islamistes en faisant exploser des bombes dans des mosquées à l'heure de la prière, et d'organiser des attaques de faux islamistes contre des symboles de la laïcité.

Toujours selon Taraf, la chute programmée d'un avion de chasse turc au cours d'un accrochage avec les forces grecques devait raviver les tensions entre les deux pays et accroître la confusion, jusqu'à rendre nécessaire l'instauration d'un régime militaire et l'arrestation de nombreuses personnes.

L'armée a rejeté les accusations et dénoncé une campagne de dénigrement, mais l'état-major a néanmoins reconnu dans un communiqué une existence à ce plan, évoquant un simple "scénario" de wargame préparé en 2003.

Pour Taraf, la vague d'arrestations constitue un "point de rupture" dans l'histoire politique turque, marquée par quatre coups d'Etat militaires en cinquante ans.

"La République change maintenant. L'ère de la 'dictature' s'achève. Les putschistes sont arrêtés et déférés devant la justice", triomphe mardi dans les colonnes du journal son directeur de la publication, Ahmet Altan.

Dernier épisode d'une série de procédures judiciaires ayant conduit à l'arrestation de dizaines de conspirateurs supposés, l'enquête est en revanche critiquée par l'opposition, qui y voit une manipulation du gouvernement pour affaiblir le camp pro-laïcité.

"On tente par ces arrestations de semer la peur en Turquie", a estimé dans un communiqué le parti républicain du peuple (CHP, centre-gauche). La mouvance laïque accuse régulièrement le Parti de la justice et du développement (AKP) au pouvoir de vouloir islamiser la société en catimini.

L'hypothèse d'une "chasse aux sorcières" laisse sceptique Hugh Pope, de l'International Crisis Group.

"Il est clair que la justice est extrêmement sérieuse et n'aurait certainement pas mis en prison autant de personnalités de haut rang si elle n'avait pas l'absolue certitude qu'il y a vraiment un dossier", affirme l'analyste à l'AFP.

Admettant l'existence de "preuves dérangeantes" d'abus dans les procédures en cours contre les conspirateurs supposés, M. Pope voit néanmoins dans ces enquêtes "un processus par lequel la Turquie est en train d'établir la primauté de l'autorité civile" sur le pouvoir militaire.

Pour Alexandre Toumarkine, politologue de l'Institut français d'études anatoliennes, l'éventualité d'un coup d'Etat ne relève pas de la pure fiction dans la Turquie du 21e siècle, candidate à l'adhésion à l'Union européenne.

"L'image des chars dans la rue porte en elle un coût politique tellement important que l'hypothèse n'est probablement pas envisageable", estime le chercheur.

Cependant, des projets d'interventions militaires plus discrètes visant à "restructurer en profondeur le système politique" ont "germé dans les esprits de pas mal de gens", poursuit-il.

"On a l'impression d'être arrivés à un tel niveau (d'antagonisme entre armée et gouvernement, ndlr) que soit l'armée prend le pli et accepte de se retirer de l'espace politique, soit elle continue de préparer une déstabilisation du pouvoir en place pour l'obliger à quitter la scène", souligne M. Toumarkine. (AFP, Nicolas CHEVIRON, 23 fév 2010)

D'anciens chefs militaires arrêtés pour complot

Quarante-huit militaires, dont les ex-chefs de l'aviation et de la marine, ont été arrêtés lundi en Turquie lors d'un coup filet historique dirigé contre l'armée dans le cadre de complots présumés visant à renverser le gouvernement islamo-conservateur.

Cette offensive judiciaire contre l'armée a accru les tensions entre partisans du gouvernement et l'opposition nationaliste.

Pas moins de 18 généraux à la retraite et 4 amiraux actuellement en service, figurent parmi les militaires interpellés à Ankara, Istanbul et Izmir (ouest), selon les chaînes de télévision.

Le chef d'état-major, le général Ilker Basbug, a reporté un déplacement en Egypte, a indiqué l'agence de presse Anatolie.

Le Premier ministre turc Recep Tayyip Erdogan, en visite en Espagne, a annoncé que "plus de 40 personnes ont été interpellées", refusant de commenter "une affaire devant la justice".

L'ex-chef de l'armée de l'air, le général Ibrahim Firtina et l'amiral Özden Örnek, ex-commandant de la marine, figurent parmi les personnalités arrêtées.

Jamais dans l'histoire de la Turquie, on n'avait assisté à une vague d'arrestations d'une telle ampleur dans les milieux militaires.

Les militaires arrêtés ont été conduits à Istanbul où ils étaient interrogés par la police avec les autres suspects interpellés.

Ils devaient ensuite être entendus par des procureurs qui pourraient les déférer devant un tribunal, selon les chaînes d'information NTV et CNN-Türk.

Ces arrestations s'inscrivent dans le cadre de l'enquête pour déjouer un plan dénommé Balyoz (marteau de forge), révélé en janvier par un journal libéral, qui aurait eu pour objectif d'organiser une série d'attentats à la bombe contre des mosquées et des musées, afin d'inciter les Turcs à descendre dans les rues pour manifester violemment.

Ces activités de déstabilisation visant le gouvernement du Parti de la justice et du développement (AKP), issu de la mouvance islamiste et au pouvoir depuis 2002, auraient été planifiés en 2003.

L'instigateur supposé de ce plan, l'ex-général quatre étoiles Cetin Dogan, qui avait nié toute implication, figure parmi les personnes arrêtées.

Plusieurs complots présumés contre le gouvernement ont été mis au jour, provoquant une succession de procédures judiciaires qui ont attisé les tensions entre les partisans du gouvernement, accusé d'avoir un plan caché d'islamisation du pays, et ses opposants.

"On tente par ces arrestations de semer la peur en Turquie", a indiqué le parti républicain du peule (CHP) au Parlement, dans un communiqué.

MM. Firtina et Örnek avaient été entendus en qualité de suspects en décembre à Istanbul par les procureurs qui instruisent différentes enquêtes pour complot sous la bannière de l'affaire Ergenekon, un réseau qui aurait cherché à provoquer un putsch militaire.

Près de 200 personnes de tous bords (mafieux, avocats, journalistes, universitaires, militaires) sont jugées depuis 2008 dans le cadre de l'affaire Ergenekon, dont la révélation est considérée par certains comme une avancée démocratique en Turquie, mais critiquée par d'autres comme un moyen, pour le gouvernement, de museler l'opposition laïque. (AFP, 22 fév 2010)

AFP: L'armée turque menacée de perdre son prestige, face aux islamistes modérés

L'armée turque, l'institution la plus respectée de la République laïque fondée par Atatürk, est menacée de perdre son prestige, voire sa cohésion, par des accusations répétées de complots dans ses rangs contre le gouvernement islamo-conservateur, selon des analystes.

Depuis l'ouverture en 2007 du procès Ergenekon, un vaste complot présumé contre le régime impliquant de nombreux militaires, une bonne dizaine de nouvelles tentatives de déstabilisation du gouvernement de Recep Tayyip Erdogan ont été révélées par des juges ou les médias.

Le malaise est tel que le chef d'Etat major, le général Ilker Basbug, qui dirige la deuxième armée de l'Otan, a cru bon d'affirmer fin janvier que les coups d'Etat -l'armée turque en a commis quatre en 50 ans- "appartiennent au passé". Et il a protesté de l'innocence de ses troupes.

L'éditorialiste du journal libéral Hurriyet, Mehmet Ali Birand, prévient cette semaine que "le fait pour l'armée turque de perdre son prestige dans l'opinion publique risque d'entraîner des divisions au sein des militaires".

Et il propose son remède. Il faut, dit-il, que chacun fasse un bout de chemin, que les militaires "s'habituent à la critique" et à ne plus "se mêler de politique". Quant à nous (les médias), "nous devrons prendre l'habitude de ne plus provoquer les militaires".

Outre le procès fleuve Ergenekon, la justice a annoncé début février que 19 personnes, dont neuf officiers de marine, seront jugées en mai, accusées d'"appartenance à une organisation terroriste armée". Elles auraient projeté d'assassiner des amiraux, pour plonger le pays dans le chaos.

Quinze autres officiers de marine et deux soldats à la retraite seront jugés en avril, accusés de projets d'attentats.

Courant janvier, des policiers ont, dans une démarche sans précédent, perquisitionné une caserne des forces spéciales à Ankara, où sont conservées les archives secrètes, enquêtant sur un complot présumé d'assassinat du vice-Premier ministre Bülent Arinç.

"Cette ultime audace montre qu'aucun militaire, aussi élevé soit-il dans la hiérarchie, ne parait à l'abri d'une arrestation, ou pour le moins d'une convocation humiliante", note l'universitaire Jean Marcou sur son blog Observatoire de la vie politique turque (ovipot.blogspot.com).

Et certains analystes soupçonnent le gouvernement de profiter de ces mises en cause pour museler l'opposition nationaliste ou kémaliste, et poursuivre un projet caché d'islamisation du pays.

"Si on nous pousse à bout, nous ferons savoir ce que nous savons à l'opinion publique", a menacé le général Basbug, dans une récente interview.

Mais "face à ces +retenez-moi ou je fais un malheur+, nombre d'observateurs prennent un malin plaisir à se demander quels +malheurs+ pourraient bien désormais déclencher le chef d'Etat major", note M. Marcou.

"Les temps changent: on présente les factures à l'armée, ce qu'on n'osait pas faire autrefois", explique à l'AFP M. Birand, ajoutant que l'armée occupe aujourd'hui une position moins centrale sur l'échiquier turc.

Le gouvernement mène une diplomatie très active du "zéro problème" avec tous les voisins de la Turquie. Et la posture de défense des années 1990, dite des "deux guerres et demie", avec comme principales menaces la Syrie, la Grèce, et l'insurrection kurde, a perdu sa pertinence.

Les relations avec Athènes et Damas se sont nettement améliorées, et le conflit kurde a décru en intensité.

"L'armée retrouvera son prestige et un rôle d'arbitre si la Turquie replonge dans un régime instable de coalition" entre partis, ce qui n'est pas le cas actuellement, M. Erdogan disposant d'une confortable majorité au Parlement, estime M. Birand. (AFP, Michel SAILHAN, 20 fév 2010)

The Army Chief's Scandalous Voice Recording

Some military officers who were detained in December last year as part of an investigation into an alleged plot to assassinate Deputy Prime Minister Bülent Arınç were on a mission assigned to them by Chief of General Staff Gen. İlker Başbuğ, according to a voice recording that allegedly features the voice of Başbuğ himself, published yesterday on the news site habervaktim.com.

Later on, the Chief of Staff Headquarters announced that the voice belongs to General Basbug and the contents of the recording might be produced by using  General Basbug's recent talks with a group of Turkish officers when he was abroad.

The voice featured in the recording says: “Now dear friends, men are taking advantage of mistakes. This is important. There is a mistake here. It could be an honest mistake. It could be purposeful. It could be the result of ignorance. There could be many types of mistakes. That is another issue, but we should all understand that there is a mistake and that somebody is using it, exploiting it.” The voice goes on, “For example, this incident we experienced at the Tactical Mobilization Unit in Ankara. Yes, we gave them an order. I did, nobody should mess with this. Our friends are carrying out that order.

They have been carrying it out for some time. What is being done there? What? To start with, you should know the characteristics of the area of your assignment. It is a sensitive area and there are many people there. They shouldn’t notice this but you should, but you can’t, which is a mistake. If you’ve been on an assignment for a long time you should know you are being watched. You should feel this. You should understand this. They can’t [understand]. There are problems regarding professional skills.”

In the same recording, he says he was the one who gave permission for civilian prosecutors to search the facilities of the Tactical Mobilization Unit in Ankara as part of an alleged plot by military officers to assassinate Deputy Prime Minister Bülent Arınç. “Can they search if you don’t let them? … What are they going to do if you tell them they can’t enter there, can they? That’s not going to happen. That can’t happen, they couldn’t have entered.”

The voice continues: “Secondly, if I hadn’t let them enter, or do this and that, what would have happened? It would have stuck on the Turkish Armed Forces [TSK]. Who needs that? It would create suspicions. I said, ‘Come in, please search.’ They entered the cosmic [chambers where the military’s top secret archives kept are referred to as ‘cosmic rooms,’ or simply ‘cosmic’ in Turkey] of the Special Forces. Of course there is a psychological affect.”

Rotten apples in military

In the voice recording, the voice also complains about leaks. He blames these leaks on individuals he describes as “the rotten among us.” He also says these people should be found out.

He continues: “For example, you have a colonel who has been, say, involved in fuel smuggling for 10 years. Doesn’t this man have a superior? Open your eyes? Of course if those below you make mistakes there are legal processes to deal with them, but there is also an administrative council.”

The voice also says there are active efforts to undermine the TSK, which he defines as a “psychological war being waged against the Turkish Armed Forces.” He says: “Nobody understands this. I am as angry as everyone else, but as people who know a little bit more than others, we will keep our heads high. But there is a time for everything. What’s more, what do we do? Of course we know in detail, in a comprehensive way, all the elements of the asymmetric psychological operation, and that is not simple. What we are doing for now is complaining publicly, but this doesn’t mean we are watching things at a distance. Of course there is a time for everything, OK.”

Several military officers were detained in December on charges of plotting to assassinate State Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Bülent Arınç during and after a police operation in an Ankara district predominantly inhabited by parliamentary deputies. During the initial operation on Dec. 25, two officers keeping watch outside Arınç’s house were detained. Gendarmerie and police teams searched two vehicles parked near Arınç’s house which was followed by a raid on a nearby house. Later reports identified these two officers as Maj. İ.G. and Col. E.Y.B., both assigned to the General Staff.

In the ensuing investigation, more officers were detained on suspicion of being connected to the assassination plot. A civilian judge searched the Tactical Mobilization Unit’s “cosmic” rooms. (Today's Zaman, 20 February 2010)

Ergenekon: Generals Face Prosecutor; Erzincan Prosecutor Arrested

General Attorney İlhan Cihaner was taken into custody on Tuesday (16 February) in Erzincan in north-eastern Anatolia in the scope of the Ergenekon Investigation. 3rd Army Commander General Saldıray Berk was given ten days to give his statement. One military officer was detained. The Foca Landing Ships Commander Rear Admiral Mehmet Fatih İlğar gave his statement in Izmir.

"Ergenekon" is a clandestine, Kemalist ultra-nationalist terror organization with connections to the Turkish military and security forces. The group is accused of plotting to overthrow the government.

Erzurum Special Authority Procecutor Osman Şanal runs the Ergenekon Investigation in Erzincan. He requested the statement of "suspect" General Berk to be given until 26 February.

Prosecutor Şanal is summoning Berk to the court for the second time. He informed the General Staff Presidency to apply for "police compulsion" in case Berk does not give his statement within ten days.

General Attorney Cihaner in custody in Erzincan

The General Staff had informed the prosecutor that Berk would not appear to give his statement by forwarding a letter of apology of Berk's lawyer covering the dates from 9-14 February. Eventually, the prosecution applied to the General Staff to get to know the reason of the apology.

General Attorney Cihaner initiated an investigation into the communities in Erzincan. He was taken into custody after his courthouse office and his home had been searched.

General Attorney Şanal carried out the search of Cihaner's office and home in collaboration with Erzincan Anti-Terror branch manager Murat Günbeyi and a police team. The Erzincan police team joined the search upon the Şanal's request.

Cihaner's lawyer Hamit Sekman claimed on the Turkish news channel NTV that the search did not comply with the line of proceeding. He said that "the truth about his client will emerge".

At the same time, a convoy of two SUVs and 20 trucks of the Communication Regiment Command in Erzincan affiliated to the 3rd Army Command set off around 9.00 am for a winter exercise in the district of Sarıkamış (province of Kars) on the Armenian border. The convoy was accompanied by police.

Rear Admiral İlğar gives his statement in Izmir

In the course of the same investigation a statement is being taken from Special Authority Public Deputy Attorney General Mehmet Dogar. Moreover,Special Authority Public Prosecutor Fatih Genç takes the statement of Foca Landing Ships Commander Rear General İlğar.

Rear General İlğar arrived at the Izmir Courthouse in a Mercedes Vito with tinted windows. Due to strict security measures, nobody despite courthouse officials was allowed to the floor where İlğar gave his statement.

Commander Gençoğlu arrested

Previously, Eskişehir (west of Ankara) Gendarmerie Regiment Commander Colonel Recep Gençoğlu was arrested within the scope of the Ergenekon investigation. Gençoğlu allegedly directed operations related to the İsmailağa Community which paved the way to Cihaner's prosecution.

Three construction workers taken into custody in Erzincan in regard to Ergenekon were released. Their homes and workplace, the Yaylabaşı municipality public housing construction site, were searched while the workers were being interrogated.

Finally, the Erzurum 2nd High Criminal Court arrested military officer N.Ö. upon the statement of Ortatepe (Erzincan) village headman T.K. four days ago. (BIA, Erol ÖNDEROĞLU, 17 February 2010)

EMASYA Protocol Abrogated

The Protocol on Security, Public Order and Assistance Units (EMASYA), which provided soldiers with the possibility of intervention in civilian events, ceased to have effect.

In a press release to Anatolian Agency (AA) Minister of the Interior Beşir Atalay declared on 4 February that the protocol was abrogated with the signatures of General Staff Presidency Head of Operations Lieutenant General Mehmet Eröz and Interior Undersecretary Osman Güneş.

Atalay said that the decision was communicated to the General Staff Presidency and the governorships on 4 February. The Interior Minister indicated that the decision was preceded by a discussion on the matter with Chief of General Staff İlker Başbuğ.

"Authorization of governors"

Atalay informed AA that the Provincial Administration Law is sufficient and that the corresponding authority lies with the governors. He emphasized that the existing law is very detailed and thus the Ministry came to the conclusion that a new protocol or further determinations are not necessary. "We will apply the relevant provisions of the existing law", Atalay explained.

In an interview published by Hürriyet newspaper on 4 February Chief of General Staff Başbuğ agreed with Atalay: "The law is very clear; 'the governor is the superior of all general and special security forces'". Başbuğ added, " Military units will only intervene upon the request of the governor. We do not want to come up against the people in civilian incidents".

Prime Minister RecepTayyip Erdoğan said in a live broadcast on TRT on 31 January: "There is nothing like the EMASYA protocol and there will not be. We will take measures accordingly to close this issue".

The EMASYA Protocol

The Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV) said the following about EMASYA in its 2009 report on "Security Sector in Turkey: Questions, Problems, Solutions":

The EMASYA protocol is one of the most typical examples for perceiving the protocol and its legislations superior to the law, for applications contrary to the law and for one of the privileged devices of the military tutelage system.

The interior security doctrine restructured after 28 February was build upon the EMASYA Protocol. The Protocol consists of 27 articles regarding the Provincial Administration Law (no. 5332) article 11/D and was worked out by the General Staff Presidency and the Ministry of the Interior on 7 July 1997. In cases deemed necessary, the protocol directs the intervention of military forces in situations of incidents regarding internal public order and security.

In accordance with the EMASYA Protocol, internal security operations and regional police task forces, village guards, gendarmerie internal security units and gendarmerie units conjoin with the highest ranking Land Forces Command (KKK) unit in the region upon the consent and approval of the governor. Police special operation task forces are subordinate to EMASYA Region and Subsector Commands; provisional village guards report to the regional Gendarmerie Command which again is subordinate to the EMASYA Command. Therefore, in terms of territorial issues the gendarmerie is not connected to the Ministry of the Interior but to the military authorities in such situations.

The "Public Order and Security Centres" established in each province garrison are made dependent on the military in terms of organizing the provincial police and civil chiefs of intelligence, assessment and planning. Due to this structure, the entire information gathered by civilian units and the intelligence can be obtained by the military. Again, the military can intervene in civilian incidents without permission of the civilian superior in situations deemed necessary. Thus, interior security is in fact provided by the military since provincial civilian structures are outranked by the armed forces.

According to the Protocol, internal security operations and the regional operation command are subordinate to the highest ranking military unit of the region. This unit is connected to the KKK in a large part of the country. In the south-eastern provinces of the country the operational status is not temporary but permanent, which means that public order is under control of the military in wide parts of the country.

One of the means to expand the Gendarmerie's jurisdiction is to deprive the governors of their duty in individual incidents or issues pending for more than one year which would normally be covered by the police forces. The previously mentioned article 10(c) of the Law on Gendarmerie Operation, Duties and Authority has been issued according to article 11/D of the Provincial Administration Law which is shaped by the EMASYA Protocol. At the same time, joint operations by the gendarmerie and police forces upon the permission of the civil superior and the directive of the prosecutor become increasingly common. This situation is highly compatible with the internal security doctrine of the military authorities and is indirectly relevant to the EMASYA Protocol. (BIA, Tolga KORKUT, 8 February 2010)

Dix-neuf suspects, dont des militaires, devant la justice

Dix-neuf suspects, dont neuf officiers de marine, seront jugés en mai pour répondre d'accusations de projet d'assassinat d'officiers de haut rang, dans le cadre d'un complot visant à discréditer le gouvernement turc, selon des documents du tribunal rendus publics vendredi.

Les suspects sont inculpés notamment d'"appartenance à une organisation terroriste armée" et de détention d'"engins explosifs et de munitions", courant 2009, précise l'agence Anatolie.

Ils sont accusés d'avoir projeté d'assassiner des amiraux afin de plonger la Turquie dans le chaos et provoquer un coup d'Etat de l'armée, gardienne des principes laïques de la République, pour renverser le Parti de la justice et du développement (AKP) du Premier ministre Recep Tayyip Erdogan, parti issu de la mouvance islamiste.

Le procès doit s'ouvrir le 7 mai. Les inculpés risquent entre sept ans et demi et 40 ans de prison.

Le tribunal qui les jugera pourra aussi décider de fusionner cette procédure à une autre, concernant une autre tentative de complot visant elle aussi le gouvernement islamo-conservateur.

Quinze officiers de marine et deux soldats à la retraite seront jugés en avril pour répondre d'accusations de projets d'attentats à la bombe contre des objectifs civils, dans le but de déstabiliser le gouvernement.

Ces multiples enquêtes ont suscité de vives tensions politiques, certains affirmant que le gouvernement, au pouvoir depuis 2002, en profite pour réduire au silence l'opposition laïque.

Par ailleurs, un lieutenant-colonel a été condamné vendredi à quatre ans d'emprisonnement et renvoyé de l'armée au terme de son procès devant un tribunal militaire.

Il était accusé, après la découverte l'an dernier près d'Ankara d'une cache d'armes, d'avoir volé du matériel militaire. L'ex-officier sera aussi jugé, cette fois par un tribunal civil, pour participation au réseau Ergenekon, un présumé groupe illégal visant à renverser le gouvernement. (AFP, 5 fév 2010)

Missing shepherd killed, body mutilated by soldiers

A shepherd who went missing in Hakkari in 1995 was allegedly killed by a group of soldiers with a landmine that was later detonated on top of his body to cover up the cause of death, the Taraf daily has reported.

According to a report in yesterday’s Taraf, Nezir Tekçi, whose father Halit has been looking for him ever since he went missing, was killed by members of the Yüksekova Battalion Command. Taraf reported that Yunus Şahin, who at one point served as a soldier during his compulsory military service at the command, provided testimony as a witness to a prosecutor, claiming that Tekçi was taken into custody by the Bolu Ranger Brigade and subsequently killed.

In his testimony provided last August to the Yüksekova State Prosecutor’s Office, Şahin said Tekçi had been taken into custody by members of his brigade, and taken along with them on a mission. “When we reached a hill as we descended toward the village, they ordered us to stop. But we couldn’t see the village from where we were. The captain, named Ali Osman Akın, told Nezir, ‘Show us where the PKK and its weapons are.’ Nezir said he did not know where they were, to which Ali Osman replied, ‘I’m going to kill you.’ Nezir said, ‘I haven’t done anything wrong, what have I done?’,” Şahin explained.

According to his testimony, the captain walked Nezir to a spot about 10 meters from where the rest of the soldiers were standing. “When Nezir understood that he was going to be killed, he started running toward us. Then, Cpt. Ali Osman told us, ‘Whichever of you is a Kurd, raise your hand.’ About 20 people did so. Then Ali Osman pointed to Nezir and said, ‘Those of you who are Kurds, fire at him.’ Some of the Kurdish soldiers said, ‘We can’t be the only ones to fire,’ and so no one did,” Şahin said.

However, Şahin said one lieutenant, whom he identified as Kemal, told the captain that he would fire if commanded to do so. “Lt. Kemal grabbed Nezir by the arm, walked him 10 meters away from us and then with his G-3 shot him once or twice. Then Ali Osman turned to us and said, ‘All of you, open fire.’ Everyone began shooting at Nezir. I shot as well, but I fired toward the side to avoid hitting him. There were about 70 officers and soldiers there, and everyone shot in that direction. Nezir fell to the ground and died. Then Ali Osman told us to retreat.”

Afterward, Lt. Kemal ordered for a mine expert to be brought and had a landmine detonated on Tekçi’s corpse, Şahin alleged. “We saw the dead Nezir’s clothing flying into the sky, and after a bit Lt. Kemal came toward us with Nezir’s severed head in hand, holding it by the hair, and showed it to us,” he said.

Father Halit Tekçi says his family moved in 1998 from a village in Dağlıca to the Güngör neighborhood, and that in order to provide for his 16-member family, his children were sent to neighboring villages to do shepherding. However, after April 28, 1995 the family never heard news of Nezir Tekçi again. The father learned from an area eyewitness that his son had been taken into custody by the military, explaining: “When I learned this, I went to the Yüksekova State Prosecutor’s Office and filed a criminal complaint. The state prosecutor threw my petition in my face, saying, ‘How dare you slander the Turkish military,’ and kicked me out of the building.”

The father refused to let the case go, however, eventually meeting Yunus Şahin and convincing him to go to the authorities with his testimony. Tekçi family lawyer Davut Uzunköprü says that they had taken the case to the European Court of Human Rights and had plans to request the investigation into the case be reopened given the new witness testimony.

“Ever since Lt. Kemal brought the man’s severed head to us and showed it to us, I’ve never been able to forget that man or his face. I had spoken to him and given him tea before he was killed, so I know his face well. I have no doubt that the man we killed that day was Nezir Tekçi, the same person in the photograph [that the Tekçi family has of the man],” Şahin says. (Today's Zaman, 4 February 2010)

One More Gendarmerie Officer Detained in Ergenekon Investigation

Regiment Commander Recep Gençoğlu from the Erzurum Central Gendarmerie Command (north-eastern Anatolia) was initially released after a two-day interrogation in the scope of the "Ergenekon terror organization" case. Yet, on Wednesday (3 February) Gençoğlu was arrested again on appeal.

Upon the appeal filed by the Special Authority Public Prosecutor, the court ordered to take Colonel Gençoğlu into custody. As reported by the Turkish news channel NTV, Gençoğlu came to the Eskişehir Courthouse together with his lawyer in a vehicle of the Central Command. He was taken to prison once the formalities had been settled.

Arrest of Bozkurt preceded the arrest of Gençoğlu

Gençoğlu was initially arrested on 27 January under charges of "membership of the Ergenekon terror organization" upon the demand of a court on duty.

Gençoğlu had been interrogated by Special Authority Prosecutor Osman Şanal for 14 hours. He was released pending trial in the morning of 31 January. Gençoğlu had also attended the first weekly public order and security meeting held in town.

Non-commissioned officer Şenol Bozkurt from the Kahramanmaraş Provincial Gendarmerie Command (south Anatolia) was taken to the Military Court after his arrest. Bozkurt was the seventh person to be arrested in connection with the Erzurum arm of Ergenekon and İsmail Ağa Cemati.

Ammunition found in Erzincan

Following a hint, the police found a vast number of ammunition in a private house in Erzincan (north-eastern Anatolia) in the beginning of January. Three loaded flame throwers, five grenades and ammunition was confiscated. Preceding this raid, the police had found a large number of grenades and ammunition in the Erzincan water reservoir. (BIA, Erol ÖNDEROĞLU, 4 February 2010)

Sledgehammer coup plan was not submitted to me, Özkök says

In an interview published in the Star daily yesterday, Özkök said he had not seen the Sledgehammer Security Operation Plan, which included a list of steps to be taken to stage a coup d’état. The document, prepared in 2003, was exposed last month by the Taraf daily. It included plans such as bombing mosques at times of prayer to foment unrest in the country to eventually justify a military takeover. The Sledgehammer plan was discussed  at a military seminar in March 2003.

Taraf published documents from this seminar as well as a voice recording featuring the closing speech of retired Gen. Çetin Doğan, the person who prepared the Sledgehammer plan. Doğan has admitted that the recording indeed featured his voice. Doğan said the seminar was about scenarios and war games designed for discussion and not a coup plan. However, the documents and voice recording seem to suggest otherwise, as they solely concentrate on what the generals call “domestic threats.” In the face of the allegations, Doğan said nothing in the military could happen outside the knowledge of the chief of general staff, who was Özkök at the time. He called on Özkök to speak out on the issue.

Özkök, believed to have played an important role in preventing a possible military coup during his term as chief of general staff, told Star that he had ordered a planning seminar to be held, but none of the documents that were published in the press in the past week were presented to him, he said. Although Özkök said he did not want to speak on matters that were being looked into by the judiciary, stating that he is not an ordinary person and that his every word would have consequences, he later told Star: “All I am going to tell you is this: It was openly written what kind of seminar was planned in the relevant General Staff directive. The said retired general’s [Doğan] speech that was posted online on Jan. 26 on the t24 Web site is about what elements of the seminar he put an emphasis on.”

The official directive states that the purpose of the seminar was “to develop operational plans regarding foreign threats and ensure that relevant personnel are well trained and prepared.” However, the documents published by Taraf clearly show that the situation “at home” was the main topic of the seminar. In response to the question on how he could have possibly ordered such a seminar, Özkök said: “Naturally, as part of the chain of command, the results of the seminar are reported. The Land Forces Command and the General Staff examine and present the summary to their commanders. Things that can be considered as constituting a crime such as those published by the press were not presented to me. I do not think these were included in the results of the seminar either. The general who appears to be implicated is essentially denying these. But if these documents that have come out many years later are examined and established as authentic, the judiciary will do what is necessary.” (Today's Zaman, 2 February 2010)

Three EMASYA regiments still active in İstanbul

Three military regiments set up in accordance with a covert protocol that allows military operations to be carried out over internal security matters are still active in İstanbul.

Among these regiments are the Samandıra 23rd Motorized Infantry Regiment, the Hasdal 6th Infantry Regiment and the Metris 47th Infantry Regiment. The Protocol on Cooperation for Security and Public Order (EMASYA) authorizes the military to conduct operations and intelligence gathering in cities without the approval of the civilian administration. It recently rose to the top of the Turkish agenda in connection with an alleged military coup plan. The regiments carry out military training a few times each month and are mobilized on occasions such as May 1, Workers' Day, and the anniversary of the capture of Abdullah Öcalan, leader of the PKK.

The regiments were further activated after Maj. Gen. Bülent Dağsalı was appointed commander of the Samandıra 23rd Motorized Infantry Regiment. The major general increased the number of monthly training sessions for the regiment and forced officers to continue their training even over the weekend, which led some to resign from their positions and many others to ask for transfers to regiments in other provinces.

Dağsalı made his way into news reports in January of last year when he paid a visit to former İstanbul Police Chief Celalettin Cerrah after the detention of some high-ranking military members as part of an ongoing probe into Ergenekon, a clandestine criminal organization accused of working to instigate chaos in society with the intent of overthrowing the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government. While Dağsalı refused to comment on the reason for his visit, Cerrah told reporters that the major general visited the İstanbul Police Department to issue an invitation to a military seminar on natural disasters.

The major general was also known for his role in a military memorandum, or “andıç,” prepared by the General Staff classifying journalists and activists on the basis of their views vis-à-vis the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK). The term andıç was first introduced in Turkey during the Feb. 28, 1997 period. The generals of the TSK prepared a memorandum that contained false claims about some journalists and human rights activists that were opposed to military interventions into politics.

The memorandum was intended to destroy the respect and trust the public had in these people. Several journalists, including Mehmet Ali Birand and Cengiz Çandar, were removed from their posts, and Akın Birdal, then chairman of the Human Rights Association (İHD), was threatened and attacked. He survived the attack, but suffered severe injuries.

Military training sessions based on EMASYA usually focus on occasions in which members of the military are allowed to interfere if the police fails to take the necessary steps against a violent rally or demonstration.

EMASYA training sessions are carried out under the coordination of an officer at an intelligence department. Soldiers are shown through detailed maps how to bring a violent group under control. The addresses and phone numbers of district governors and local officials in regions where violent demonstrations are expected are compiled beforehand. Training is based on various hypothetical scenarios.

Soldiers are authorized to intervene in violent protests with tear gas, batons and firearms, if necessary. Training sessions of military units are supervised by the commander of the unit, whether it is a regiment or a battalion.

The controversial protocol was signed by the General Staff and the Interior Ministry on July 7, 1997 and empowers the military to intervene in social incidents on its own initiative. (Today's Zaman, ERKAN ACAR/HALIL ÖZCAN, 2 February 2010)

Affaires religieuses/Religious Affairs

CEDH: La "loi turque sur le chapeau" a violé la liberté de religion

Les 127 membres d'une secte religieuse, condamnés à Ankara en raison de leur tenue vestimentaire et de la "loi sur le chapeau", ont été victimes d'une violation de leur droit à la liberté de religion, selon un arrêt de la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme publié mardi.

Ces 127 personnes, membres d'une secte favorable à l'instauration de la charia en Turquie, avaient passé plus de deux ans en détention préventive, puis été condamnés à une amende pour avoir défilé dans les rues d'Ankara revêtus de leur tenue caractéristique, rappelant celle des principaux prophètes: un turban, un "salvar" (saroual), une tunique et un bâton.

Ils furent condamnés pour "infraction à la loi relative au port du chapeau" (qui interdit depuis 1925 tout autre couvre-chef que le chapeau) et "infraction à la réglementation sur le port de certains vêtements, notamment religieux, dans les lieux publics en dehors des cérémonies religieuses".

Devant la Cour européenne, les autorités turques ont vainement fait valoir que la secte, qui suit les préceptes du chef islamiste Müslüm Gündüz, visait "l'instauration d'un système basé sur la charia en remplacement du régime démocratique actuel", et que ses membres "n'étaient pas guidés par leurs convictions religieuses mais plutôt leur intention de défier la justice".

Dans son arrêt, la Cour européenne estime "injustifiées" ces condamnations pour le port de tenues vestimentaires dans des lieux publics et alloue à chaque requérant la somme de dix euros pour dommage matériel, soit le remboursement de l'amende qui leur avait été infligée plus les intérêts.

Les juges européens soulignent que cette affaire concerne une sanction pour le port de tenues vestimentaires religieuses "dans des lieux publics ouverts à tous, et non, comme dans d'autres affaires dont elle a eu à connaître, la réglementation du port de symboles religieux dans des établissements publics, où la neutralité religieuse peut primer sur le droit de manifester sa religion.

Selon la Cour, les plaignants ne représentaient pas une menace pour l'ordre public et ne faisaient pas de prosélytisme lors de leur rassemblement, leur droit à la liberté de manifester leurs convictions religieuses a donc été violé.

La Turquie dispose de deux mois pour faire appel de cette décision prise par une majorité de six juges sur sept. (AFP, 23 fév 2010)

Prof. Ilhan Arsel, Distinguished Critic of Islamism, Died in Exile

One of Turkey's distinguished critics of Islam, Ilhan Arsel, 89, died on February 7, 2010, at the United States where he was self-exiled because of the Islamist threats in Turkey.

Ilhan Arsel was an authority on the constitutional law and teacher at the Ankara University from 1949 up to 1977. From 1971, he was also charged as counselor and researcher at the Inter-University Associate in New York.

He is the author of more than twenty scientific works. His works criticizing Islam made him, such as Turan Dursun and Aziz Nesin, a target of the radical Islamists.

In 1988, Arsel's book entitled Seriat ve Kadin (Women and Islam) was the target of a religious death sentence pronounced by Cemalettin Kaplan, a self-exiled Muslim cleric living in Germany. Kaplan led demonstrations though German streets calling for Arsel's death for the publication of Seriat ve Kadin. In addition, a case brought against Mr. Arsel in 1988 by the Istanbul Public Prosecutor for this book.

In 1993, Arsel's another book, Intellectuals and "Intellectuals", was confiscated by the Public Prosecutor. This book was a scholarly examination of the importance of intellectuals within their own societies, comparing the Eastern and Western intellectual traditions. The press prosecutor considered that the book was in violation of article 173 of the Turkish Criminal Code because  of blaspheming Islam. The Prosecutor's action apparently came after he submitted the text to a cleric at the Religious Affairs Department, who was said to have given the book an unfavorable review.

On May 21, 1993, PEN American Center, in a letter addressed to Turkish President Demirel on behalf of 2500 writers, expressed its deep dismay at the confiscation of Ilhan Arsel's book.

Arsel's another book on Islamism, entitled "Stories from the Canonical Law", too attracted the anger of many Islamists when it was reviewed in Tempo magazine on August 1, 1996, and a court ordered the copies of the book seized.Arsel discusses in his book stories in the Koran with their historical origin. The radical Islamists consider the book as insulting to Islamic prophet Mohammed, his supporters and to Islamist values.

The threats and pressure directed towards Arsel and Kaynak Publications, publisher of his books, are not limited to words, but have also extended to armed attacks. The militants of the radical Islamist terror organization, the Greater Islamist Eastern Raiders Front (IBDA-C) attacked Kaynak Elektronik Magazine on August 5, 1996, mistaking it for Kaynak Publishing.

Since then, Arsel has been called the "Second Salman Rushdie" by the Islamist circles.

Earlier, Researcher Turan Dursun had been assassinated on September 4, 1990, because of his criticism against Islamism.

Facing Islamist threats in Turkey, Arsel prefered to stay at the United States until the end of his life. (Info-Türk, February 12, 2010)

Crime d'horreur et déshonneur familial

L'affaire n'est pas nouvelle mais vient de "sortir" dans la presse française à l'occasion d'une possible inculpation d'un père et d'un grand-père pour "homicide prémédité avec circonstances aggravantes, perpétré avec cruauté", par le parquet Kahta, ville kurde de l'est anatolien 60.000 habitants (région d'Adıyaman), ville tenue par l'A.K.P. le parti islamo conservateur du Président de la République de Turquie, Abdullah Gül, du Premier Ministre Erdogan et de son gouvernement, et majoritaire à la "Grande Assemblée" (Parlement turc): il faut sans doute chercher là l'explication dans le fait que ces pratiques "dignes du Moyen-âge", n'aient suscité, d'après Canan Güllu, Présidente de la Fédération des associations féministes (TKDF) que peu de réactions de la part des principaux acteurs politiques, et n'aient pas fait la "une" de la presse.

Pourtant ce crime est particulièrement atroce : Jean Marcou, Professeur de droit public à l’Institut d’études politiques de Grenoble, et pensionnaire scientifique à l’Institut français d’études anatoliennes d’Istanbul (IFEA), écrit dans "l’Observatoire de la vie politique turque (OVIPOT)" :

"Le corps de Medine Memi (16 ans) a été récemment retrouvé, ligoté en position assise, au fond d’une fosse recouverte par une chape de béton, dans un jardin attenant à la maison de sa famille, qui réside à Kahta, une petite ville située dans la province d’Adıyaman, au pied du Nemrut Dağı. L’autopsie de la jeune fille, qui avait «disparu» depuis 40 jours selon ses proches, a révélé qu’elle était encore vivante lorsqu’elle a été enterrée, probablement par son père et son grand-père, qui lui reprochaient de trop sortir et d’avoir des conversations téléphoniques avec des hommes. Mais l’enquête indique également que Medine serait allée se plaindre, à quatre reprises, aux autorités locales, des coups et mauvais traitements, dont elle et les femmes de son entourage étaient régulièrement victimes. Ce constat amène les associations féministes et certains médias à pointer du doigt, une fois de plus, l’inaction coupable de l’Etat à l’égard de pratiques qui demeurent courantes, en dépit des législations adoptées et des programmes lancés dans le sillage de la candidature d’Ankara à l’UE."

Le BDP, le Parti pour la Paix et la Démocratie (nouveau parti pro-kurde qui continue la lutte politique en lieu et place du DTP dissout) a, quant à lui, réagi immédiatement par la voie parlementaire ;  Fatma Kurtulan députée de Van,  a déposé une question écrite sur le Bureau de la "Grande Assemblée" (Parlement turc) pour interpeller durement Mme Selma Aliye,  Ministre d'Etat chargée des droits de la Femme et de la Famille :

" Quelle enquête votre ministère a-t-il diligenté suite à cette affaire particulièrement odieuse ? Etait –il été informé des plaintes  que la jeune Medine Memi avait, à plusieurs reprises, déposées auprès des autorités locales concernant les violences dont elle était victime ? Pourquoi n'avez –vous pas constitué une cellule de veille pour combattre ces violations graves et répétées des droits de la femme ?"

Eyyup Doru, au nom de la représentation en Europe du BDP, condamne de la façon la plus ferme ce crime qu'il qualifie de "crime contre l'Humanité":

"Nous travaillons depuis des années pour faire sortir les femmes des tâches ménagères et pour qu'elles puissent accéder à la politique ; et les résultats sont là : nous sommes le seul parti en Turquie (et même au Moyen Orient) qui traduit ses déclarations en actes : lors de notre premier congrès tenu récemment à Ankara nous avons choisi les membres de la direction nationale à parité, soit 10 femmes et10 hommes".

Il poursuit :

La mentalité archaïque du système politique turc autorise ce type de crime que nous considérons  comme un "crime contre la humanité" et non pas, comme la presse turque  le présente, comme  un "crime d'honneur". La Libération de la Femmes est pour notre parti, vous en êtes témoins, et pour l'ensemble de notre Mouvement de la Résistance kurde,  l'une de nos priorités. Nous avons déjà mené et nous menons toujours des campagnes au niveau national et international pour empêcher ce type de crime dont les auteurs, qui sont des assassins, sont souvent protégés par les régimes turcs ou iraniens.

A noter également qu'un tiers des combattants du PKK sont des combattantes. (andre-metayer@orange.fr, 12 février 2010)

Alevi Workshop Report Lacks Former Alevi Requests

The Alevi organizations agreed on five demands in their Alevi Workshop held in June 2009. However, the decisions taken in the 7th Alevi Workshop carried out between 28-30 January were not considered with these demands.

The five requests agreed on by Alevi organizations in the first workshop were related to recognizing the legal status of Alevi "Cem" houses as places of worship, lifting compulsory religious education, refraining from politics of building mosques in Alevi villages, returning the Hacı Bektaş Dervish Lodge and other Alevi sites seized under the Dervish Lodges Law to their owners and turning the Madımak Hotel into a museum. However, the Alevi Workshop report submitted to Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan contained different issues.

The proposals of the current report can be summarized as follows:

Definition of Alevism: The report first of all gives a definition of Alevism. Accordingly, "Alevism is a way of belief and conduct created around the Hak-Muhammed-Ali concept under the caption of Islam".

Compulsory religious education: The report mentions in-depth discussions about the lifting of compulsory lessons on Religious Culture and Ethics. Yet, instead of the previously made request to lift religious education, the report comes to the conclusion that "the curriculum should be prepared in one main language and in accordance with all sections of society in a perspective that respects all parties".

Madımak Hotel: 37 Alevi intellectuals and activists died when the Madımak Hotel in Sivas (central Anatolia) was set on fire in 1993. Alevi associations had previously repeatedly requested to turn the hotel into a museum, whereas the new report suggests tearing the museum down and create a park instead because of "possible danger" emanating from a museum.

Ministry of Religious Affairs: The report does not consider the closure of the Ministry of Religious Affairs as a rational solution. As an alternative it proposes the inclusion of all interpretations of Islam to meet the need of a more civil structure.

Religious tax: According to the report, the introduction of religious tax would enhance peace between different kinds of beliefs and religious organizations once it has been clarified how to apply such a tax system. (Prof. Hatemi remarked that Alevi and other non-Muslim communities did not approve of financing religion from general tax sources.)

Education within senior dervish services: The status of senior dervishes should be reviewed under the aspect of city life and "Alevism in cities". Education should be provided within senior dervish services.

Cem houses: The report accepts cause for concern that recognizing the status of cem houses as places of worship "might initiate separation within Islam". However, it suggests tapping the full legal potential for the recognition of cem houses as places of worship.

Common historical awareness of Alevi and Sunni: The report proposes to establish a large-scale research centre aimed at collecting and protecting Alevi information and complete works of Alevism. It furthermore emphasizes the need for studies regarding the Alevi-Sunni common awareness of history. (ÇT/VK)

* As reported by Radikal newspaper, the following people attended the meeting:

Zafer Üskül, Arif Sağ, Oral Çalışlar, World Islam Family of the Prophet Muhammet Foundation member Fermani Altun, Head of Supreme Council of Religious Affairs Hamza Aktan, AKP MP İbrahim Yiğit, Cem Foundation President Prof. Dr. İzzettin Doğan, Ali Bulaç, former MPs, Ali Rıza Gülçiçek, Ethem Cankurtaran, Süleyman Bayraktar, prime ministry advisor İbrahim Kalın, Prof. Dr. Ahmet Yaşar Ocak, Ali Yaman, Fuad Bozkurt, Hüseyin Hatemi, Head of Pir Sultan 2 July Association  Murtaza Demir, Head of Karacaahmet Sultan Association Muharrem Ercan, Senior Dervish Kurtcebe Noyan, Head of Alevi Foundations Confederation Doğan Bermek, Head of Alevi Associations Confederation Metin Tarhan, Secretary-General of Abant Platform Salih Yaylacı, member of Supreme Council of Religious Affairs İlyas Üzüm, former Head of Religious Affairs Tayyar Altıkulaç. Ethem Cankurtaran, Mehmet Moğultay and Seyfi Oktay attended the first day of the workshop.

Absent were Head of Hacıbektaş Dervish Lodge Veliyettin Ulusoy, Head of Alevi-Bektaşi Confederation Ali Balkız, Head of Hacı Bektaşi Veli Anadolu Cultural Foundation Ercan Geçmez and Su TV General Broadcasting Director Yalçın Özdemir. (BIA, Cicek TAHAOĞLU, 8 February 2010)

Le Conseil d'Etat bloque l'accès des étudiants en religion à l'université

Le Conseil d'Etat turc s'est prononcé lundi contre une réforme soutenue par le gouvernement issu de la mouvance islamiste et facilitant l'accès à l'université des élèves issus de lycées professionnels d'enseignement religieux, a rapporté l'agence de presse Anatolie.

Cette instance a bloqué l'application d'une mesure prise en décembre par le Conseil de l'enseignement supérieur (YÖK), qui réduisait la différence entre les coefficients applicables aux élèves issus de l'enseignement général et ceux de l'enseignement professionnel pour leur accès à l'université, selon l'agence.

Les coefficients applicables aux notes des élèves en place rendaient jusque là très difficiles l'accès de ceux venant des lycées d'enseignement religieux, les imam hatip, à l'université, en dehors des facultés de théologie.

Les imam-hatip sont des établissements publics préparant à la profession d'imam. Ils sont parfois accusés par les défenseurs du régime laïc turc d'être un des terreaux de l'islamisme.

Bastion des défenseurs de la laïcité, le Conseil d'Etat a déjà bloqué en novembre une mesure du YÖK qui instituait un système de coefficients unique pour les élèves des différents établissements, une mesure à l'époque saluée par le Premier ministre Recep Tayyip Erdogan. (AFP 8 fév 2010)

Enterrée vivante: le père et le grand-père risquent la prison à vie

Le père et le grand-père d'une adolescente kurde enterrée vivante parce qu'elle parlait aux hommes, dans le sud-est de la Turquie, risquent la prison à vie pour ce "crime d'honneur" qui provoque la mobilisation et l'indignation d'associations de femmes.

Ayhan Mémi, 40 ans, et Féthi Mémi, 65 ans, devraient être inculpés dans l'acte d'accusation préparé par le parquet de Kahta, ville kurde de l'est anatolien, d'"homicide prémédité avec circonstances aggravantes, perpétré avec cruauté", a-t-on indiqué lundi de source judiciaire locale.

Le code pénal turc requiert la prison à vie pour ce genre de crime.

Les deux hommes ont refusé de communiquer avec la justice après leur arrestation, début décembre, à la suite de la découverte dans le jardin familial, dans une fosse de deux mètres de profondeur creusée tout près du poulailler, du cadavre en décomposition de Médiné, 16 ans.

La jeune fille était portée disparue depuis environ 40 jours et la fosse avait été recouverte d'un dallage en béton.

Une autopsie de la victime, retrouvée ligotée, a révélé des détails macabres: elle était vivante et en position assise au moment de son enterrement, car les médecins légistes ont retrouvé de la terre dans ses poumons et son estomac.

Cette jeune Kurde "n'était jamais allée à l'école et elle savait peut-être à peine lire et écrire", a indiqué à l'AFP au téléphone un journaliste local, Muhammed Cevik, propriétaire du quotidien Kahta actualités.

Ses parents n'ont pu fournir de photos à la police car elle n'avait jamais été photographiée, probablement pour des raisons religieuses. Ils ont donné d'elle un signalement vague: 1,60 m, 55 kilos, cheveux châtains, teint clair et menton saillant.

C'est tout ce que l'on sait de cette adolescente dont le calvaire s'ajoute à celui de près de 300 femmes tuées depuis 2001 en Turquie dans des "crimes d'honneur", commis pour "laver l'honneur" d'une famille.

Kahta, ville kurde de 60.000 habitants à une centaine de kilomètres de la Syrie, est surtout connue pour être le centre d'une importante confrérie musulmane conservatrice. Les suspects en seraient membres, selon le journal Hürriyet.

Plusieurs associations de femmes vont manifester cette semaine pour dénoncer ces pratiques "dignes du Moyen-âge", a déclaré Canan Güllu, la présidente de l'influente Fédération des associations féministes (TKDF).

Cette militante s'indigne "du peu de réactions" à ce "crime atroce", dans une Turquie qui frappe à la porte de l'Europe.

Cet assassinat n'a été condamné par aucun des principaux acteurs politiques, et n'a même pas fait la une de la presse.

Le gouvernement et les associations ont accru leurs efforts ces dernières années pour mettre un terme aux "crimes d'honneur". Mais les sondages montrent qu'ils bénéficient encore d'une large tolérance dans les zones kurdes où ils sont le plus souvent commis.
 Ainsi 37% des personnes interrogées en 2006 à Diyarbakir (sud-est) pensaient qu'une femme adultère devait être tuée.

Les associations de femmes expliquent la persistance de tels crimes par la situation qui prévaut dans ces régions: retard économique, chômage record et conflit larvé avec les rebelles kurdes. (AFP 8 fév 2010)

CEDH: La Turquie doit supprimer la case "religion" sur ses cartes d'identité

La Cour européenne des droits de l'Homme a demandé mardi à la Turquie de supprimer la case "religion" des cartes d'identité nationales, car cette mention est contraire à la liberté de religion qui comporte celle de manifester ou non ses croyances.

"Le simple fait d'être porteur d'une carte d'identité comportant une case +religion+ (même) laissée vide revient pour l'intéressé à divulguer contre son gré une information relative à un aspect de sa religion ou de ses convictions profondes", juge la Cour européenne dans un arrêt rendu mardi à Strasbourg.

La suppression de cette case sur toutes les cartes d'identité turques constituerait une "réparation appropriée" de la violation de ses droits subie par un habitant d'Izmir (ouest), Sinan Isik, à qui les juges européens ont donné raison contre la Turquie.

 M. Isik, de confession alévie, n'avait pas été autorisé à remplacer la mention "islam" par la mention "alévie" sur sa carte d'identité. Cette confession influencée par le soufisme et des croyances préislamiques est considérée par certains comme une branche de l'islam, par d'autres comme une religion à part.

Il s'était ensuite plaint d'avoir été obligé de révéler ses croyances en raison de la mention de la religion sur sa carte d'identité, obligatoire jusqu'en 2006.

La Turquie s'est défendue devant la Cour en soulignant que depuis 2006, tout citoyen turc a la possibilité de modifier l'inscription figurant dans la case religion, ou même de la laisser vide.

Mais la Cour européenne a considéré dans son arrêt que l'atteinte aux droits de l'Homme dont M. Isik a été la victime provient de la mention même - qu'elle soit obligatoire ou facultative - de la religion sur la carte d'identité, et non du refus de la mention "alévi".

En outre, au moment où le requérant a essayé d'obtenir une rectification de la mention de sa religion, l'Etat a été conduit à donner une appréciation sur cette confession, ce qui n'est "pas conforme au devoir de neutralité et d'impartialité de l'Etat", selon la Cour. (AFP, 2 fév 2010)


Socio-économique / Socio-economic

International Day of Action For Solidarity With TEKEL Workers

The International Trade Unions Confederation (ITUC), together with Belgian affiliates and EI and ETUC, met with the Turkish ambassador in Brussels on Friday, 26 February, on the occasion of an international Day of Action. The delegation expressed its concerns regarding the trade union rights’ situation in the country, and urged that a negotiated solution to the TEKEL case be found – a solution which meets the workers’ demands. Another delegation, composed of the ITUC Geneva office, BWI, IMF, IUF, UNI, ICEM and PSI, was received by the Turkish mission in Geneva. In ten different countries, Turkish embassies received similar letters to the one that was handed over by the delegations in Brussels and Geneva.

In the letter, the international union movement has denounced the deteriorating situation of trade union rights in Turkey in general, and the situation of the workers of the former state tobacco and alcohol monopoly TEKEL in particular. This state company was recently privatised, which caused no less than 12,000 workers to lose their jobs, without them being given alternative employment with their full employee benefits, as the law on privatisation provides.

The trade union delegation in Brussels pointed out that in 2009 the trade union rights situation in Turkey deteriorated in a worrying manner. The ITUC had written or co-signed letters on nine different occasions and never received any reply. Issues ranged from a call to refrain from violence against peaceful protesters, mass detentions of trade union members and leaders, often followed by trials on "terrorism" charges, an assassination attempt on the president of DISK, to ill-treatment of and deprivation of medical care for trade unionists in detention.

The delegation also highlighted the high-level bipartite mission which, at the request of the ILO Commission of Experts (CEACR), will be leaving for Turkey next week, to assist the government in bringing its legislation and judicial framework in line with EU standards and ILO Conventions.

It also reiterated that in November, the ITUC, together with a large number of other trade union organisations, had participated in an international observers’ delegation to the trial against public sector union KESK, which was marked by its lack of conformity with national as well as European judicial standards. After the trial the ITUC denounced the fact that several trade unionists remained in prison without knowing the exact charges against them, and also denounced the recurring pattern in the long series of trials against Turkish trade unions.

Finally, the delegation stressed that it wanted to send a strong signal to the Turkish authorities not to resort to violence and to continue to strive for a negotiated solution in the TEKEL workers’ case, especially since Turkish Prime Minister Erdogan announced he would no longer tolerate further actions after the end of February. To date, the TEKEL workers continue to demonstrate in front of the offices of ITUC affiliate Türk-Is for the 74th day in a row, in very tough circumstances. The police have already made several violent interventions.

“There is a serious problem of anti-union harassment in Turkey,” declared Guy Ryder, ITUC general secretary. “Turkey ratified ILO Convention 87 in 1993, but what is happening in Turkey is totally in contradiction with this international instrument.” he added.


The ITUC represents 176 million workers in 155 countries and territories and has 312 national affiliates. http://www.youtube.com/ITUCCSI
For more information, please contact the ITUC Press Department on : +32 2 224 0204 or +32 476 621 018.


Appel à la solidarité avec les travailleurs de TEKEL en grève
 
La Maison populaire de Genève appelle à la solidarité avec les travailleurs de l’entreprise TEKEL en grève depuis 72 jours, en écrivant à la Mission permanente de la Turquie auprès de l’ONU à Genève ou à l’Ambassade de la Turquie dans chaque pays.

Modèle de lettre:

Monsieur l’Ambassadeur,

La [NOM DE VOTRE ORGANISATION] tient à présenter ses hommages à l'Ambassade de la République de Turquie en [NOM DE VOTRE PAYS] et a l'honneur d'attirer l’attention de l’Ambassade sur ce qui suit:

Nous vous adressons cette lettre par solidarité avec nos camarades turcs qui ont vu leurs droits syndicaux biens trop souvent bafoués au cours de l’année écoulée.

Une affaire qui suscite une attention toute particulière à l’heure actuelle en Turquie et à l’étranger est celle qui concerne les travailleurs de l’entreprise TEKEL, ancien monopole d’Etat de l’industrie du tabac et de l’alcool récemment privatisé. Le gouvernement a décidé de la fermeture de tous les entrepôts appartenant à TEKEL, entraînant par là même la suppression de 12.000 postes. Depuis décembre 2009, les travailleurs, leurs familles et leurs supporters se sont mobilisés sous des températures proches de zéro pour protester contre cette décision. Les manifestations avaient pour point de départ le quartier général de l’AKP mais la police a fait évacuer les lieux le 16 décembre et repoussé les manifestants vers un parc situé à proximité. Le lendemain, la police a dressé des barricades autour du parc et a attaqué les manifestants à l’aide de canons à eau et de gaz lacrymogène. La violence policière est allée croissant et de nombreux manifestants attaqués par des policiers armés de matraques ont dû être hospitalisés. Mustafa Türkel, président du syndicat des travailleurs du tabac et de l’alcool Tekgida-Is, affilié à la centrale syndicale nationale Türk-Is, elle-même affiliée à la CSI, et membre de l'Union internationale des travailleurs de l'agriculture, de l'agroalimentaire et de l'hôtellerie (UITA) a été placé en garde à vue en compagnie du secrétaire général de la centrale Turk-Is. Il fut relâché plus tard dans la soirée.

Si la violence policière a suscité l'indignation au sein du parlement turc, le gouvernement s’obstine néanmoins dans son refus d’accéder à la revendication des travailleurs, qui réclament le droit d'accéder à un emploi de substitution avec la garantie de toutes les prestations échues en leur qualité de salariés, tel que le prévoit la loi sur les privatisations. Pour l’heure, les travailleurs poursuivent leur action collective amorcée il y a plus de 70 jours déjà devant le siège de la centrale Turk-Is.

Suite à deux réunions le 11 février 2010 entre le président de la Grande Assemblée nationale de Turquie, M. Mehmet Şahin, et les présidents des centrales syndicales nationales, DİSK, KAMU-SEN et KESK, d’une part, et le Premier ministre Erdoğan et Mustafa Turkel, président de TÜRK-İŞ, d’autre part, les syndicats ont dénoncé l’intransigeance des autorités gouvernementales vis-à-vis des demandes des travailleurs et les ont appelés à œuvrer à la recherche d’une solution négociée au différend. À ce jour, leur appel n'a pas été honoré; au contraire, le Premier ministre Erdoğan a annoncé que son gouvernement ne tolérera plus d'actions après fin février.

2009 s’est avérée être une année particulièrement néfaste pour les droits syndicaux en Turquie. La Confédération syndicale internationale (CSI), basée à Bruxelles, a écrit ou cosigné des lettres de protestation adressées au gouvernement turc à pas moins de neuf occasions. Toutes ces lettres sont restées sans réponse. Les atteintes aux droits syndicaux qui ont motivé ces lettres allaient d’un appel au gouvernement invitant celui-ci à s’abstenir du recours à la répression violente contre les manifestations du Premier mai, à l’arrestation en masse de membres et dirigeants de syndicats suivie de dizaines de procès pour complicité avec des organisations terroristes, en passant par la tentative d'assassinat contre Süleyman Celebi, président de la confédération syndicale nationale DISK (Devrimci Isçi Sendikalari Konfederasyonu) affiliée à la CSI ou encore les maltraitances et la privation de soins médicaux dont ont été victimes des syndicalistes en détention. D’autre part, la CSI a participé, aux côtés de plus d’une dizaine de représentants de syndicats et de fédérations syndicales internationales de huit pays européens, un responsable chargé des droits humains auprès de la délégation de la Commission européenne en Turquie et des représentants d’Avocats sans frontières (ASF) et de Protection International (PI), à une mission constituée d’observateurs internationaux qui a assisté au procès qui a eu lieu à Izmir, en novembre dernier, contre 31 membres et dirigeants de la Confédération syndicale nationale des travailleurs du secteur public (KESK), elle aussi affiliée à la CSI.

Suite à ce procès, la CSI a dénoncé le fait que « 2009 avait été marquée par une recrudescence de la répression antisyndicale par le gouvernement. Les arrestations à la KESK en mai ont été suivies de l’arrestation et de mauvais traitements sur la personne de Murad Akincilar, ressortissant turc travaillant pour le syndicat helvétique UNIA, et de la tentative d’assassinat contre le président de la confédération DISK, Süleyman Celebi. Metin Findik, représentant du syndicat des employés municipaux de Turquie (Tüm-Belsen) demeure sous les verrous depuis plus de cinq mois sans même avoir été informé des chefs d’inculpation portés contre lui. Le 7 décembre, 13 dirigeants du syndicat Nakliyat-Is, l’un des affiliés les plus importants de la centrale nationale DISK, ont été arrêtés (dans le cas de la centrale KESK, c’est le syndicat Egitim Sen qui est pris en cible). On peut véritablement distinguer un modus operandi récurrent dans chacun de ces cas : Une fois écroués, les syndicalistes sont systématiquement soumis à un traitement abusif, voire maltraités ; les autorités invoquent l’une ou l’autre disposition de la loi pour garder l'affaire « sous-couvert de secret. » Il est alors impossible pour les avocats de la défense d’accéder aux dossiers de leurs clients durant une période initiale – qui peut éventuellement se prolonger à plus d’un mois, comme dans le cas de l’affaire KESK. Les chefs d’accusation sont, quant à eux, systématiquement liés à l’une ou l’autre forme d’ « activité terroriste. »

Dans son dernier Rapport sur les progrès accomplis dans le cadre des négociations concernant l’accession de la Turquie à l’UE, daté du 14 octobre 2009, la Commission européenne déclarait que « Les droits syndicaux ne sont pas encore pleins et entiers en Turquie. » Le cadre juridique actuel n’est pas en conformité avec les normes de l’UE et les Conventions de l’OIT, notamment eu égard au droit d’organiser, au droit de grève et au droit de négociation collective, ce qui vaut tant pour le secteur privé que pour le secteur public. La Commission d’experts de l’OIT a demandé à la Turquie d’adopter ces réformes et a suggéré l’organisation d’une mission bipartite de haut niveau pour venir en aide au gouvernement. » Cette mission, vous le savez, est prévue pour le début du mois prochain.

La détérioration des droits syndicaux en Turquie suscite une vive préoccupation au sein du mouvement syndical international. Les objectifs syndicaux internationaux sont clairs et restent inchangés. Nous lançons un appel au nom de tous les citoyens turcs pour le respect des pleins droits démocratiques, y compris la liberté d’association, la libération de tous les syndicalistes emprisonnés et le respect des normes fondamentales du travail et des droits de chaque travailleur, y compris les travailleurs de l’entreprise TEKEL. »

Sincèrement,

Ambassador, Mr. Ahmet Üzümcü, Permanent Mission of
Turkey to the United Nations in Geneva
Ch. du Petit-Saconnex 28b - CP271
CH-1211, Geneva 19
Switzerland
 
mission.turkey@ties.itu.int
 
[SIGNATURE]
 
En vous remerciant de votre soutien, nous vous adressons nos meilleures salutations.
 
Maison Populaire de Genève
Demir SÖNMEZ
www.assmp.org

Coup de grisou dans une mine turque: 17 morts

Dix-sept mineurs ont perdu la vie mardi à la suite d'un coup de grisou dans une mine de charbon du nord-ouest de la Turquie, a annoncé le gouverneur de la province de Balikesir, où est survenu le sinistre.

Les secouristes ont dégagé 12 corps de la mine d'Odaköy, près de la ville de Dursunbey, et cinq mineurs ont succombé à leurs blessures après avoir été transportés à l'hôpital, a déclaré sur la chaîne d'information NTV le gouveneur de Balikesir Yilmaz Arslan.

"Il ne reste pas de travailleur dans la mine, les recherches ont été arrêtées", a précisé M. Arslan.

Quarante-six personnes se trouvaient dans la mine au moment où une poche de méthane a pris feu, un accident survenu vers 15H30 GMT à 250 mètres de profondeur, a indiqué à l'agence de presse Anatolie le propriétaire de l'exploitation minière, Erhan Ortaköylu.

"Nos camarades qui se trouvaient près de la sortie dans la zone de l'incendie ont pu sortir sains et saufs de la mine", tandis que d'autres mineurs travaillant dans des zones plus profondes sont restés bloqués, a-t-il expliqué. Dix d'entre eux ont été secourus par les équipes de sauveteurs.

Un précédent accident dans la même mine avait déjà fait 17 morts en 2006, a rappelé Anatolie.

Les accidents dans les mines sont assez fréquents en Turquie. Dix-neuf personnes ont été tuées le 11 décembre dans une explosion et un effondrement dans une mine de charbon privée du nord-ouest de la Turquie. (AFP, 23 fév 2010)

"World-wide Action" for TEKEL Workers

The International Unions Confederation (ITUC) organizes an international day of action for Tekel workers who have been carrying on with their resistance in the Turkish capital of Ankara for 64 days.

The Turkish Confederation of Labour Unions (Türk-İş) informed bianet that ITUC replied in writing to a call for solidarity from Türk-İş. According to the response, the confederation is going to organize a world-wide day of action for the Tekel workers in the coming week.

ITUC is the umbrella organization for approximately 175 million workers and 311 national organizations from 155 countries and regions.

In addition, the Europe Unions Confederation (ETUC) is going to publish a bulletin, urging the government to start talks as soon as possible in order to transfer the Tekel workers to public enterprises under protection of their rights. "ETUC supports these workers who struggle for their most basic needs and for a humane life in return for humane work", the organization declared. ETUC sent a special advisor to Ankara last week.

The Tekel workers resist against working under the 4C regulation which would deprive them from their right to collective agreement and to strike. 4C furthermore includes a cut of salaries and severance pay without job guarantee. The workers want to work at public enterprises under the Labour Act instead.

The government on the other hand insists on 4C and has improved the regulation's conditions, that is to say a raise in wages, extending the duration of employment to eleven months, 22 days of leave and severance pay. (BIA, Tolga KORKUT, 16 February 2010)

GB: amende record pour délit d'initié contre le patron du groupe turc Genel

Le directeur général du groupe pétrolier turc Genel Enerji s'est vu infliger une amende record de 967.005 livres (1,11 million d'euros) par l'autorité britannique des marchés financiers (FSA) pour délit d'initié, et deux autres personnes du groupe ont été sanctionnées également.

Outre Mehmet Sepil, Murat Ozgul, le directeur commercial de Genel, et Levent Akca, le directeur de l'exploration, ont reçu des amendes respectives de 105.240 et 94.062 livres.

L'amende la plus importante jamais prononcée contre une personne par la FSA jusqu'à présent était celle de 750.000 livres à l'encontre du Français Philippe Jabre pour abus de marché en août 2006.

Les trois hommes avaient empoché plus de 312.000 livres en achetant sur le marché en mai dernier des actions du groupe canadien Heritage après avoir appris une découverte pétrolière importante dans un champ du Kurdistan possédé par Genel et Heritage, et avant que la nouvelle ne soit rendue publique.

Quand celle-ci avait été annoncée, le titre Heritage avait gagné 25% d'un coup. Les trois hommes s'étaient cependant dénoncés trois mois après les faits, proposant de rendre leurs bénéfices, ce qui leur a permis de voir baisser de 30% le montant de l'amende qui leur aurait été infligée dans le cas contraire.

"Nous ne tolèrerons pas d'abus de position privilégiée pour réaliser des profits personnels aux dépens des autres participants du marché et ces amendes soulignent notre engagement à combattre une telle attitude", a souligné Margaret Cole, directrice de l'application des peines à la FSA, dans le communiqué publié par celle-ci. (AFP, 16 fév 2010)

Taux de chômage en hausse à 13,1% pour octobre-décembre 2009

Le taux de chômage en Turquie s'est élevé à 13,1% de la population active pour le trimestre allant d'octobre à décembre 2009, soit une hausse de 0,8% par rapport à la même période de 2008, a annoncé lundi l'Institut de la statistique (Tüik).

Le nombre de chômeurs a augmenté de 233.000 personnes, à 3,27 millions de sans-emplois, en légère hausse (0,1%) comparé au trimestre précédent de 2009.

Le Tüik a obtenu ces chiffres à partir d'une enquête réalisée auprès de quelque 93.000 personnes.

Le taux de chômage s'était élevé au premier trimestre de 2009 à un taux record de 16,1%, en augmentation en raison de la récession frappant la Turquie dans le sillage de la crise financière mondiale.

Des centaines de milliers de personnes ont été victimes de licenciements, notamment dans des secteurs clé comme l'automobile ou le textile.

Les chiffres du Tüik sont les seuls disponibles pour évaluer le taux de chômage en Turquie, mais sont loin de refléter la réalité, selon les experts, qui estiment le chômage réel à environ le double des chiffres officiels. (AFP 15 fév 2010)

Un des hommes les plus riches de Turquie condamné pour détournement de fonds

Mehmet Emin Karamehmet, un des entrepreneurs les plus riches de Turquie, a été condamné à 11 ans et huit mois de prison mercredi dans son pays pour avoir détourné des fonds dans une banque dont il a été propriétaire, a annoncé l'agence Anatolie.

Cet homme aujourd'hui âgé de 61 ans, qui dirige la première compagnie de téléphonie mobile turque, Turkcell, s'est également vu infliger une amende de près de 472 millions de livres turques (312 millions de dollars, 227 millions d'euros) pour avoir fait un mauvais usage de prêts distribués par cette banque, la Pamukbank.

Anatolie n'a pas fourni de précisions sur ce dernier point.

Le tribunal a en outre condamné deux directeurs de la Pamukbank à des peines respectivement de 10 ans et quatre mois et de neuf ans et huit mois de prison, également pour détournement de fonds, selon la même source.

La Pamukbank a été la propriété de M. Karamehmet jusqu'à sa saisie en juin 2002 par l'Etat pour irrégularités, a ajouté Anatolie, sans donner d'autres détails.

Confronté à d'importantes difficultés financières, Mehmet Emin Karamehmet s'est vu contraint de vendre sa deuxième banque, Yapi Kredi, au groupe turc Koc.

M. Karamehmet a été classé au deuxième rang des plus grandes fortunes de Turquie en 2009 par le magazine américain spécialisé Forbes. (AFP, 10 fév 2010)

Hunger strike leaves three more Tekel workers hospitalized

A hunger strike begun by Tekel employees into its third day in front of a union’s headquarters in Ankara has left three more workers hospitalized.

Gathering in front of the Confederation of Turkish Labor Unions, or TÜRK-İŞ, the workers wore frocks with slogans saying, “I prefer to die with honor than living without honor,” “For my children only,” “No turning back even in death” and “I want a future for my children.”

The workers conducting the hunger strike, who are from the formerly state-owned alcohol and tobacco monopoly, tied black ribbons to their heads while other displayed pictures of their children on their frocks.

One of the Tekel workers attending the strike was taken to a hospital Saturday evening while two more followed Sunday, bringing the total number of hospitalized employees since the beginning of the strike to nine.

There are fourteen staff members at TÜRK-İŞ that help the employees by following the news about them and handing out sugared water while there are nearly 60 doctors from various locations in Turkey supporting the strikers and monitoring their health conditions. The doctors said they need antibiotics and drugs used to treat respiratory diseases.

Other Tekel employees, meanwhile, are continuing their protest outside the tents. They were offered soup early Sunday courtesy the Çankaya district center for the Republican People’s Party, or CHP.

Representatives from the Chamber of Environment Engineers of Mersin, the firefighters of Istanbul, Bursa sports club supporters and the Chamber of Mining Engineers from the Turkish Union of Engineers’ and Architects’ Chambers, or TMMOB, all visited the Tekel employees to pledge their continued support.

Protesting the protesters

Meanwhile, a group of 20 people identifying themselves as the “3H Movement,” read a press statement in front of the Atatürk Cultural center in Taksim and protested the Tekel employees. The group carried banners saying: “Tekel does not produce cigarettes, it produce poverty” and “Put an end to the vision of the statist economy.”

Medeni Sungur, a student for Fatih University International Relations faculty and the group’s spokesman, said the statist vision of the economy had collapsed and that governments that offer abnormal wages and rights to workers in order to receive votes are guilty.

Sungur said demands from state workers that they received higher wages than other workers were illogical. “Why must some people be granted a lifetime guarantee of employment? Is this a right? Is this justice? The true unjustness is favoring some people and condemning other citizens, who are much poorer than them, to pay high taxes.” Sungur said if statist economic policies had been abandoned years ago, the wages of workers would be at satisfactory levels, adding that the Tekel employees could not speak of being victimized following the latest offers made by the government.

The three “H”s in the group’s name stand for liberty, law and tolerance in Turkish. (hurriyetdailynews.com, February 7, 2010)

Millions of People Stop Work for Tekel Workers

According to a joint decision taken by six union confederations, millions of workers stopped work today (4 February) from 8.00 am to 5.00 pm to support the workers from the closed down Tekel leaf tobacco factory.

Turkish Confederation of Labour Unions (Türk-İş), the Hak Workers Union Confederation (Hak-İş), the Confederation of Progressive Trade Unions (DİSK), the Civil Servant Unions Confederation (MEMUR-SEN), the Public Workers Unions Confederation of Turkey (KAMU-SEN) and the Confederation of Trade Unions of Public Employees (KESK) took the joint decision for a general strike. Reason for this large-scale action is the government's insistence to employ the workers of the recently closed down Tekel leaf tobacco factory as "temporary personnel".

"The Tekel workers achievement is an achievement for the Turkish people"

DİSK President Süleyman Çelebi said in a sit-in strike one day before the general strike: "The achievements of the Tekel workers are in fact an achievement for Turkish people. The Tekel workers are Turkey's conscience. We call everybody who has a conscience to show solidarity to the Tekel workers and join their protest".

"The government should not miss this opportunity"

KAMU-SEN General Director Akyıldız announced in a press conference on Wednesday (3 February) that the general strike is a serious warning and that the government should not miss out on this opportunity.

"This system means lack of security, lack of severance pay, lack of unionization and poorly paid workers who can be laid off at any time. Even for civil servants security is being eliminated. Finally, workers have started to wake up - the work power that was oppressed for years, that was despised and still showed patience and common sense. Thus, it is no surprise that the Prime Minister is accused of using the workers with a malevolent attitude towards the unions".

"We are on strike; we will show the workers' determination"

KESK declared: "The political power acted on the assumption that nobody would advocate for the Tekel workers who were carelessly made redundant. Tekel workers lighted a torch to enlighten the darkness of years. We will not have that torch extinguished. We will show the workers' determination once more with the solidarity strike on 4 February".

The Contemporary Lawers' Association (ÇHD), the Turkish Medical Association (TTB) and the Turkey Union of Chambers of Architects and Engineers (TMMOB) declared their support for the strike.

"4C is not the issue"

In a speech in the morning of 4 February in front of the Türk-İş building in Ankara, Türk-İş President Mustafa Kumlu called Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to pay the Tekel workers a visit:

"Please come here and see what is happening. See the way of life of the Tekel workers and listen to them for once. Witness their determination - and I promise you that we will welcome you with a warm applause".

Kumlu reiterated that the actual issue is not 4C but the request to protect the workers' employee personal rights and transfer the workers to public enterprises with their former status.

Country-wide support

The general strike gushes like a flood of solidarity through the whole country, protest actions are being organized all over Turkey.

In Istanbul, two protest marches with thousands of participants are on their way to meet at Saraçhane Park on the European side. DİSK members from several districts are meeting in Kadıköy on the Anatolian side of the city.

Supporters in Ankara met for a protest march approaching the meeting point from three different directions to continue together. The demonstration culminated in the speech made by Türk-İş president Kumlu.

Further protest actions are being carried out in major cities of the country such as İzmir, Adana, Diyarbakır and Antakya. (BIA, Tolga KORKUT-Bawer CAKIR, 4 February 2010)

Turkish Airlines va acheter 20 Boeing 737, option sur 15 autres avions

La compagnie aérienne Turkish Airlines a annoncé jeudi qu'elle allait acheter 20 moyen-courriers 737 du constructeur aéronautique américain Boeing.

Ces avions, 10 737-800 et 10 737-900, doivent être livrés "à partir de 2011 (...) jusqu'en 2015 avec les options", précise la compagnie dans un communiqué adressé à la Bourse d'Istanbul.

Turkish Airlines a aussi décidé de prendre une option pour 15 autres appareils du même type, selon le texte.

La flotte de la compagnie atteindra en 2015 196 avions, dont cinq cargos, ajoute le communiqué.

Turkish Airlines avait annoncé début janvier qu'elle allait acheter 14 A321-200 et 6 A319-100 à l'avionneur européen Airbus.
 La compagnie avait décidé en outre de prendre une option pour dix autres appareils de ligne A321 et A319.

Turkish Airlines s'est fortement développée ces dernières années, augmentant de 11% le nombre de ses passagers entre 2008 et 2009, à 25,1 millions, selon ses derniers chiffres.

Airbus avait confirmé fin novembre une commande ferme de Turkish Airlines pour deux long-courriers cargos A330-200F.

Cette commande avait été annoncée le 30 octobre par Turkish Airlines. Son montant n'a pas été dévoilé. Mais selon les prix catalogue d'Airbus, elle serait de l'ordre de 370 millions de dollars.

Les avions, motorisés par le britannique Rolls Royce, vont être livrés à partir de l'automne 2010. (AFP, 4 fév 2010)

Les syndicats appellent à un arrêt de travail pour jeudi

Les principaux syndicats de travailleurs de Turquie ont appelé mardi à un jour d'arrêt de travail jeudi pour protester contre le gouvernement islamo-conservateur qui a rejeté les revendications des ouvriers d'un ancien monopole d'Etat qui manifestent depuis des semaines.

"Nous appelons à une journée d'arrêt de travail pour jeudi, de 08H00 à 17H00", a déclaré devant la presse le président de la centrale d'ouvriers Türk-Is, Mustafa Kumlu, qui parlait au nom des syndicats d'ouvriers et de fonctionnaires au terme d'une réunion de leurs dirigeants.

Les syndicats réagissaient à la décision du gouvernement du Premier ministre Recep Tayyip Erdogan de rejeter les revendications de quelque 12.000 employés de l'ancien monopole turc des tabacs et alcools, Tekel.

Quelque 1.200 employés de Tekel manifestent depuis début décembre à Ankara pour sauver leurs emplois.

Tekel a été vendu par le gouvernement en 2008 à British American Tobacco (BAT), en dépit de vastes protestations.

Le gouvernement a annoncé lundi des mesures en faveur des employés mais les syndicats les ont jugés insuffisantes.

Mardi, M. Erdogan s'en est pris lors d'un discours au Parlement aux manifestants qui ont assiégé les abords du quartier d'affaires de Kizilay, en plein centre-ville d'Ankara, y dressant un campement géant, affirmant que leur mouvement s'était transformé en une "campagne contre le gouvernement", menaçant de le faire réprimer par la force. (AFP, 2 fév 2010)

No deal reached between Tekel workers, government

No deal was reached Monday evening between the Turkish government and the country's former state-owned alcohol and tobacco monopoly, or Tekel, workers, Türk-Iş president Mustafa Kumlu said.

Kumlu said the government offered improvements to the workers' current contracts, but he said it was not enough and that no progress had been made in the talks attended by the country's top-level ministers.

"We're always ready to meet," Kumlu said at a press conference after the meeting. But, he added, "we cannot accept their offers."

Tekel workers have been on strike for nearly 50 days to protest the privatization of Tekel, which obliges workers to either quit their jobs or accept work in another state institution with lower wages and fewer benefits.

Six of Turkey's major labor unions had previously threatened a solidarity strike on Feb. 3 if the parties could not reach an agreement. But Kumlu said Monday that union leaders would meet again to decide whether to hold the general strike.

The workers' complaints are rooted in their classification in their current contracts as "government employees," a label defined in Article 4/C of Turkish Law No. 657. They want to be considered "workers," a title that comes with rights and benefits they held before the privatization.

The government on Monday offered to improve 4/C by extending the rights to vacation and introducing a pay scale based on seniority.

As part of the privatization, the former Tekel workers will be employed in temporary positions at other public institutions under Article 4/C, which they say will cause a significant reduction in wages, by almost half, and the loss of some of their rights. Under Article 4/C, employees are allowed to work a maximum of 10 months.

Kumlu, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Finance Minister Mehmet Simşek and Labor Minister Ömer Dinçer were present at Monday's meeting, which lasted nearly seven hours. (Hürriyet Daily News, February 1, 2010)


Relations turco-européennes / Turkey-Europe Relations

Bruxelles "très préoccupée" par les soupçons de complot militaire

La Commission européenne est "très préoccupée" par les "sérieuses accusations" de complot militaire en Turquie, réclamant d'Ankara que l'enquête à l'encontre d'officiers turcs soit "exemplaire", a annoncé mardi une porte-parole à l'AFP.

La Commission "prend note des sérieuses accusations à l'encontre des personnes interpellées" et "suit de très près" la situation, a précisé la porte-parole du Commissaire en charge de l'Elargissement, Stefan Füle.

"Les citoyens turcs ont le droit d'entendre toute la vérité sur ces affaires. C'est pourquoi l'enquête doit être exemplaire", a ajouté Angela Filote.

La Commission réclame que l'enquête soit "menée dans le plein respect des principes et normes d'une procédure judiciaire équitable", respectant notamment "les droits de la défense".

Une quarantaine d'officiers turcs de haut rang étaient interrogés mardi par la justice sur leur implication présumée dans un complot visant à renverser le gouvernement islamo-conservateur, au lendemain d'un coup de filet sans précédent dirigé contre l'establishment militaire laïc.

Dix-sept généraux à la retraite et quatre amiraux en activité, l'élite de l'armée, figurent parmi 49 militaires interpellés en Turquie et conduits à Istanbul.

La Turquie est candidate à l'UE depuis 2004, mais les négociations progressent très lentement, Bruxelles critiquant en particulier le rythme peu soutenu des réformes. (AFP, 23 fév 2010)

Resolution: The EP Calls on Turkey To Withdraw Its Forces from Cyprus

The European Parliament adopted in Strasbourg on February 10, 2010, the following resolution on the "Turkey's progress report 2009 (enlargment)". Vis-a-vis of the original text tabled on behalf of the EP's Foreign Affairs Committee, three "sensitive" amendments -between other "minors" amendments- have been adopted ("women", "objectors", "cyprus issue"). The EP calls on Turkey to facilitate a suitable climate for negotiations by immediately starting to withdraw its forces from Cyprus.

The European Parliament,

–   having regard to the Commission's Turkey 2009 Progress Report (SEC(2009)1334),
–   having regard to its resolutions of 27 September 2006 on Turkey's progress towards accession[1], of 24 October 2007 on EU-Turkey relations[2], of 21 May 2008 on Turkey's 2007 progress report[3], and of 12 March 2009 on Turkey's 2008 progress report[4],
–   having regard to the Negotiating Framework for Turkey of 3 October 2005,
–   having regard to Council Decision 2008/157/EC of 18 February 2008 on the principles, priorities and conditions contained in the Accession Partnership with the Republic of Turkey[5] ('the Accession Partnership'), as well as to the previous Council decisions on the Accession Partnership of 2001, 2003 and 2006,
-    having regard to the conclusions of the European Council meeting of 10-11 December 2009;
–   having regard to Rule 110(2) of its Rules of Procedure,

A. whereas accession negotiations with Turkey were opened on 3 October 2005 after approval by the Council of the Negotiating Framework, and whereas the opening of those negotiations was the starting point for a long-lasting and open-ended process,

B. whereas Turkey has committed itself to reforms, good-neighbourly relations and progressive alignment with the EU, and whereas these efforts should be viewed as an opportunity for Turkey itself to modernise,

C. whereas full compliance with all the Copenhagen criteria and EU integration capacity, in accordance with the conclusions of December 2006 European Council meeting, remain the basis for accession to the EU, which is a community based on shared values,

D. whereas the Commission concluded that limited concrete progress was made on political reforms in 2009,

E. whereas Turkey has, for the fourth consecutive year, still not implemented the provisions stemming from the EC-Turkey Association Agreement and the Additional Protocol thereto,

F.  whereas in its Turkey 2009 Progress Report, the Commission has taken up and elaborated on issues highlighted by Parliament in its last resolution on Turkey's progress,

1.  Welcomes the broad public debate on a range of traditionally sensitive issues such as the role of the judiciary, the rights of citizens of Kurdish origin, the rights of the Alevi community, the role of the military and Turkey's relations with its neighbours; commends the Turkish Government for its constructive approach and its role in initiating that debate;

2.  Reiterates its concern about the ongoing polarisation within Turkish society and between political parties, and urges the Government, as well as all parliamentary parties, to develop an appropriate balance between political competition and pragmatic cooperation, so as to facilitate reconciliation within Turkish society and to enable the realisation of key reforms, in particular that of the Constitution;

3.  Notes that progress in terms of concrete reforms remained limited in 2009, and encourages the Government to translate its political initiatives into concrete amendments to legislation and their subsequent implementation;

4.  Regrets the fact that, where legislation relevant to the Copenhagen political criteria is in place, its implementation continues to be insufficient; urges the Government in particular to intensify the implementation of legislation in the areas of women's rights, non-discrimination, freedom of religion, thought and belief, freedom of speech and expression, zero tolerance of torture and the fight against corruption;

5.  Calls on Turkey to continue and intensify its efforts to fully meet the Copenhagen criteria and to bring Turkish society together in support of the necessary reforms, uniting it on the basis of the equality of every human being irrespective of gender, racial or ethnic origin, religion or belief, disability, age or sexual orientation;

Fulfilling the Copenhagen political criteria

Democracy and the rule of law

6.  Draws attention once again to the crucial importance of a comprehensive and substantive reform of the Constitution which would place the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms at the core of the Turkish State and society; encourages the Turkish Government to resume work on that reform and calls for the cooperation of all political parties and the involvement of civil society and all minorities;

7.  Reiterates its call from its previous resolutions in 2006 and 2007 for the electoral system to be reformed by reducing the threshold of 10%, thereby ensuring party pluralism, especially in order to allow newly founded parties to gain access to the political process, as well as wider representation of political forces and minorities in the Grand National Assembly;

8.  Deeply regrets the decision of the Constitutional Court to close the Democratic Society Party (DTP) and ban a number of its democratically elected representatives from political activity; regrets also the recent arrests of DTP members; reiterates its condemnation of violence and terrorism and urges all political forces to seek reconciliation by peaceful means and to unite Turkish society on the basis of equal rights for every citizen; stresses that the political representatives of the Kurdish population must be enabled to fully participate in this process; draws attention to the opinion delivered by the Venice Commission of the Council of Europe in March 2009, which concluded that Turkish legislation governing the closure of political parties is not compatible with the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), and urges the Government to make the necessary reform proposals, respecting European standards;

9.  Is of the view that a comprehensive and swift reform of the judiciary is vital for the success of the modernisation process in Turkey; welcomes the Government's approval of the judiciary reform strategy and notes with satisfaction the broad consultative process on which it was built; encourages the Government to implement the strategy without delay, with particular attention to systematic measures to enhance the impartiality and professionalism of the judiciary, as well as its compliance with the standards of the ECHR; in this context, calls on the Turkish Government to issue guidance to prosecutors regarding laws that are frequently used to limit freedom of expression; also encourages the Government to restructure the High Council of Judges and Prosecutors, so as to ensure its representativeness, objectiveness, impartiality and transparency;

10.    Deeply regrets the decision of the Constitutional Court to annul the legislation limiting the jurisdiction of military courts as a serious setback in Turkey's reform efforts, and calls on the Turkish Grand National Assembly to establish a consensus in favour of constitutional reform; is concerned about the continuing involvement of the military in Turkish politics and foreign policy, and reiterates that in a democratic society the military must be fully subject to civilian oversight; calls in particular on the Turkish Grand National Assembly to enhance its oversight of the military budget and expenditure and to engage in the development of security and defence policies;

11.    Is concerned about the alleged magnitude of the Ergenekon criminal network and the Sledgehammer Plan; urges the Government and the judiciary to ensure that all proceedings are fully in line with the due process of law and that the rights of all defendants are respected; shares the assessment of the Commission that Turkey must approach this case as an opportunity to strengthen confidence in the proper functioning of its democratic institutions and the rule of law; urges the Turkish Government not to allow legal proceedings to be used as a pretext to exert undue pressure on critical journalists, academics or opposition politicians;

12.    Regrets that no progress has been made on establishing the Ombudsman's office; urges the Government to introduce, and all parliamentary parties to support, the necessary legislation establishing an effective, independent complaints mechanism linked to a system for carrying out investigations into alleged human rights violations;

Human rights and respect for, and protection of, minorities

13.    Welcomes the initiatives taken by the Turkish Government to bring Turkish citizens together and enable every citizen, irrespective of gender, racial or ethnic origin, religion or belief, disability, age or sexual orientation, to enjoy equal rights and play an active role in Turkish society; is aware that this is a historic debate, but strongly urges the Government to translate its political initiative into concrete reforms and calls on all political parties and all players involved to support this process, while striving to overcome mutual sensitivities; welcomes in this context the plan presented by the Government to the Turkish Grand National Assembly on 13 November 2009 and encourages it to implement it, so as to ensure that the freedoms of all citizens are guaranteed;

14.    Welcomes the adoption of legislation removing all restrictions on broadcasting in the Kurdish language by private and public channels both at local and national level, as well as of legislation on the use of the Kurdish language in prisons; urges the Government to take further measures ensuring real opportunities to learn Kurdish within the public and private schooling system and allowing Kurdish to be used in political life and in access to public services; calls on the Government to make sure that anti-terror laws are not misused to restrict fundamental freedoms, in particular freedom of expression, and to abolish the system of village guards in the south-east of Turkey;

15.    Supports the intention of the Turkish Grand National Assembly to swiftly adopt amendments to the Anti-Terror Law in order to delete the provisions allowing children between fifteen and eighteen years of age to be tried as adults;

16.    Encourages the Turkish Government to intensify its efforts to overcome social and economic deficiencies in the south-east; reiterates its call on the Commission to present a study on the consequences of the Southeast Anatolia Project (GAP); calls on the Turkish authorities to preserve the cultural and environmental heritage concerned in this context, with particular reference to the archaeological sites of Hasankeyf and Allianoi; is concerned about the displacement of thousands of people resulting from the construction of the dams; urges the Government to cease work on the Ilisu dam project until the above-mentioned Commission study is presented;

17.    Urges the Turkish Grand National Assembly to ensure that parliamentary immunity covering the expression of political opinions is guaranteed to all members of parliament, without any discrimination;

18.    Condemns the continuing violence perpetrated by the PKK and other terrorist groups on Turkish soil, and urges the PKK to respond to the political initiative of the Turkish Government by laying down its arms and putting an end to violence;

19.    Emphasises freedom of religion as a universal fundamental value and calls on Turkey to safeguard it for all; welcomes the dialogue entered into by the Turkish Government with representatives of religious communities, including the Alevis, and encourages the authorities to intensify the interreligious dialogue, so as to establish regular and constructive communication; reiterates, however, once again, that positive steps and gestures must be followed by substantial reforms of the legal framework, which must enable these religious communities to function without undue constraints, in line with the ECHR and the case law of the European Court of Human Rights; underlines in particular the need for all religious communities to be granted legal personality;

20.    Welcomes the implementation of the Law on Foundations; regrets, however, that the religious communities continue to face property problems not addressed by that law, concerning properties seized and sold to third parties or properties of foundations merged before the new legislation was adopted; urges the Turkish Government to address this issue without delay;

21.    Reiterates its concern about the obstacles faced by the Ecumenical Patriarchate concerning its legal status, the training of its clergy and elections of the Ecumenical Patriarch; repeats its call for the immediate reopening of the Greek Orthodox Halki seminary and for measures to permit the public use of the ecclesiastical title of the Ecumenical Patriarch and more generally to create the conditions for the unhindered training of the clergy of Christian communities in Turkey;

22.    Regrets that uncertainty persists concerning the recognition of Cem houses as Alevi places of worship and concerning compulsory religious education in schools; calls on the Turkish Government systematically to remedy this situation;

23.    Is concerned by the difficulties encountered by Syriacs in relation to their property ownership; in particular, points with concern to the court cases concerning expropriation in relation to the Mor Gabriel Syriac Orthodox monastery;

24.    Deplores the fact that the Turkish Government continues to have reservations concerning the rights of minorities as enshrined in international law, that it has not yet signed relevant Council of Europe conventions and that it has not yet entered into a dialogue with the High Commissioner on National Minorities of the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE); urges the Government to bring its policy fully into line with international standards and the ECHR, and calls on all parliamentary parties to support this move; notes, in this respect, the administrative difficulties faced by minority schools and the anachronistic dual presidency system; in addition, urges the Government actively to foster a climate of full respect for minorities, and to ensure that cases of hostility and violence are brought before the courts;

25.    Regrets that there has been no encouraging development since Turkey's 2008 progress report regarding the Greek population of the islands Gökçeada (Imvros) and Bozcaada (Tenedos), which continues to encounter problems with property rights and education; urges the Turkish Government therefore to seek solutions to preserve the bicultural character of these islands in line with the resolution of 27 June 2008 of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) concerning the islands;

26.    Is concerned that the Turkish legal framework still fails to provide sufficient guarantees with regard to freedom of expression and that certain laws continue to be misused, so as to restrict that freedom; calls on the Turkish Government to propose a comprehensive reform of the legal framework in order to ensure its compatibility with the ECHR and the case law of the European Court of Human Rights; notes that the revision of Article 301 of the Turkish Criminal Code led to a significant decline in prosecutions compared with previous years; continues however to be of the view that Articles 301 and 318 should be repealed;

27.    Remains concerned that Turkey does not grant the right to conscientious objection to compulsory military service and that no civilian alternative is available; deplores the fact that the 2006 ECHR judgment in the case of Ülke vs. Turkey requiring Turkey to amend legislation allowing the repeated prosecution and conviction of conscientious objectors remains unexecuted and calls upon the Government to execute the judgment without delay;

28.    Is concerned about continued restrictions on press freedom, particularly on reporting on the investigations into the Ergenekon network and in the light of the imposition of an unprecedented fine on a media group as well as frequent website bans; stresses that the cultivation of press freedom is an important sign of political culture in a pluralistic society; recommends that, in this context and in the light of the unhealthy links between media, business and politics, a new media law be adopted;

29.    Calls on the Turkish Government to intensify its efforts with regard to implementation of the policy of zero tolerance of torture, and, in order to underscore the credibility of those efforts, to authorise the publication of the report of the Council of Europe's Committee for the Prevention of Torture; once again urges the Turkish Grand National Assembly to ratify the Optional Protocol on the UN Convention against Torture; also urges the Government to strive for reduction of impunity for human rights violations, in particular among law enforcement officials;

30.    Urges the Turkish Government to devote further attention to eradicating corruption, to increase the transparency of funding of political parties and election campaigns and to promote openness of administration at all levels;

31.    Encourages the Government to increase its efforts to translate gender equality, as guaranteed by law, into practice; in particular, considers that a strategy for women's education and employment should be prepared, reducing the employment of women in the grey economy; calls on the Government to avail itself of the potential of civil society organisations, especially when it comes to raising awareness of women's rights, the prevention of violence and so-called 'honour killings'; points out that the Government and the judiciary need to ensure that all cases of violence and discrimination against women are duly brought before the courts and the offenders punished, and that women and children in danger of violence or honour killings are protected and supported by the authorities; encourages the Turkish Government to initiate an effective communication campaign in order to increase awareness of women's rights throughout the whole country;

32.    Acknowledges that the legal framework for dealing with domestic violence, honour killings and early forced marriages is in place, but points out that there are concerns regarding implementation; calls, therefore, on the authorities to provide protection for victims by increasing the number of shelters and other facilities; draws attention to the fact that the level of female employment in Turkey is the lowest among all OECD countries and should be raised in order to promote women's economic rights and independence;

33.    Is concerned about the lack of guarantees against discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation; calls on the Turkish Grand National Assembly to adopt a new law prohibiting direct and indirect discrimination on all grounds and in all areas, and calls upon the Turkish Government to intensify its public awareness efforts concerning individual human rights and anti-discrimination, to ensure that discriminatory provisions are removed from legislation and that hatred and violence based on homophobia are duly punished;

34.    Regrets the lack of progress concerning trade union rights and calls once again on the Government, in consultation with social partners, to present a new proposal to the Turkish Grand National Assembly in order to adopt, without any further delay, a new law on trade unions that is in line with International Labour Organisation standards, including safeguards for the right to strike and negotiate collective agreements; expresses its concern about the recent arrest (in mid-November 2009) of some 20 Turkish trade unionists, and calls for their social rights to be strictly respected;

Ability to take on the obligations of membership

35.    Deplores the fact that, for the fourth consecutive year, the Additional Protocol to the EC-Turkey Association Agreement has not been implemented by Turkey; calls on the Turkish Government to implement it fully without delay, in a non-discriminatory way, and recalls that failure to do so may further seriously affect the negotiating process;

Commitment to good-neighbourly relations

36.    Reiterates Turkey's unequivocal obligation to maintain good-neighbourly relations as provided for by the negotiating framework; underlines its undertaking together with all other parties to support the efforts to achieve a comprehensive settlement of the Cyprus problem and to resolve any outstanding border disputes with neighbouring countries in conformity with the principle of peaceful settlement of disputes in accordance with the United Nations Charter;

37.    Calls on the Turkish Government and all parties concerned actively to support the ongoing negotiations, and to contribute in concrete terms to the comprehensive settlement of the Cyprus issue, based on a bizonal, bicommunal federation, in line with the relevant UN Security Council resolutions and the principles on which the EU is founded; calls on Turkey to facilitate a suitable climate for negotiations by immediately starting to withdraw its forces from Cyprus, by addressing the issue of the settlement of Turkish citizens on the island and also by enabling the return of the sealed-off section of Famagusta to its lawful inhabitants in compliance with Resolution 550(1984) of the United Nations Security Council;

38.    Calls on the Turkish Government to cease hindering civilian vessels prospecting for oil on behalf of the Republic of Cyprus in the eastern Mediterranean;

39.    Urges Turkey to ensure that the rights of all displaced persons in Cyprus are respected, including those of religious minorities, and that they are allowed freely to exercise their religious rights; stresses that, in the case of the Catholic Maronite community, freedoms should also be accorded to all four Maronite villages;

40.    Welcomes the reactivation of the Committee on Missing Persons (CMP) and calls on Turkey to take appropriate action on this humanitarian issue;

41.    Commends the diplomatic efforts made to normalise relations with Armenia, and urges the Turkish Government to open the border with Armenia; calls on the Turkish Grand National Assembly and the Parliament of Armenia to ratify the relevant protocols without delay and without setting any preconditions, which would lead to enhanced regional security and stability in the South Caucasus region;

42.    Takes note of the limited progress achieved in improving Turkish-Greek bilateral relations; calls on the Turkish Grand National Assembly to withdraw its casus belli threat, and expects the Turkish Government to end the continued violations of Greek airspace;

43.    Welcomes the continued improvement of relations with Iraq and with the Kurdish regional government; stresses once again its appeal to the Turkish Government to ensure that any anti-terrorist operation that is conducted fully respects Iraq's territorial integrity, human rights and international law, and that civilian casualties are avoided;

Deepening EU-Turkey cooperation

44.    Notes the start of negotiations on Turkey's accession to the Energy Community; welcomes Turkey's signing of the Intergovernmental Agreement on the Nabucco gas pipeline, the implementation of which remains one of the EU's highest energy security priorities, and calls for opening of the energy chapter in the accession negotiations; notes at the same time the cooperation between Turkey, Russia and some EU Member States on the South Stream project;

45.    Points to Turkey's importance as a transit and destination country for irregular migration; calls on the Turkish Government to take urgent steps to ensure that the international rights to protection and reception of migrants and asylum-seekers are respected; takes note of the resumption of negotiations on an EU-Turkey readmission agreement, and urges Turkey fully to implement, in the meantime, the existing bilateral readmission agreements with the Member States; calls on the Turkish Government to step up its cooperation with the EU on migration management, the fight against crossborder crime and human trafficking; notes in this context Turkey's efforts with a view to concluding a working arrangement with Frontex;

46.    Notes Turkey's increasingly active foreign policy and appreciates its efforts to contribute to solutions in various crisis regions; calls on the Turkish Government to intensify its foreign policy coordination with the EU, in particular as regards Iran; acknowledges Turkey’s role as an important partner of the EU with a view to the realisation of EU foreign policy goals in the Black Sea region, Central Asia and the broader Middle East; calls on the Commission and the Council to better exploit the potential of close EU-Turkey relations in these regions;

47.    Appreciates Turkey's continuous contribution to the European Security and Defence Policy and NATO operations; regrets, however, that NATO-EU strategic cooperation extending beyond the ‘Berlin plus’ arrangements continues to be blocked by Turkey's objections, which has negative consequences for the protection of the EU personnel deployed, and urges Turkey to set aside those objections as soon as possible;

48.    Calls once again on the Turkish Government to sign and submit for ratification the Statute of the International Criminal Court, thus further increasing Turkey's contribution to, and engagement in, the global multilateral system;

49.    Calls on the EU's High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy to analyse synergies between the EU's and Turkey's foreign policies and to make more intensive use of them in order to contribute to security and stability in the world;

50.    Urges Turkey to act pragmatically and do its utmost to ensure the success of the negotiations between the Greek and Turkish Cypriot leaders, which are now reaching a critical stage; notes that this is possibly the last opportunity to settle the long-running division of the island; welcomes the appreciation expressed by the Secretary General of the United Nations concerning the determined efforts of the leaders of the two communities in Cyprus, Mr Christofias and Mr Talat, to reach a comprehensive settlement;

51.    Believes that a settlement of the Cyprus question will bring greater stability, prosperity and security to the Eastern Mediterranean and allow a rapid improvement in EU-NATO relations as well as unblocking Turkey's own accession process to the European Union; proposes, therefore, that Turkey join with the other guarantor powers, Greece and the UK, in pledging to back any agreement that can be reached by Mr Christofias and Mr Talat for the reunification of Cyprus which meets with the approval of the UN Security Council;

52.    Takes note of the Court of Auditors' Special Report No 16/2009, identifying a series of weaknesses in the management of the pre-accession assistance to Turkey; notes however that in the Court's assessment, the projects audited did produce their intended results and that these are likely to be sustainable; calls on the Commission to implement the recommendations of the Report of the Court of Auditors when providing assistance under the Instrument for Pre-accession (IPA), in particular to prioritise targets and thus projects in line with accession criteria; requests the Commission to launch, in particular, an evaluation of the entire programme of pre-accession assistance and report about its implementation to the European Parliament;

53.    Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, and the Secretary General of the Council of Europe, the President of the European Court of Human Rights, the governments and parliaments of the Member States and the Government and Parliament of the Republic of Turkey.

[1] OJ C 306 E, 15.12.2006, p. 284.
[2] OJ C 263 E, 16.10.2008, p. 452.
[3] OJ C 279 E, 19.11.2009, p. 57.
[4] Texts adopted, P6_TA(2009)0134.
[5] OJ L 51, 26.2.2008, p. 4.

Buzek: "Difficile à présent de parler de l'adhésion de la Turquie à l'UE"

Le président du Parlement européen, Jerzy Buzek, a souligné mardi l'importance d'une "coopération euro-atlantique très forte" face aux nouveaux défis, en réponse aux interrogations sur un désintérêt américain à l'égard de l'Union européenne.

"Si nous voulons créer une gouvernance mondiale qui apportera des avantages aux citoyens, nous devons commencer par une coopération euro-atlantique très forte, et ensuite inclure d'autres pays", a déclaré l'ancien Premier ministre polonais à Paris.

"Je voudrais que les Américains partagent ce point de vue", a-t-il ajouté, lors d'une conférence de presse.

Il était interrogé sur la décision lundi du président américain Barack Obama de reporter un sommet prévu entre l'UE et les Etats-Unis au printemps. Un geste perçu comme un camouflet pour des institution européennes déjà affectées par une crise de leadership née des derniers aménagements du Traité de Lisbonne.

M. Buzek, qui doit rencontrer jeudi le président Nicolas Sarkozy, a indiqué qu'il se rendrait en avril à Washington.

En réponse aux questions sur le manque de visibilité des nouvelles institutions de l'UE, le président du Parlement européen a assuré qu'il fallait une "période de rodage" pour qu'elles trouvent les "liens" leur permettant de mieux fonctionner.

M. Buzek s'est rendu ensuite avec le secrétaire d'Etat aux Affaires européennes, Pierre Lellouche, et la première présidente du Parlement européen, Simone Veil, au lycée Jacques-Decour, dans le IXe arrondissement, dont un groupe d'élèves s'est rendu récemment au camp d'extermination d'Auschwitz. Le père de Simone Veil, qui mourra en déportation, avait fait sa scolarité dans ce lycée.

Mme Veil a salué le lycée Decour et ses enseignants qui enseignent avec "un véritable sacerdoce" sans égal en France la mémoire de l'Holocauste.

Lors d'un débat avec les élèves, M. Buzek a fait valoir que 80% des Polonais étaient pour l'Europe, mais que l'adhésion "avait été précédée par des réformes très difficiles" en Pologne. La Turquie, qui aspire à rentrer dans l'Europe, doit passer par des efforts semblables et "ne remplit pas ses critères de base", et "il est très difficile à présent de parler de l'adhésion de la Turquie à l'Union europénne", a-t-il fait remarquer. (AFP, 2 fév 2010)

Open Letter to Gordon Brown for the Release of Kurdish Politicians

We, the undersigned, call on Prime Minister Gordon Brown to use all available diplomatic means to bring an immediate end to the repression of Kurdish politicians in Turkey and to promote a political and negotiated solution to the Kurdish conflict.

The mass arrest of some 80 leading members of the new Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) that took place in Turkey on Christmas Eve is a deeply disturbing development that can only have grave consequences for the country’s future peace and stability. The action followed the banning of the popular pro-Kurdish Democratic Society Party (DTP) on 11 December by Turkey’s Constitutional Court.
 
Those detained are all former pro-Kurdish deputies or mayors and include; the former DEP deputy and co-president of Democratic Society Congress, Mr. Hatip Dicle; the Mayor of Sur Municipality, Mr. Abdullah Demirbas,; the Mayor of Kayapinar, Mr. Zülkif Karatekin; the former DEP Deputy and Mayor of Siirt, Mr. Selim Sadak; the Mayor of Batman, Mr. Necdet Atalay; the Mayor of Viransehir; a member of the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of the Council of Europe, Mrs. Leyla Guven; the Mayor of Kiziltepe, Mr. Ferhan Turk and vice-president of Human Rights Association, Mr. Muharrem Erbey.
 
With these moves Turkey is embarking on a dangerous new course that could plunge the country into further conflict and violence by alienating the Kurdish voters who in their millions have given support to the DTP and chosen its members as their representatives in successive polls.
 
Turkey’s turn to repression also sends a signal to the world that the country is not yet ready to observe international norms of behaviour and its democratic obligations with regards to the political and human rights of its peoples.
 
If Turkey is unable to enter into dialogue with its own people and meet the popular aspirations of its population, in particular its Kurdish citizens, then it can have little hope of reaching agreements democratic issues with its European neighbours in the future.

By banning legitimate political parties that have a mass following among Kurdish voters, the Turkish authorities are quite simply seeking to stifle the legitimate demands of the Kurds for their basic civil, social and cultural rights. These rights are accepted worldwide as the bedrock of a democratic country.
 
In opting for increased repression Turkey is closing off the democratic option to the Kurds and telling them in no uncertain terms that their concerns will not be resolved through dialogue. This can only create further alienation and discontent among the Kurdish masses.
 
We call on the Prime Minister to urge the Turkish government to rethink and reverse its repressive strategy and embark on dialogue even at this late hour in order to start to resolve the Kurdish question by peaceful means.
 
The recent arrests of DTP/BDP members and their continued detentions have been carried out in flagrant disregard for Turkey’s international human rights obligations. We urge the Prime Minister to ensure that the Turkish authorities are obliged to respect their legal obligations in these fundamental matters.
 
Signed by
Noam Chomsky; Tony Benn; Baroness Sarah Ludford MEP; Jean Lambert MEP; Caroline Lukas MEP; Bairbre; De Brun MEP, Sinn Fein; Lord Rea; Lord Hylton; Lord Wallace; John Austin MP; Hywel Williams MP; Bob Russell MP; David Drew MP; Bob Spink MP; Linda Fabiani SNP MSP; Mike Mansfield QC; Louise Christian, human rights lawyer; Dafydd Iwan, LL.D., President of Plaid Cymru, Party of Wales; Bruce Kent, Vice-President Pax Christi; Prof Bill Bowring, President of EDLH European Association of Lawyers for Democracy and World Human Rights; Thomas Schmidt, lawyer, Secretary General of ELDH European Association of Lawyers for  Democracy and World Human Rights; Liz Davies, Chair Haldane Society of Socialist Lawyers; Dr Victoria Sentas, School of Law, King's College London; Frances Webber, human rights lawyer, Vice-President of Haldane Society of Socialist Lawyers; Hugo Charlton, barrister; Margaret Owen, Director WPD, International Human Rights Lawyer; Nick Hildyard, policy analyst; Desmond Fernandes, genocide scholar and author; Dr Felix Padel, Anthropologist; Ara Sarafian, historian; Professor Ben Bowling, School of Law, King's College London; Dr David Whyte, School of Sociology and Social Policy, Liverpool University; Sugin Praisoody, Lawyer; Les Levidow, Campaign Against Criminalising Communities (CAMPACC) ; Jonathan Bloch, Author and LibDem Councillor; Khatchatur I. Pilikian, Prof of Music & Art; Robert Brown MSP; Marlyn Glen MSP; Ken Macintosh MSP; Elaine Smith MSP; Michael Matheson MSP; Christina McKelvie MSP; Dr Bill Wilson MSP; Cathy Peattie MSP; Richard Haley, Secretary, Scotland Against Criminalising Communities ; Stephen Smellie, UNISON Scottish Committee; Roger Tompkins, International. lawyer (retired), Cyprus ; Prof. Dr. Raimund Rütten, Frankfurt am Main, Germany; Joachim Rollhauser, Attorney at Law, Athens; Maria Paradeisi Assistant Professor, Panteion University, Athens Greece; Katerina Papagika, doctor, Athens; Dimitris Stergiopoulos, student, Athens; Iosifina Iakovidou, doctorand, Athens; Dimitris Tsirkas, Athens; Stratis Bournazos, journalist, Athens; Giorgos Karatzas, Human Rights activist, Athens; Manolis Hatiris, doctorand, Athens; Internationalist magazine "Resistencias"; Kurdish Federation UK. (e-mail: estella24@tiscali.co.uk, February 2, 2010)

Turquie-USA/ Turkey-USA

Washington appelle à un processus "transparent"

La diplomatie américaine a réagi mardi à l'arrestations d'officiers en Turquie en demandant, en des termes prudents, que ces interpellations donnent lieu à "un processus transparent".

"Nous sommes au courant de ce qui s'est manifesté en Turquie, et nous voulons que ceci évolue selon un processus transparent, en accord avec la loi turque", a déclaré le porte-parole Philip Crowley interrogé par la presse.

"Notre relation avec la Turquie et le gouvernement turc ont de la valeur à nos yeux", a ajouté le porte-parole.

Une quarantaine d'officiers turcs de haut rang étaient interrogés mardi par la justice sur leur implication présumée dans un complot visant à renverser le gouvernement islamo-conservateur, au lendemain d'un coup de filet sans précédent dirigé contre l'establishment militaire laïc. (AFP, 23 fév 2010)

Hillary Clinton rencontre Erdogan au Qatar

La secrétaire d'Etat américaine Hillary Clinton a rencontré dimanche le Premier ministre turc Recep Tayyip Erdogan peu après son arrivée à Doha dans le cadre d'une tournée visant à obtenir l'appui de pays du Golfe à un renforcement des sanctions contre l'Iran.

Hillary Clinton devait par la suite être reçue par l'émir du Qatar, cheikh Hamad Ben Khalifa Al-Thani, avant de prononcer un discours devant la septième édition du Forum mondial Islam/Etats-Unis réuni à Doha.

Mme Clinton devait évoquer avec le Premier ministre turc, qui se trouve à Doha pour participer au forum, la question de l'Iran.

"Nous avons évidemment besoin du soutien de la Turquie au moment où nous allons de l'avant et envisageons des moyens d'actions différents en vue d'exercer de pressions", a dit le porte-parole de Mme Clinton, Philip Crowley.

La Turquie plaide pour un règlement du dossier nucléaire iranien par le dialogue, estimant que des sanctions économiques ou une action militaire auraient des conséquences lourdes pour toute la région.

M. Erdogan a déclaré dimanche après un entretien avec le Premier ministre qatariote, cheikh Hamad ben Jassem al Thani, que son pays était disposé à servir de centre pour l'échange de l'uranium iranien, si cela pouvait contribuer à un règlement de la crise sur le nucléaire.

Le ministre turc des Affaires étrangères Ahmet Davutoglu doit se rendre la semaine prochaine en Iran pour encourager une solution diplomatique à la crise provoquée par Téhéran sur l'enrichissement de son uranium. La Turquie s'est proposée à plusieurs reprises pour jouer un rôle de médiateur entre Téhéran et les grandes puissances.

L'Iran a lancé mardi la production d'uranium enrichi à 20%, malgré les protestations des puissances occidentales. Ces dernières soupçonnent Téhéran de chercher à se doter de l'arme nucléaire sous couvert de son programme civil, ce que Téhéran nie. (AFP, 14 fév 2010)

US seeks to place radar in Turkey as part of missile shield

US and Turkish officials discussed what role Turkey might play in the missile defense network, which would include an overhauled plan Obama unveiled in September, Gates said at a roundtable meeting with traveling US and Turkish press held on Saturday following his talks with Turkish Defense Minister Vecdi Gönül and Chief of General Staff Gen. İlker Başbuğ.

“The dialogue on what Turkey could do within NATO to counter the proliferation of ballistic missiles via a missile defense system continues. We have discussed the possibility of erecting two radar systems in Turkey,” Gates was quoted as saying on Saturday.

While in İstanbul, Gates had already said that the system is intended primarily to counter any potential Iranian attack, and that NATO member countries should make it a priority of the alliance, alongside winning the war in Afghanistan.

The US sees Turkey as playing a vital role in the effort because of its close geographical location and cultural ties to the region. Yet, Turkey has so far seemed reluctant to install NATO radar devices in its territory as part of a missile defense system.

Back in December, in response to a reported US request to install radar in Turkey, Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu avoided making any firm statement on the report, noting, however, that NATO should first define the threat. “This is not an issue for NATO now. First, a definition of the threat against NATO members must be made. Then we can consider the issue in this light,” he said at the time, while also rejecting fears that Iran posed any threat to Turkey, saying that Ankara enjoys trust and good relations with all its neighbors.

In Ankara, Gates declined to say whether he’s looking to place naval vessels carrying Aegis radar devices in the Black Sea, a prospect that has prompted concern from Russian officials.

Gates, nonetheless, said he has sought to underscore the threat Iran poses to Turkey and other allies in his discussions with them.

“Iran is the only country in the region that has publicly declared its intent to destroy another country in the region,” he said. If Iran proceeds with this program “unrestrained,” there is a “real danger of proliferation” that would destabilize region, he added.

Turkey has taken steps in the past years to improve its ties with neighboring Iran, stuck in an escalating standoff with the West over its nuclear program. Ankara says it is opposed to Iran acquiring nuclear weapons but also dismisses Western calls for sanctions or military measures against the Islamic regime.

When reminded of criticism that Turkey is shifting is axis from the Western camp, Gates said Turkey was in a unique position geographically and that its efforts in all fields must be received positively.

The ongoing cooperation between Turkey and the US against the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), which has bases in northern Iraq, was on the agenda of his talks in Ankara as well, Gates said, adding that the US is looking at what other capabilities it could provide to Turkey to aid its fight against the PKK.

A couple of years ago, the US began providing Turkey with intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance capabilities.

“We have continued that,” and will “see if there are more capabilities we can share with Turkey in terms of taking on this threat,” Gates said, noting that Gen. Ray Odierno, the top US officer in Iraq, discussed an “action plan” on possible further assistance with Turkish officials when he visited Ankara earlier last week. (Today's Zaman, February 8, 2010)

Washington pourrait augmenter l'aide à la Turquie contre la résistance kurde

Les Etats-unis pourraient augmenter leur aide militaire à Ankara pour lutter contre les rebelles kurdes de Turquie qui opèrent à partir du nord de l'Irak, a déclaré samedi le secrétaire américain à la Défense Robert Gates.

En 2007, Washington a décidé de fournir à la Turquie "des capacités importantes dans les domaines du renseignement, de la surveillance et de la reconnaissance, ainsi que d'autres équipements" pour lutter contre les rebelles du Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK), a déclaré M. Gates à la presse, après des entretiens avec les dirigeants turcs.

"Pendant ma visite ici, j'ai proposé de voir s'il y a des moyens supplémentaires à partager avec la Turquie face à cette menace", a-t-il déclaré.

M. Gates a précisé que le général Ray Odierno, numéro un des forces américaines en Irak, avait discuté d'un "plan d'action" en vue de nouvelles aides dans ce domaine, lorsqu'il est venu cette semaine à Ankara.

"Je pense que nous allons vers une plus grande coopération" à ce sujet, a-t-il ajouté.

Des milliers de militants du PKK utilisent leurs bases de la région autonome kurde du nord de l'Irak, pour lancer des attaques en Turquie, dans le cadre d'une lutte armée menée depuis 25 ans par le mouvement rebelle pour faire valoir les droits de la communauté kurde de Turquie.

En 2008, la Turquie, les Etats-Unis et l'Irak ont mis en place une commission tripartite pour coordonner la lutte contre le PKK, qui est considéré comme une organisation terroriste par Ankara, Washington et de nombreux autres pays.

Et en août, le gouvernement turc a annoncé le lancement d'une "ouverture démocratique" en faveur de la communauté kurde, dans le but de tarir le soutien au PKK. La démarche a fait long feu, mais le gouvernement turc affirme qu'il n'a pas abandonné son projet de donner plus de droits aux Kurdes.

M. Gates a apporté son soutien à cette initiative, et a ajouté que Washington pressait aussi le gouvernement autonome kurde d'Irak de lutter contre le PKK. (AFP, 6 fév 2010)

Gates demande à l'Otan de contribuer plus à la formation des forces afghanes

Le secrétaire américain à la Défense Robert Gates compte demander à ses homologues de l'Otan réunis à Istanbul de contribuer plus à la formation des forces de sécurité afghanes, condition préalable à un désengagement, a indiqué jeudi son porte-parole, Geoff Morrell.

"Il est important que nos alliés contribuent à cette cause aussi rapidement que possible, tout comme nous le faisons" avec l'envoi de 30.000 soldats américains supplémentaires décidé par le président Barack Obama, a-t-il déclaré à quelques journalistes en marge d'une réunion jeudi et vendredi des ministres de la Défense de l'alliance en Turquie.

M. Gates, arrivé dans la matinée à Istanbul, "va les appeler à agir le plus vite possible (...) afin de permettre aux forces de sécurité afghanes d'être en mesure de prendre la direction des opérations sur le plan de la sécurité", a-t-il ajouté.

"2010 doit être l'année de l'effort maximal. Plus nous en faisons en 2010, plus il sera facile de transférer des responsabilités en 2011 et après, et plus nous pourrons retirer des troupes" d'Afghanistan, a commenté de son côté l'ambassadeur des Etats-Unis auprès de l'Otan, Ivo Daalder.

L'objectif entériné par la conférence internationale sur l'Afghanistan le 28 janvier à Londres est que la Force internationale d'assistance à la sécurité (Isaf) commandée par l'Otan transfère progressivement à l'armée et à la police du gouvernement de Kaboul la tâche d'assurer en première ligne la sécurité face aux talibans.

Selon ce scénario, l'envoi en renfort de 30.000 soldats par les Etats-Unis et de près de 10.000 par leurs alliés doit créer les conditions favorables à ce transfert.

Or, entre 1.500 et 1.700 instructeurs manquent encore à l'appel pour entraîner la police et l'armée afghanes, ainsi que quelque 2.500 hommes chargés de suivre et d'encadrer les forces afghanes sur le terrain, a estimé jeudi un haut responsable américain, sous couvert d'anonymat.

M. Gates compte également offrir aux pays de l'Otan l'aide américaine sur le front de la lutte contre les bombes artisanales, arme de prédilection des rebelles en Afghanistan et première cause de mortalité des soldats étrangers sur le terrain.

"Il lui paraît essentiel de faire tout ce que nous pouvons pour partager notre savoir faire, acquis au cours de huit ans de guerre, avec nos amis et alliés qui ont des soldats en Afghanistan", a déclaré son porte-parole, en précisant que cette aide pourrait aller jusqu'à un "partage d'équipement".

Lors d'un dîner avec ses collègues consacré jeudi soir au déficit budgétaire de l'Otan, -qui tourne autour de 500 millions d'euros en 2010, selon un diplomate européen- M. Gates compte présenter les vues de Washington pour le plus long terme.

Au cours de cet échange avec ses collègues européens, il va plaider pour que les 28 pays alliés s'orientent vers "une réduction des dépenses dans certains secteurs" et consacrent plus de fonds aux priorités stratégiques comme l'Afghanistan et la défense antimissile, a expliqué un haut responsable américain, sans plus de détails.

Le chef des troupes de l'Otan assure constater des progrès en Afghanistan

La situation militaire reste "grave" en Afghanistan mais a cessé de se détériorer, a estimé jeudi le commandant en chef des forces internationales dans ce pays, le général Stanley McChrystal, en marge d'une réunion à Istanbul des ministres de la Défense de l'Otan.

"Je continue à penser que la situation en Afghanistan est grave. Mais je ne dis plus qu'elle se détériore. J'ai dit ça l'été dernier et je crois que c'était exact. Je vois les choses différemment aujourd'hui", a-t-il affirmé à quelques journalistes.

"Je ne suis pas prêt à dire que nous avons renversé la situation mais je pense que nous avons accompli d'importants progrès et posé des jalons en 2009, et que nous ferons de nouveaux progrès en 2010", a-t-il ajouté.

L'optimisme prudent du général américain contraste avec les inquiétudes notamment exprimées par le chef d'état-major interarmées de son propre pays quant à l'activité croissante des rebelles sur le terrain.

"Les talibans ont une influence grandissante dans la plupart des provinces d'Afghanistan et la frontière entre ce pays et le Pakistan reste l'épicentre du terrorisme mondial", avait assuré mardi l'amiral Michael Mullen devant une commission parlementaire.

"Les talibans font de gros efforts pour étendre leur influence, mais le gouvernement afghan aussi, avec notre soutien", a insisté le général McChrystal, soulignant notamment les progrès accomplis par les forces armées et de police afghanes, appelées à assumer à terme la responsabilité de la sécurité du pays.

Les forces afghanes doivent encore "améliorer leurs chiffres en matière de recrutement et de stabilité" des effectifs et "le degré d'illétrisme dans leurs rangs pose problème", a-t-il reconnu, tout en affirmant qu'"ils travaillent dur".

Selon l'objectif entériné par la conférence internationale sur l'Afghanistan le 28 janvier à Londres, la Force internationale d'assistance à la sécurité (Isaf) commandée par l'Otan espère transférer progressivement à l'armée et à la police du gouvernement de Kaboul la tâche d'assurer en première ligne la sécurité face aux talibans.

D'après ce scénario, l'envoi en renfort de 30.000 soldats par les Etats-Unis et de près de 10.000 par leurs alliés doit créer les conditions favorables à ce transfert. Les Etats-Unis prévoient de commencer à retirer leurs troupes à partir de juillet 2011. (AFP, 4 fév 2010)

Le chef des forces américaines en Irak à Ankara pour discuter du PKK

Le chef des forces américaines en Irak, le général Ray Odierno, a affirmé mardi lors d'une visite à Ankara l'engagement des Etats-Unis à coopérer avec la Turquie et l'Irak pour lutter contre les rebelles kurdes de Turquie retranchés dans le nord de l'Irak.

Les rebelles kurdes du Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK) utilisent depuis de nombreuses années les montagnes du nord de l'Irak comme bases arrières pour leurs opérations dans le sud-est de la Turquie.

En 2008, la Turquie, l'Irak et les Etats-Unis ont créé un comité tripartite pour coordonner la lutte contre le PKK, considéré comme une organisation terroriste par Ankara, Washington et de nombreux pays.

"Dans ce cadre trilatéral, les Etats-Unis travaillent avec les gouvernements de Turquie et d'Irak (...) pour assurer la sécurité transfrontalière et mettre fin au terrorisme du PKK", a déclaré le général Odierno dans un communiqué à son arrivée à Ankara.

"Il est important de développer une compréhension commune des racines de la violence de façon à pouvoir aider à déterminer les mesures politiques, économiques et sécuritaires qui vont contribuer à une sécurité et une sûreté renforcées pour les peuples turc et irakien", a-t-il affirmé.

L'officier doit rencontrer mercredi le chef d'état-major des armées turques, le général Ilker Basbug, le ministre des Affaires étrangères Ahmet Davutoglu et le ministre de l'Intérieur Besir Atalay. (AFP, 2 fév 2010)

Relations régionales / Regional Relations

Erdogan: Une attaque d'Israël contre l'Iran serait une "catastrophe"

Une attaque préventive d'Israël contre des installations nucléaires en Iran constituerait une "catastrophe pour la région", a déclaré le Premier ministre turc Recep Tayyip Erdogan dans une interview au quotidien El Pais de lundi.

"Il faut solutionner le conflit par les voies diplomatiques", a réaffirmé M. Erdogan, qui devait s'entretenir lundi à Madrid avec le chef du gouvernement socialiste espagnol José Luis Rodriguez Zapatero.

La Turquie plaide pour un règlement du dossier nucléaire iranien par le dialogue, estimant que des sanctions économiques ou une action militaire auraient des conséquences lourdes pour toute la région.

"Il ne faut pas se lever de la table de négociation, la diplomatie jusqu'au bout", a plaidé M. Erdogan, soulignant, en réponse à une question d'El Pais, qu'une attaque israélienne aurait "des conséquences imprévisibles (..) que je ne veux même pas imaginer".

Le Premier ministre turc a d'autre part indiqué qu'il n'y avait aucun contact entre lui-même et le Premier ministre israélien Benjamin Netanyahu, alors que les relations entre les deux pays se sont nettement dégradés après l'offensive israélienne à Gaza début 2009.

M. Erdogan a par ailleurs critiqué les obstacles posés par Paris et Berlin à l'entrée de la Turquie dans l'Union européenne, alors qu'il y a déjà "cinq millions de citoyens turcs en Europe".

"Nous ne perdons pas espoir" d'entrer dans l'UE, a-t-il dit, mais "ce que la France et l'Allemagne font avec nous n'est pas correct" car ces pays veulent "changer les règles du jeu" et imposer à la Turquie des conditions allant au delà des "normes européennes".

Les négociations d'adhésion de la Turquie ont débuté en 2005, mais Paris et Berlin se montrent réticents à l'entrée dans l'UE de ce pays musulman de 71 millions d'habitants. (AFP, 22 fév 2010)

Mottaki: La Turquie peut aider les pays étrangers à mieux comprendre l'Iran

La Turquie peut aider les grandes puissances à "mieux" comprendre l'Iran car elle connaît la position de Téhéran sur le programme nucléaire, a déclaré mardi le chef de la diplomatie iranienne, Manouchehr Mottaki.

A l'issue de discussions avec son homologue turc Ahmet Davutoglu, M. Mottaki a jugé qu'Ankara était un consultant "important" sur le programme nucléaire iranien.

"La Turquie connaît bien les positions de l'Iran, ce qui peut aider les autres à mieux comprendre l'Iran", a déclaré M. Mottaki lors d'une conférence de presse avec M. Davutoglu.

"Cela peut aider à lever les ambiguïtés des autres. (...) Nos amis turcs sont d'importants consultants", a-t-il ajouté.

M. Davutoglu, qui a indiqué avoir parlé mardi du programme nucléaire iranien avec son homologue iranien, devait encore rencontrer le président Mahmoud Ahmadinejad et le négociateur iranien sur le nucléaire Saïd Jalili.

La Turquie plaide pour un règlement du dossier iranien par le dialogue, estimant que des sanctions économiques ou une action militaire auraient des conséquences lourdes pour toute la région.

Le Premier ministre turc Recep Tayyip Erdogan a déclaré dimanche à Doha après un entretien avec son homologue qatariote, cheikh Hamad ben Jassem al Thani, que son pays était disposé à servir de centre pour l'échange de l'uranium iranien --au coeur du problème-- si cela pouvait contribuer à un règlement de la crise sur le nucléaire.

La Turquie s'est proposée à plusieurs reprises pour jouer un rôle de médiateur entre Téhéran et les grandes puissances.

L'Iran a lancé la semaine dernière la production d'uranium enrichi à 20%, malgré les protestations des puissances occidentales. Ces dernières soupçonnent Téhéran de chercher à se doter de l'arme nucléaire sous couvert de son programme civil, ce que Téhéran nie. (AFP, 16 fév 2010)

Erevan annonce un geste pour la normalisation turco-arménienne

La Turquie et l'Arménie s'accusent mutuellement de menacer le processus de leur réconciliation historique, dans des négociations difficiles marquées vendredi par un geste d'Erevan, qui a transmis au parlement arménien les accords signés par les deux pays.

Le président arménien Serge Sarkissian a transmis au Parlement les accords de normalisation des relations avec la Turquie, signés début octobre, a indiqué à l'AFP le porte-parole du président, Samvel Farmanian.

"L'administration présidentielle a déjà envoyé les protocoles au Parlement pour qu'ils soient ratifiés".

Le porte-parole du Parlement a confirmé que l'assemblée avait reçu les protocoles et a précisé que d'ici deux jours une commission serait formée pour les étudier.

M. Sarkissian avait pourtant annoncé mercredi qu'il n'était pas question que le parlement d'Erevan approuve les accords avant que ne le fassent les parlementaires turcs.

Le parlement arménien "votera (la ratification) des protocoles si le parlement turc donne son feu vert", avait-il déclaré.

Mais le fait de transmettre les textes à un parlement ne signifie pas nécessairement un vote dans la foulée. Ainsi, côté turc, les accords, qui prévoient l'établissement de relations diplomatique et la réouverture de la frontière commune, ont été présentés au parlement dès le 21 octobre.

La réconciliation entre les deux pays, après presque un siècle de défiance ou d'hostilité, est vivement encouragée par Washington et l'Union européenne (UE). Elle favoriserait le développement économique de l'Arménie, avec l'ouverture de la frontière, et serait un atout diplomatique pour la candidature d'Ankara à l'UE.

Mais depuis cinq mois, les deux parties s'accusent mutuellement de poser de nouvelles conditions pour aller de l'avant.

La Turquie reproche à l'Arménie de remettre sur la table la question des massacres d'Arméniens par les Ottomans-turcs, pendant la Première guerre mondiale, qui constituent un génocide pour Erevan, terme que refuse Ankara.

Les protocoles prévoient la création d'une sous-commission pour examiner cet épisode tragique qui divise depuis près d'un siècle les deux peuples.

Mais la Cour constitutionnelle arménienne a jugé en janvier que ces documents ne pouvaient être lus comme entrant en contradiction avec la déclaration d'indépendance du pays qui fait référence au "génocide de 1915".

Pour l'universitaire américain David Philips, la normalisation pourrait aussi être menacée par une éventuelle adoption, au Congrès américain le 24 avril, d'un texte reconnaissant un "génocide" arménien.

Lâchée par son allié américain, la Turquie "trouverait justifié d'abandonner les protocoles", prévoit-il dans le Boston Globe.

Erevan accuse pour sa part la Turquie de poser "des conditions préalables" à une réconciliation. Allusion au fait que le gouvernement turc a répété que les accords ne seraient pas ratifiés sans progrès sur le conflit concernant la région du Nagorny-Karabakh, qui oppose l'Arménie à l'Azerbaïdjan, proche allié d'Ankara.

Les Turcs "n'attendent pas une solution complète sur ce sujet mais un début de retrait des Arméniens de certaines positions au Nagorny-Karabakh", assure pour sa part l'éditorialiste Mehmet Ali Birand, du journal Hürriyet. (AFP, 12 fév 2010)

Lieberman condamne la Turquie pour ses positions anti-israéliennes

Le chef de la diplomatie israélienne Avigdor Lieberman, en visite à Bakou, a condamné mardi la Turquie pour ses récentes positions "anti-israéliennes", tout en assurant que l'Etat hébreu allait oeuvrer pour reconstruire ses liens avec Ankara, son allié de longue date.

"Dire que les forces militaires israéliennes sont coupables de génocide, appeler les opérations pour protéger nos citoyens 'un crime contre l'humanité'(...) Cette grave position anti-israélienne ne peut se répéter chaque semaine", a-t-il déclaré lors d'une intervention sur la chaîne de télévision azerbaïdjanaise, Lider.

"Les récents changements de vision dans la politique étrangère de la Turquie sont inattendus et pas entièrement clairs", a-t-il indiqué, assurant faire son "possible pour préserver les relations à leur ancien niveau de confiance élevée".

"Nous espérons que la Turquie, de son côté, fera quelques amendements à sa vision en politique étrangère", a indiqué le ministre israélien.

M. Lieberman a entamé mardi une visite de trois jours dans l'ancienne république soviétique d'Azerbaïdjan, proche allié de la Turquie, afin de rencontrer notamment son président, Ilham Aliev.

La Turquie, pays musulman mais laïque, est depuis 1996 considérée comme un allié régional d'Israël. Mais les relations entre les deux pays se sont nettement dégradées après l'offensive israélienne contre Gaza, violemment critiquée par la Turquie. (AFP, 9 fév 2010)

Sarkissian: la Turquie doit ratifier en premier les accords turco-arméniens

Le président arménien Serge Sarkissian a estimé mercredi à Londres que le parlement turc devait d'abord ratifier les protocoles de normalisation des relations turco-arméniennes, pour que les parlementaires arméniens puissent faire de même par la suite.

Le parlement arménien "votera (la ratification) des protocoles si le parlement turc donne son feu vert", a déclaré le président arménien devant les membres du centre de recherches en relations internationales Chatham House.

La Turquie et l'Arménie ont signé en octobre 2009 deux protocoles historiques prévoyant l'établissement de relations diplomatiques et la réouverture de leur frontière commune, qui doivent encore être ratifiés par leurs parlements.

"En tant que dirigeant de la majorité, je garantis un vote positif au parlement (arménien) si la partie
turque vote" les textes sans préconditions et dans les délais prévus, a déclaré M. Sarkissian.

M. Sarkissian a souligné qu'il y avait un risque que de se retrouver dans "dans une situation où le parlement arménien approuve (les textes) et où la Turquie échoue à la faire".

L'AKP, parti du Premier ministre Recep Tayyip Erdogan et du président Abdullah Gül, dispose de près de 47% des sièges au parlement turc.

En visite à Londres pour trois jours, M. Sarkissian devait rencontrer mercredi soir le ministre britannique des Affaires étrangères David Miliband. Il doit également s'entretenir avec la reine Elizabeth II et le prince de Galles.

Au cours d'une visite dans le Caucase, le secrétaire d'Etat américain adjoint James Steinberg a appelé la semaine dernière Erevan et Ankara à accélérer leur réconciliation.

La Turquie a fermé sa frontière avec l'Arménie en 1993, en solidarité avec son voisin et allié azerbaïdjanais, après la prise de contrôle par l'Arménie du Nagorny-Karabakh, région de l'Azerbaïdjan peuplée majoritairement d'Arméniens. (AFP, 10 fév 2010)

Les Etats-Unis veulent qu'Ankara et Erevan accélèrent leur réconciliation

Un haut responsable de la diplomatie américaine a appelé vendredi l'Arménie et la Turquie à accélérer leur rapprochement, alors qu'aucun des deux pays n'a ratifié les accords de normalisation de leurs relations signés en octobre.

"J'espère vraiment que l'Arménie et la Turquie vont avancer. Je ne pense pas qu'un retard soit dans leur intérêt", a déclaré le secrétaire d'Etat adjoint James Steinberg, en visite vendredi en Géorgie au lendemain d'un déplacement en Arménie.

Le diplomate a rencontré jeudi à Erevan le président arménien Serge Sarkissian et doit s'entretenir ce week-end lors de la conférence sur la sécurité à Munich avec le ministre turc des Affaires étrangères, Ahmet Davutoglu, et le président azerbaïdjanais Ilham Aliev.

"Les Etats-Unis sont véritablement engagés à travailler avec l'Arménie et la Turquie pour obtenir la ratification des protocoles" sur la normalisation des relations turco-arméniennes, a déclaré M. Steinberg.

Les protocoles signés en octobre visent à établir des relations diplomatiques et à rouvrir la frontière commune, en mettant fin à une longue hostilité concernant les massacres d'Arméniens sous le régime turc-ottoman, pendant la Première guerre mondiale, que l'Arménie qualifie de génocide, terme que récuse Ankara.

Cette question est revenue empoisonner la relation entre les deux pays, la Cour constitutionnelle arménienne ayant approuvé les protocoles mais en précisant qu'ils "ne doivent pas être lus" comme étant en contradiction avec la Constitution de l'Arménie, qui fait référence au "génocide arménien".

Le processus de réconciliation se heurte aussi au fait que la Turquie a lié son aboutissement à une solution dans le conflit entre l'Arménie et l'Azerdaïdjan, sur le Nagorny-Karabakh.

La Turquie a fermé sa frontière avec l'Arménie en 1993, en solidarité avec son voisin et allié azerbaïdjanais, après la prise de contrôle par l'Arménie du Nagorny-Karabakh, région de l'Azerbaïdjan peuplée majoritairement d'Arméniens. (AFP, 5 fév 2010)

Kaboul demande à Ankara d'ouvrir des écoles religieuses et des écoles de filles

L'Afghanistan a demandé à la Turquie, seul membre musulman de l'Otan, d'ouvrir sur le territoire afghan des écoles modernes d'enseignement religieux et des écoles pour filles, a annoncé lundi le ministre afghan de l'Education Farouk Wardak.

Les deux pays ont signé un accord de coopération sur l'éducation prévoyant la "modernisation de l'éducation islamique" en Afghanistan, a déclaré au journal Hürriyet Daily News M. Wardak. Les imam-hatip (lycées turcs d'enseignement religieux) pourraient servir de modèle à l'Afghanistan.

"J'ai visité quelques imam-hatip à Ankara et constaté qu'ils assuraient une éducation équilibrée. Soixante pour cent de leur programme est de l'éducation normale, 40% est islamique".

"J'ai demandé aux responsables turcs de créer des écoles imam-hatip en Afghanistan. En tirant les enseignements de leur expérience, nous serons capables de créer un équilibre dans notre propre système d'éducation islamique", a-t-il poursuivi.

Les imam-hatip sont des lycées publics d'enseignement religieux préparant à des études universitaires de théologie et à la profession d'imam. Elles sont parfois accusées par les défenseurs du régime laïque turc d'être un des terreaux de l'islamisme.

M. Wardak a indiqué que son pays avait également demandé l'aide de la Turquie pour encourager l'accès des femmes à l'éducation -- à peine 12,6% des femmes afghanes de plus de 15 ans savent lires et écrire, selon des statistiques de l'ONU.

"Nous souhaitons beaucoup profiter de l'expérience turque pour vaincre l'inégalité entre les sexes dans l'éducation. Nous avons demandé qu'ils ouvrent des écoles de filles en Afghanistan", a-t-il dit.

La Turquie, qui a déployé quelque 1.700 soldats en Afghanistan dans le cadre de la force de l'Otan, plaide pour un soutien international accru au développement économique et social de ce pays, avec lequel elle entretient traditionnellement de bonnes relations. (AFP, 1 fév 2010)

Chypre et la Grèce / Cyprus and Greece

"Courage et détermination" sont nécessaires pour une solution, selon Ban Ki-moon

Le secrétaire général de l'ONU Ban Ki-moon a estimé lundi à Nicosie que les dirigeants chypriotes grec et turc auraient besoin de plus de "courage et de détermination" pour parvenir à une solution à Chypre, une île divisée depuis bientôt 36 ans.

"Nous aurons besoin d'encore plus de courage et de détermination à l'avenir pour parvenir à une conclusion des discussions" entre les parties grecque et turque en vue d'une réunification de Chypre, qui n'ont connu aucune avancée notable depuis leur relance en septembre 2008, a-t-il dit à la presse.

M. Ban, qui achève mardi sa visite à Chypre, s'exprimait après une rencontre tripartite avec le président chypriote (grec) Demetris Christofias et le dirigeant de la République turque de Chypre-nord (KKTC, uniquement reconnue par Ankara), Mehmet Ali Talat.

Assurant que l'ONU continuerait à offrir "tout le soutien possible", il a souligné à l'adresse des deux dirigeants que "l'avenir de Chypre est entre vos mains. Je suis convaincu qu'ils peuvent parvenir à une solution qui sera mutuellement bénéfique".

Dans un communiqué commun, MM. Christofias et Talat se sont dits "confiants qu'avec de la bonne volonté et de la détermination (ils pourront) parvenir à une solution le plus rapidement possible", soulignant qu'ils étaient "conscients que le temps n'est pas du côté d'une solution".

Chypre est divisée depuis l'invasion par l'armée turque du tiers nord de l'île en juillet 1974, en réponse à un coup d'Etat de nationalistes chypriotes-grecs soutenus par la junte au pouvoir à Athènes, qui voulaient rattacher l'île à la Grèce.

Les discussions entre MM. Christofias et Talat n'ont pas vraiment avancé malgré deux séries de pourparlers intensifs en janvier. Ceux-ci butent sur les questions des propriétés, de la sécurité et les ajustements territoriaux.

Dimanche, M. Christofias avait écarté tout accord préliminaire à ce stade, les deux dirigeants estimant que rien ne pouvait être conclu avant le règlement de toutes les questions concernant la future fédération chypriote.

L'agenda est particulièrement serré pour M. Talat qui remet son mandat de "président" de la KKTC en jeu le 18 avril face aux nationalistes opposés à la réunification et vainqueurs des législatives en 2009. Les discussions seront suspendues février pour lui permettre de faire campagne.

Dans la matinée, Ban Ki-moon a visité à Nicosie la "zone tampon" sous contrôle de l'ONU, qui sépare le nord et le sud de Chypre.

"En tant que citoyen coréen (...) j'ai vu par moi-même la triste réalité, le vide et la destruction, et je partage les sentiments douloureux du peuple de Chypre", a-t-il déclaré.

Après cette visite, il a été accueilli à Nicosie-nord par des centaines de manifestants chypriotes-turcs qui lui demandaient d'encourager les efforts en vue de la réunification.

"Une solution maintenant!" ou "M. Ban, encouragez les dirigeants à agir pour une solution", pouvait-on lire sur des pancartes arborées par les manifestants au moment ou il franchissait la ligne verte rue Ledra. (AFP, 1 février 2010)

Immigration / Migration

11 interpellations dans le sud-est de la France

Onze personnes ont été interpellées et des perquisitions menées vendredi matin dans quatre villes du sud-est, dans le cadre d'une enquête antiterroriste sur le recrutement de jeunes recrues pour le PKK, a-t-on appris de source judiciaire.

Sept personnes ont été interpellées et placées en garde à vue à Marseille, deux à Montpellier, une à Draguignan et une à Grenoble, tandis que des perquisitions étaient menées notamment au sein de la maison démocratique et culturelle du peuple kurde à Marseille, a-t-on précisé.

L'enquête, ouverte par le parquet de Paris fin 2008, porte sur les activités de la mouvance PKK concernant le recrutement et la formation de jeunes recrues, notamment par des camps d'entraînement dont un a été localisé près de Millau dans l'Aveyron courant 2009, a indiqué la source.

L'enquête, confiée à la Sous-direction antiterroriste (Sdat), a mis en évidence des contacts entre les membres du PKK en France et d'autres membres de l'organisation en Europe, notamment en Allemagne, Belgique et Italie, a-t-on précisé.

Cette enquête a été ouverte à la fin du mois de décembre 2008 pour association de malfaiteurs en lien avec une entreprise terroriste. (AFP, 26 fév 2010)

Libéré de prison, Avni Er est menacé d'expulsion vers la Turquie

Le communiqué de l'Association de solidarité prolétarienne (ASP) relative à la menace d'expulsion:

Le 1er avril 2004, une opération internationale organisée par les autorités turques en coopération avec les autorités de plusieurs pays européens, a permis l'arrestation de 82 personnes en Turquie et de 59 personnes en Allemagne, en Hollande, en Belgique et en Italie.

Les personnes arrêtées étaient des journalistes de la presse d'opposition, des membres d'organisations démocratiques de masse, des avocats, des architectes, des artistes et d’anciens prisonniers politiques. Tous étaient engagés dans le domaine des droits de l'homme et de l'information.

Parmi eux, Avni Er et Zeynep Kilic qui, en Italie, à Perugia (Pérouse) menaient un travail intense de contre-information sur la situation politique en Turquie.

Le 20 décembre 2006, à l’issue d'un procès scandaleux où des tortionnaires turcs masqués ont été admis à témoigner, la Cour d'assises de Pérouse a condamné les deux opposants politiques au régime d'Ankara Avni Er et Nazan Ercan (alias Zeynep Kiliç) à 7 et 5 ans d’emprisonnement pour « appartenance » au DHKP-C, un parti communiste de la gauche révolutionnaire turque inscirt dans les listes noires infâmes établis par l'UE après le 11 Septembre.

Le 23 Janvier 2007, la Cour d'appel de Pérouse a confirmé les condamnations de première instance et l'expulsion du territoire italien des deux militants dès la fin de leur peine.

Une campagne de mobilisation et de sensibilisation du grand public permit d’éviter en avril 2008 la première tentative d’extradition d’Avni vers la Turquie, tandis que pour Nazan, libérée de prison en juin 2008 et emmenée de force en août de la même année au Centre de rétention temporaire (CPT) de Ponte Galeria à Rome, les autorités italiennes ont été contraintes de l'extrader vers l'Allemagne plutôt que vers Ankara.

La situation actuelle d'Avni

A l’heure actuelle, nous ne savons pas si Avni est en Centre d'identification et d'expulsion (CIE) de Bari ou dans un autre centre pour immigrants en attente d'asile politique.

Néanmoins, Avni est toujours menacé d'expulsion vers la Turquie pour des facteurs d’ordre juridique et technique.

Il pourrait en effet lui être appliqué :

 a) l'expulsion administrative, n'ayant pas de permis de séjour et ayant été condamné pour terrorisme international;

 b) l’expulsion judiciaire comme le prévoit l'article. 312 du Code pénal en cas de condamnation pour crime terroriste.

Avni a demandé le statut de réfugié, ce qui pourrait empêcher son expulsion immédiate. Théoriquement, avant toute décision administrative d'expulsion, la Commission territoriale sur le statut de réfugié politique devrait l’auditionner pour la vérification des conditions légales d'asile politique ou humanitaire.

Avni étant marié à une citoyenne italienne, son expulsion ne devrait pas être exécutée en vertu de l'article 8 de la Convention européenne de sauvegarde des droits de l'homme.

D’après son avocat Flavio Rossi Albertini, le juge du Tribunal national de surveillance d’Avellino devra décider lundi matin s'il convient de retirer ou non dans le cas d’Avni, la qualification juridique de «dangerosité sociale».

A ce propos, Maître Albertini s’appuiera sur une décision dans laquelle la Cour de Strasbourg a ordonné la suspension des demandes d'expulsion pour des motifs humanitaires.

En tant qu’opposant politique en danger, si Avni est expulsé vers la Turquie, il risque d'être à nouveau arrêté en opposition avec le principe « non bis in idem » reconnu par l'article 8 de la Convention européenne d'extradition et qui stipule qu’une personne ne peut être jugée et condamnée deux fois pour le même délit.

En réalité, nonobstant le fait qu’Avni Er a déjà été condamné par la Cour d'appel de Sassari, pour le même délit en Italie, la Turquie affiche une volonté de continuer ses poursuites contre ce dissident politique par l’introduction d'une deuxième demande d'entraide judiciaire sous forme de commission rogatoire.

En cas d'expulsion, Avni risque une peine d'emprisonnement à vie (en vertu de l’art. 146 du Code pénal turc) ou une peine d'au moins 15 ans (art. 168 du Code pénal turc). Il serait immédiatement arrêté et conduit dans une des tristement célèbres prisons de type F inaugurées en 2000 où il serait soumis à la torture et/ou à des traitements dégradants et inhumains, non seulement parce que c’est le sort généralement réservé en Turquie aux opposants politiques (turcs ou kurdes), mais aussi en raison du rôle que lui a imputé la Cour d'assises de Pérouse, qui le considère comme un individu qui dispose d’informations vitales concernant le DHKP-C, informations que l’antiterrorisme turc essaiera d'acquérir par tous les moyens.

Nous demandons donc à tous les démocrates sincères, les intellectuels et les forces de gauche qui ont déjà agi par le passé pour Avni et ceux qui ne l'ont pas encore fait à s'opposer vigoureusement à ce dernier acte de complicité criminelle des autorités italiennes avec l'Etat fasciste turc.

Nous demandons à ceux qui le peuvent, d'envoyer des délégations pour se rendre personnellement compte de la situation actuelle d’Avni.

Nous demandons aux camarades des Pouilles, Campanie et de l'ensemble de l'Italie de tout mettre en œuvre pour empêcher l'expulsion d'Avni Er

Pour plus d'info sur Avni: http://www.avni-zeynep.net/ , 20 février 2010

Association de solidarité prolétarienne (ASP) CP 380, 80133 Naples - Italie E-mail: info@solidarietaproletaria.org
(Traduit de l'italien vers le français par Bahar Kimyongür )

Un prisonnier turc en Allemagne est sous le coup d’une extradition

Le Comité International de Solidarité avec TAYAD (Association d’entraide avec les familles des détenus) a diffusé l'appel suivant à l’attention de l’opinion publique:

Le tribunal de Düsseldorf a statué sur le cas de Faruk EREREN, ce détenu révolutionnaire d’origine turque soumis à un régime d’isolement strict depuis le mois de mai 2007. Le magistrat a finalement annoncé qu’il pourrait être extradé vers la Turquie. Cette décision a été prise en date du 29 janvier 2010, notifiée aux avocats en date du 6 février 2010 et le délai de recours est fixé au 6 mars 2010.

La motivation du tribunal se base sur le cas de deux autres détenus révolutionnaires atteints de maladies graves et amnistiés pour cette raison par le Président turc de la république. La décision du tribunal soutient qu’en cas de retour en Turquie, Faruk EREREN serait lui aussi amnistié en raison de son état de santé.

Or l’opinion publique allemande sait qu’en Turquie, les conditions d’isolement en vigueur dans les prisons de type F n’offrent aucune garantie pour la sécurité du détenu politique. D’autre part, les prisonniers atteints de maladies graves à l’instar de Güler ZERE ne reçoivent pas de soins appropriés en captivité car cela est entravé par l’administration pénitentiaire.

Elle aussi s’est retrouvée confrontée à ces obstacles administratifs tandis que les soins requis ont été retardés pendant plusieurs mois, entraînant ainsi le développement et l’aggravation de la maladie. A l’issue d’une vaste campagne de dénonciation qui a fait tomber le masque d’un Etat sanguinaire, les autorités ont été obligés de la relâcher.

Il y a un mois, un détenu de droit commun, atteint de maladie grave et privé de soins pendant des années, a perdu la vie alors qu’il se trouvait, pour ainsi dire, dans la longue file d’attente de l’Institut Médicolégal. Et puis, il y a le cas emblématique d’Engin CEBER : détenu pour avoir seulement distribué des revues, ile a lui aussi perdu la vie à cause des tortures dont il a été victime dans les locaux de la Sûreté turque et en prison. Un autre jeune révolutionnaire, Ferhat GERCEK, a été touché par balles suite aux tirs la police pendant qu’il distribuait des revues. Il est désormais paralysé à vie.

Faruk EREREN a fait état de ces cas devant le tribunal où il était jugé afin de dénoncer le vrai visage de l’Etat turc. Dès lors, le magistrat allemand ne peut soutenir qu’il n’était pas au courant de ces pratiques. Dans plusieurs jugements rendus par les tribunaux allemands, la pratique de la torture en Turquie en tant que politique d’Etat a motivé des refus d’extradition de plusieurs militants vers la Turquie. Toujours dans ce contexte, plusieurs rapports d’organisations non gouvernementales et de droits de l’homme comme Amnesty International, font état du caractère systématique de la torture en Turquie. 

Il n’est pas possible que ces cas soient ignorés du magistrat qui a rendu ce jugement. A moins qu’il veuille livrer Faruk EREREN à ses tortionnaires en toute connaissance de cause. Cela reviendra à soutenir ouvertement l’Etat fasciste turc. Si comme l’affirme le tribunal, Faruk EREREN sera amnistié en cas d’extradition vers la Turquie pour des raisons de santé, alors il faut se demander, pourquoi, pour les m�mes motifs, les autorités allemandes maintiennent-elles depuis des annŽes un homme malade en isolement en attendant de le juger? Si ces gens-là sont sincères et logiques, ils devraient le libérer dès à présent. Comment cela peut-il se produire dans un Etat qui se prévaut de droit (l’Allemagne) ? Comment l’Etat allemand peut-il en même temps arguer que le massacre du 19 – 22 décembre 2000 survenu dans les prisons turques et où 28 détenus ont été massacrés et 6 détenues ont été brûlées vives, n’était qu’une mesure de sûreté face au terrorisme ? Comme l’illustre cet exemple, l’Etat allemand veut livrer Faruk EREREN à la Turquie pour des motifs politiques et non de droit !

Sur la liste ci-après, figurent des détenus dont plusieurs sont atteints de maladies graves ou de paraplégie. Ils sont reclus dans les prisons de type F et ne bénéficient d’aucun soin. En cas d’extradition, Faruk EREREN les rejoindra dans une prison de type F et sera lui aussi abandonné à une mort lente. Dans une telle situation, le magistrat allemand qui ordonnera l’extradition de Faruk EREREN se rendra responsable de tout dommage physique et moral que celui-ci subira dans une prison turque.

En tant que Comité International de Solidarité avec TAYAD (l’Association d’entraide avec les familles des détenus), nous appelons l’opinion publique et toutes les institutions démocratiques à protester contre ce jugement et à manifester leur solidarité avec Faruk EREREN ! 
 

Dans l'immédiat, un rassemblement aura lieu devant l'ambassade d'Allemagne à Bruxelles.
Date : Mercredi 24 février 2010 à 14h
Lieu: Rue Jacques de Lalaing 8-14. 1040 Bruxelles

Non, le Kurde en Turquie n'est pas le Gitan de chez nous

Après l'entretien, accordé par Ouest France de ce jour jeudi 11 Février à mes amis Françoise Bouard et Régis Blanchard, les réalisateurs de "Les couleurs lointaines du bonheur" (il faut aller voir ce magnifique documentaire plein d'humanité qui plante deux personnages "vrais" dans un univers complexe), je souhaiterais compléter ce point de vue :

Je ne comparerais pas le Kurde en Turquie au Gitan de chez nous mais plutôt au Breton de la première moitié du siècle dernier, vu comme le peuple de "petites bonnes" exilées à Paris, brocardé avec ses 'chapeaux ronds", et révolté par l'interdiction placardée dans les écoles "il est interdit de cracher par terre et de parler breton". André Métayer

L'AKP parti islamiste modéré se serait prononcé pour une solution pacifique au problème kurde ? Je sais bien que tout le monde salue son "ouverture démocratique " envers les Kurdes mais avec qui veut-il discuter? tout dans son attitude montre qu'il veut bien "octroyer" certains droits culturels, a minima, pour mieux s'implanter dans des régions qui pourraient lui apporter des voix, mais qu'il ne veut pas les négocier avec des représentants élus, au motif qu'ils n'ont pas désavoué la guérilla et dénoncé le PKK comme une organisation terroriste !

Nous voilà au cœur du problème : depuis que les "groupes de paix", composés de combattants du PKK et de réfugiés du camp de Makmur sont "descendus de la montagne" et qu'ils ont été accueillis par une foule enthousiaste, -élus compris-, prête à les accompagner dans une marche pacifique jusqu'à Ankara, nul ne peut ignorer maintenant l'osmose entre une grande partie de la population, fatiguée et meurtrie par la guerre, certes, mais toujours combative, ses propres enfants qui "sont partis à la montagne" et des représentants du peuple élus légalement. L'ampleur du phénomène, qui était pourtant prévisible, a eu l'air d'avoir surpris le gouvernement qui a fait machine arrière avec des arrestations massives, -les plus importantes depuis dix ans-, l'interdiction de parti pro kurde etc ...

Personne ne veut voir non plus que l'aura et l'autorité du détenu Öcalan sont intactes et que les Kurdes se préparent à le rappeler une fois de plus, le 13 février prochain, avant-veille du 11° anniversaire de l'arrestation et de l'incarcération dans une prison de haute sécurité de celui qui est toujours le "leader du Parti des Travailleurs du Kurdistan".

Pour en revenir à l'interview citée en référence, je dis, avec Françoise Bouard et Régis Blanchard, oui "que les droits sociaux et culturels soient reconnus aux Kurdes", mais sans oublier les droits politiques, le tout garanti par une révision constitutionnelle : c'est la clef de voûte de toute réforme de fond.

Reste un dernier point : le rêve d'un Kurdistan unifié ! C'est vrai qu'il n'est pas d'actualité et que personne ne veut remettre en cause les frontières existantes mais il ne faut pas oublier que ces frontières ont été inventées pour répondre, à un moment donné, à des raisons précises et, qui plus est, ont été décidées et dessinées par des puissances extérieures, française et anglaise, se répartissant en quelque sorte un "trésor de guerre" !
On est loin du droit des peuples à disposer d'eux-mêmes !

Cela étant il faut aller voir le film "Les couleurs lointaines du bonheur" qui donne la parole à deux jeunes kurdes "en quête d’une identité singulière et contemporaine, d’une place bien à eux…" (andre-metayer@orange.fr, 12 février 2010)

Appel contre l’extradition d'un opposant politique turc de longue date

Durant les années 1970, époque où les Loups Gris massacraient les travailleurs, les étudiants, les intellectuels et les minorités ethniques religieuses ainsi que les habitants des bidonvilles par milliers, Faruk Ereren s’engagea activement dans la résistance antifasciste. Arrêté par la junte militaire qui prit le pouvoir le 12 septembre 1980, Faruk Ereren subira de longues séances de tortures. Il poursuit cependant le combat politique en prison et ce, jusqu’à sa libération. Durant les années 1990, il entre en clandestinité et prend les chemins de l’exil.

Le 8 avril 2007, il est arrêté à Hagen en Allemagne et placé sous régime d’isolement strict. Vingt mois plus tard, son procès commence devant la Haute Cour Régionale (OLG) de Düsseldorf, comparable à une Cour d’appel. Avec ses plus de 50 audiences s’étalant sur près d’un an, son procès tourne au marathon judiciaire. Faruk Ereren est accusé d’exercer des fonctions dirigeantes au sein du Parti-Front révolutionnaire de libération du peuple (DHKP-C) sur base d’un acte d’accusation de 256 pages largement inspiré par la police turque. Il est poursuivi en vertu de l’article 129b du Code pénal allemand qui punit toute appartenance à une « organisation terroriste étrangère ».

 Le 29 janvier 2010, la 2e Chambre criminelle de la Haute Cour Régionale de Düsseldorf a donné son feu vert à la demande d’extradition émise par les autorités turques à l’encontre de Faruk Ereren.. Mais le 6 février dernier, les avocats de Faruk Ereren ont demandé à la Cour, un délai de quatre semaines afin de pouvoir introduire un recours contre cette demande d’extradition devant la Cour constitutionnelle.

En cas d’extradition vers la Turquie, Faruk Ereren, âgé aujourd’hui de 55 ans, risque indéniablement d’être maltraité par la police politique turque.

En Turquie, les militants issus de la gauche radicale turque ou du mouvement national kurde sont systématiquement victimes de tortures, de mesures coercitives et de privations en milieu carcéral. Actuellement on dénombre plusieurs centaines d’enfants kurdes dans les prisons turques accusés d’avoir scandé des slogans ou lancés des pierres. Des dizaines d’élus kurdes du DTP sont également derrière les barreaux en raison de leurs opinions politiques. Il y a quelques mois, un militant de gauche dénommé Engin Ceber a été tué à la prison de Metris après avoir été torturé durant plusieurs jours par des policiers, des gendarmes et des gardiens. Les tortionnaires échappent systématiquement aux poursuites judiciaires intentées par les familles des victimes et les preuves étayant les actes de tortures « disparaissent » des dossiers d’instruction.

Des dizaines de détenus politiques souffrant de cancers en phase terminale comme Abdülsamet Celik ou Erol Zavar sont abandonnés à leur propre sort alors qu’ils sont légalement libérables. Le régime d’isolement en vigueur dans les prisons de type F engendre des séquelles mentales et physiques irréversibles, ce que de nombreuses organisations humanitaires dénoncent dans leurs rapports. Le courrier des prisonniers politiques est régulièrement censuré. Durant chacun de leurs déplacements vers les tribunaux, les prisonniers politiques subissent les passages à tabac et les humiliations des militaires (cf. rapports concernant la prison de type F de Kiriklar à Izmir)… la liste des persécutions visant les détenus politiques est si vaste qu’il est impossible de toutes les énumérer dans cet appel urgent.

Le Comité des libertés appelle donc tous les démocrates européens à manifester devant les représentations diplomatiques allemandes afin d’empêcher que Faruk Ereren soit livré à ses tortionnaires.

Action urgente devant l’Ambassade d'Allemagne à Bruxelles ce lundi 15 février de 14h à 15h pour exiger la libération de Faruk Ereren.
Adresse : Rue Jacques de Lalaing 8-14. 1040 Bruxelles (comitedeslibertes@gmail.com,12 février 2010)

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