INFO-TURK N°388

Droits de l'Homme / Human Rights

BDP deputies barred from visiting prison museum

BDP (Peace and Democracy Party) deputies were not allowed to enter the Ulucanlar Prison where they were put handcuffed after being taken from the Parliament years ago but now converted into a museum.

One of Turkey's torture centers Ulucanlar Prison, where Deniz Gezmiş, Bülent Ecevit and DEP deputies Leyla Zana, Hatip Dicle, Orhan Doğan, Selim Sadak, Mahmut Alınak jailed, is flooded with visitors after being converted into a museum. BDP deputies Sırrı Sakık, Akın Birdal and Bengi Yıldız were among the requesters to visit the museum but they were not allowed in by museum authorities who reasoned that the museum, which was visited yesterday by Culture Minister with press members, has not been initiated yet.

BDP Muş Deputy Sırrı Sakık reacted for not being allowed to enter in. Reminding that he was jailed in Ulucanlar Prison with DEP deputies in 1994, Sakık said the followings; big crimes were committed here against people. Everybody knows what were done in 19 December operations. But, the offenders of the slaughter are still on duty. Turkey has to face its past. The offenders of the slaughter must be judged. It was snowing in Ankara on 19 December and the blood flew into snow that night Sakık reminded that Deniz, Hüseyin and many other revolutionist youngsters were jailed in Ulucanlar Prison and went to the scaffold here, stating that politicians such as Leyla Zana, Orhan Doğan, Akın Birdal were judged also here.

BDP Diyarbakır Deputy Akın Birdal, who was arrested and put in Ulucanlar Prison for saying 'Kurdish people' in a speech, remarked that the problem can't be solved by converting the prison into a museum as the experienced human rights violations still continue.

Answering the questions of press members concerning the MGK (National Security Council) meeting, Sakık expressed that President Gül and Prime Minister Erdoğan recognize the presence of Kurdish people during their visits, however they have recently showed reactions to Democratic Autonomy draft prepared by DTK (Democratic Society Congress) and emphasizes one language, one nation as a response. Sakık marked that the Prime Minister is now telling the decisions taken at MGK meetings to them in Parliament platform and recorded; the maker of the decision on this subject must be the world of politics, not MGK. If you look back, our arrest was executed upon the instruction of the Prime Minister of the period Tansu Çiller and Chief of Staff Doğan Güreş. These policies were also applied in that period but the problem has not ended yet. DTK offered a draft which is now getting reactions for consisting of betrayal, while it must be discussed in details. This should not be the language of politics. You can't progress with refusal and denial policies. This people have not asked for their own state or flag. They have asked for their mother language and identity. Still, MGK yesterday approach invites violence.

And Bengi Yıldız stated that MGK meeting declaration doesn't have any abidingness to the constitution, adding "we don't accept the decisions of MGK which doesn't accept and refuses us." (ANF, 30 December 2010)

Government Silent as the World Looks for its Missing
The United Nations Convention that prohibits enforced disappearances and allows families to find out about the fate of their missing has gone into effect.
Turkey, despite almost one thousand enforced disappearances determined by the rights activists only in the post-12 September military coup period, and persistent calls by international and national rights organisations, has still not adopted the convention.

They face their past, Turkey just looks

A total of 20 countries had to adopt the convention for it to go into effect. As of today, 90 countries have ratified the convention and 21 countries adopted it.

Among countries that adopted the convention are those, which like Turkey, went through military coups and periods of dictatorship and which witnessed severe human rights violations including disappearances such as Argentina, Chile, Bolivia and Paraguay. There also are industrialised countries such as France, Germany and Japan.

Most recently, the junta leaders in Argentina were sentenced to life in prison for committing "crimes against humanity" because of the tortures and deaths under detention. In Turkey, however, although the constitutional shield protecting the perpetrators of the 12 September coup has been lifted in a recent referendum, it is still unclear whether these people will be brought to justice.

UN is calling, government is indifferent

Turkey has not yet paid attention to the convention, which was opened to signatures on 6 February 2007. Turkey, which submitted its report to the periodical review meeting at the UN Human Rights Council on 10 May, did not even mention this issue.

However, at the very same meeting, Turkey had been called on to ratify the convention.

The UN Committee Against Torture, in a report on Turkey in November, stated that it was concerned about the fact that the government was not providing information about the disappeared. It added that the UN working group had mentioned 63 enforced disappearance cases, and that no information was being provided on the disappearance cases, in which Turkey had been convicted by the ECHR. It stated that there were no transparent information and the families of the missing were not being informed.

It called on the government to sign the convention.

Finding out about the fate of the disappeared is a right

The "Declaration on the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance" brings an absolute prohibition on enforced disappearances and obliges each state party to take necessary measures to ensure that enforced disappearance constitutes an offence under its criminal law. It also stipulates that widespread or systematic practice of enforced disappearance constitutes a crime against humanity.

The Convention guarantees the rights of the disappeared and their families. Among these are the rights to know the realities regarding the conditions of disappearance and the fate of the disappeared and to obtain compensation.

Enforced disappearance encompasses multiple and simultaneous human rights violations: Personal safety and integrity, not being subject to torture, inhumane or degrading treatment, having a fair trial and family life rights. (BIA, Erhan USTUNDAG, 28 Aralık 2010)
Saturday Mothers to raise issue of missing persons again

The Saturday Mothers, an advocacy group seeking justice for enforced disappearances in Turkey, gathered in İstanbul's Galatasaray Square last Saturday for their 300th meeting.

Although the real number of those who have disappeared is not known, human rights organizations estimate thousands went missing following the military coup in 1980 and during the 1990s, when paramilitary groups nested within the state were suspected of involvement in the kidnapping of missing persons.

The first meeting of the Saturday Mothers was held in August 1998 with 30 relatives of people who had disappeared. Security forces attacked the group and politicians accused it of being a tool for the outlawed Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK). The Saturday Mothers suspended their meetings in March 1999 due to the political atmosphere created by the capture of Abdullah Öcalan, the leader of the PKK who is serving a lifetime sentence on İmralı Island on the Sea of Marmara. They resumed their meetings in January 2009 but not with mass participation.

However, this week they held their 300th meeting, which was also attended by intellectuals, journalists, human rights defenders as well as Rakel Dink, the wife of Armenian-Turkish journalist Hrant Dink, who was murdered.

The Saturday Mothers decided to accelerate their efforts to find out what happened to their loved ones after the Ergenekon case was opened, as some of its suspects are directly related to the disappearances. The Ergenekon gang allegedly intended to overthrow the government by creating chaos, and some of the suspects have been involved with the group for a long time.

For example, relatives of Ebubekir Deniz and Serdar Tanış, two founding members of the pro-Kurdish People's Democracy Party (HADEP) in Silopi, allege their disappearance in 2001 took place upon the orders of Levent Ersöz, an Ergenekon suspect, but the indictment in his case does not mention any disappearances. Most of the families of those who have disappeared, especially in Silopi, allege that Ersöz is responsible.

The European Court of Human Rights has in many cases convicted Turkey for such disappearances; however, Turkey has still not signed the UN-backed International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance. The UN convention classifies enforced disappearances as a crime against humanity. It was submitted for signature almost four years ago and has been signed by 87 countries since, though many have yet to ratify it.

For some time, due to the government's “zero tolerance for torture” policy, enforced disappearances have not taken place in Turkey; however, none of those responsible for the disappearances that have occurred have been indicted.

Saturday Mothers in their latest meeting this week reminded the public that Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in July, while answering a question about their group, said he did not know who they were. At the meeting this week, the Saturday Mothers underlined that they want to meet with him and are planning to ask for his help to find out who is responsible for these enforced disappearances and may have information about the whereabouts of their loved ones. (Today's Zaman, AYŞE KARABAT, 28 December 2010)

Disappeared Children Report
The Parliamentary Research Commission established for the "Determination of Necessary Precautions by Researching the Problems of the Children who became Victims of Disappearances" issued a draft report.

"There is actually no child that commits a crime; there are children pushed to crime. A child that committed a crime is punished twofold. The child is punished enough anyways by becoming a victim of circumstances that h/she did not establish him/herself. Moreover, the child becomes stigmatized as a criminal and is being excluded from society, which is like a second punishment", the draft report claimed.

Majority of disappeared children older than 15

The report revealed that a crucial part of the disappeared children is aged 15 or older. The majority of this group is female.

Stories of previous losses and a migration background of the parents increase the risk for disappearances, the report stated.

The most common reasons for the disappearance of girls is the disapproval of their emotional relationships, sexual abuse by a person in the close environment, arranged marriage or abuse as a prostitute.

Reasons for the abduction of younger children can be adoption or begging for instance.

The report indicated that children in Turkey are also being abducted by the reason of organ trafficking. Yet, the commission was not able to get hold of any evidence.

Higher risk in bigger families

The draft report emphasized that problems for the children may evolve if their mother and father became parents before they could solve their own problems of puberty.

Children are particularly affected by problems such as violent dissension, unemployment, poverty, violence or lack of education. The children get caught in their own dreams to get away from an oppressive family environment, beating, maltreatment or poverty.

Families with many children may not be able to meet the children's emotional, social and economic needs. This makes them more prone to the risk of neglect and abuse.

The children's desire to leave home stems from the child's personality, the circle of friends, failure at school, pressure of the family, separation of the parents, living together with older family members such as the grandparents, imitating somebody else, love of adventure, attraction of a big city, the desire to earn money or insecurity.

Other reasons for running away from home are adolescent problems, lacking or wrong information on sexuality, incest and sexual harassment.

Recommendations to prevent the disappearance of children

- Strengthening the family structure, improvement of the parents' social structure.
- Parents must be provided with skills regarding the communication within the family.
- Economic conditions of the families should be supported.
- Children should be supported to gain a positive attitude towards life.
- Families with a migration background should be included in social programs to help adapting to the new environment.
- Counselling, guidance and treatment must be given to children with physical and mental risk factors.
- The children's performance at school should be monitored, necessary interventions should be implemented if the child experiences problems to adapt in order to keep the child in the system.
- Children should be made aware of emotional ties.
- The media should aim at creating a positve role model.
- The appropriate use of the internet should be provided. (BIA, Burçin BELGE, 23 December 2010)
Protests 10 Years after "Return to Life" Operation

The police intervened against protestors in Diyarbakır (south-eastern Turkey). The demonstrators commemorated the dozens of people who died in the course of the "Return to Life" operation on 19 December 2000 and to drew attentinon to the situaiton of diseased detainees and convicts. The police made use of tear gas and water cannons. Some protestors were injured.

A group of demonstrators had gathered in front of the building of the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party in the Silvan district of Diyarbakır to walk to the Silvan Police Directorate. While the police intervened against the group, an explosion occurred. The cause of the explosion has not been clarified yet. Three people were wounded.

Another group met in front of the BDP Diyarbakır Provincial building and wanted to walk to the Diyarbakır E Type Prison to support their incarcerated relatives or party members. The police intervened with water cannons and tear gas. Some of the demonstrators were injured.

"We did not forget and we will not let you forget"

Members of the Democratic Peoples Federation and the Socialist Platform of the Oppressed (ESP) also protested the "Return to Life" operation on its 10th anniversary in Beyoğlu/Istanbul.

The groups gathered on Galatasary Square and posted banners reading, "We will tear down the walls of isolation with the spirit of the resistance on 19 December", "Punish the ones who burned them alive on 19 December" and "Accept the demands for aggravated life sentences".

About 250 members of the People's Front gathered in front of the closed Bayrampaşa (Istanbul) Prison. They chanted slogans and posted a banner saying that they would not forget the operation.

Van

Members of the Human Rights Association (İHD) Branch in Van (south-eastern Anatolia) came together in front of the Van F Type Prison. İHD Van Branch President Mehmet Ali Şen called the operation "an inhumane massacre" and said, "We saw that the ones who did this massacre were rewarded instead of punished".

Ankara

Members of the Contemporary Lawyers Association (ÇHD) Ankara Branch gathered in front of the Sincan Prison. They particularly drew attention to the fact that ten years passed before a trial related to the operation was opened.

Adana

About 150 people joined a torchlight procession in the south-eastern city of Adana to mark the 10th anniversary of the operation.

Tekirdağ

About 100 members of the Aid Association for Families of Detainees travelled from Istanbul and Diyarbakır to the north-western city of Tekirdağ and protested in front of the Tekirdağ F Type Prison. They carried pictures of the prisoners who were killed in the course of the operation and shouted slogans in Turkish as well as Kurdish.

"Return to Life" operation

The "Return to Life" operation was carried out ten years ago in several prisons in order to solve the so-called "prison problem" in Turkey and end the death fast of prisoners who protested against their transfer to F type prisons. The operation started on 19 December 2000 at 4.30 am simultaneously in 20 prisons and involved thousands of convicts and ten thousands of security personnel. 32 people died in the operation, among them two soldiers. Hundreds of detainees and convicts were injured. (BIA, Berivan TAPAN, 20 December 2010)

Students Stay 5 more Months in Prison for Posting Banner

University students Ferhat Tüzer and Berna Yılmaz, members of the Youth Federation, are being prosecuted for posting a banner claiming free education during the Romani Meeting on 14 March 2010. The meeting in Istanbul had also been attended by Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. The banner read, "We want free education and we will get it".

At the second hearing of the trial on Tuesday (14 December), the Istanbul 10th High Criminal Court decided to keep both students in detention.

Tüzer and Yılmaz are each facing up to 15 years behind bars on charges of "membership of an illegal organization".

Both students have been in detention for nine months now. The Tuesday hearing was attended by their families and lawyers. The students said in their defence that they were not members of an illegal organization and that they voiced their demand for free education as their constitutional right. They requested their acquittal. The court decided to keep both students in detention and adjourned the case to 24 May 2011.

AKP carries on with hostility against youth

Members of the Youth Federation gathered in front of the Sütlüce district building of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) on Wednesday (15 December) to protest against the court decision. Federation members Hakan Karabey and Gökçe Uluda were taken into custody.

Other members organized a protest action in front of the Beşiktaş (Istanbul) Courthouse in order to support their fellow students. They sang revolutionary marches during the hearing. Afterwards, they voiced their strident protest against the court decision.

The Youth Federation made the following announcement: "Yes, people are being arrested. [...] This happens when justice is in the hands of the AKP. Our request sent to Ankara was signed by 16,000 people but it was ignored. 16,000 people were told 'You are guilty as well'. So we quickly gathered the signatures of 140 intellectuals but they were also ignored".

"This decision is a threat conveyed to the youth by the AKP via Ferhat and Berna. We will put up the same banners and chant the same slogans wherever the Prime Minister, the state ministers and the members of parliament meet until Ferhat and Berna will be released". (BIA, Berivan TAPAN, 16 December 2010)

Nouvelle manifestation d'étudiants contre Erdogan, 21 arrestations

La police turque a arrêté 21 étudiants à Ankara mercredi dans une nouvelle manifestation de protestation estudiantine contre le Premier ministre Recep Tayyip Erdogan, a rapporté l'agence de presse Anatolie.

Les étudiants manifestaient contre l'arrivée sur le campus de l'Université technique du moyen-orient (ODTÜ) du Premier ministre, pour participer à un colloque, selon l'agence.

A la suite de l'arrestation de leurs camarades, plus d'une centaine d'autres étudiants qui se dirigeaient vers le bâtiment où se trouvait M. Erdogan et plusieurs de ses ministres, ont été stoppés par la police anti-émeutes venue en grand nombre et qui a fait usage de gaz lacrymogène en réponse à des jets de pierre et d'oeufs.

Le 4 décembre, la police avait violemment réprimé une manifestation d'étudiants à Istanbul, alors que M. Erdogan rencontrait les recteurs des universités dans la métropole.

Les forces de l'ordre avaient dispersé les manifestants sans ménagement, provoquant les critiques d'éditorialistes. Une étudiante enceinte avait perdu l'enfant qu'elle attendait, après des coups portés par la police, selon la presse.

L'effervescence estudiantine s'est manifestée ensuite le 8 décembre par un autre incident, cette fois à la Faculté des sciences politiques d'Ankara, où un parlementaire influent du parti gouvernemental a été arrosé d'oeufs.

La colère étudiante va crescendo depuis le mois dernier en Turquie, lorsque 18 étudiants ont été condamnés à 15 mois de prison avec sursis pour avoir tenu une "manifestation non autorisée" lors d'une visite de M. Erdogan à l'Université technique d'Istanbul, en 2008.

Dans une récent entretien à l'AFP, le chef de l'opposition, Kemal Kiliçdaroglu, a dénoncé une dérive "à la Poutine" du Premier ministre, citant des "atteintes à la liberté de la presse", une répression de l'expression estudiantine, et une dérive népotiste. (AFP, 15 déc 2010)

Le jet d’œufs, symbole de l’agitation étudiante en Turquie

Tout a commencé, samedi 4 février 2010, par la répression d’une manifestation étudiante, à Istanbul, aux abords du Palais de Dolmabahçe, où le premier ministre, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan rencontrait les recteurs des universités turques. Les forces de l’ordre ont en effet dispersé les manifestants sans ménagement, d’une façon qui a choqué la presse présente sur les lieux, l’amenant à estimer que la réponse policière avait été manifestement «disproportionnée». Une étudiante enceinte a notamment perdu l’enfant qu’elle attendait, à l’issue d’un tabassage en règle.

Loin de regretter ces incidents le premier ministre a estimé que la police n’avait fait que ce qu’elle devait faire, et a fustigé l’attitude des étudiants, en prenant l’opinion publique à témoin, et en incitant les manifestants à reprendre le chemin des amphithéâtres. Les brutalités policières n’ont pas tardé à provoquer, en outre, une passe d’arme entre le chef du gouvernement et le leader de l’opposition, Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, dont le parti a invité, deux jours plus tard, les étudiants protestataires à venir parler de leurs problèmes au Parlement. Mais, alors même que le CHP se targuait d’être à l’écoute de la nouvelle génération, un autre incident est venu montrer que cette effervescence étudiante est loin d’être un épiphénomène.

Cette fois, c’est la très vénérable Faculté des Sciences Politiques d’Ankara, qui forme la crème de la haute fonction publique turque, et qui est mieux connue sous le nom de «Mülkiye», qui, le 8 décembre dernier, a été le théâtre d’un chahut mémorable. Les principales victimes en ont été deux parlementaires, venus participer à un séminaire sur la réforme constitutionnelle. Süleyh Batum, le secrétaire général du CHP, a été en permanence interrompu par des quolibets et a dû finalement renoncer à poursuivre son intervention jusqu’à son terme. Excédé par le comportement des étudiants, il est même allé jusqu’à le qualifier de «fasciste». Quant à l’autre intervenant, Burhan Kuzu, au demeurant président AKP de la Commission constitutionnelle du Parlement, il a été copieusement arrosé d’œufs, et n’a du son salut qu’au mur de parapluies qu’ont généreusement déployé ses gardes du corps pour le protéger. Encore plus en colère que son collègue du CHP, il s’est écrié : «Honte, c’est une honte pour ce pays. Ils devraient plutôt manger tous ces œufs, peut-être que cela permettrait à leur cerveau de mieux fonctionner.»

Le gouvernement et le parti majoritaire ont fort mal pris cette nouvelle manifestation étudiante, en particulier les jets d’œufs dont Burhan Kuzu a été la cible. Un débat s’est vite d’ailleurs développé sur cette nouvelle forme de protestation pour savoir si elle constituait ou non un droit démocratique ; ce que le premier ministre a démenti avec vigueur en accusant les autorités de l’Université d’Ankara de s’être laissées déborder par un groupe d’activistes d’extrême-gauche. Tant dans les rangs de l’AKP, que dans ceux des nationalistes du MHP, des voix ont commencé à agiter le spectre des années 1970 qui avait vu l’agitation étudiante basculer dans une guerre civile larvée, opposant groupes d’extrême gauche et groupes d’extrême droite, dans le contexte politique délétère qui avait précédé le coup d’Etat du 12 septembre 1980. Burhan Kuzu n’a pas hésité à évoquer la présence d’organisations liées à «Ergenekon» derrière la manifestation d’Ankara, en estimant que les étudiants étaient politiquement manipulés. Quant au CHP, il a eu bien du mal à faire entendre sa différence et à démontrer qu’il était ouvert au dialogue avec les étudiants. À l’issue de l’incident d’Ankara, son leader, Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu a déclaré que la pratique des jets d’œufs n’était pas tolérable, mais que les étudiants avaient le droit de protester en utilisant des voies démocratiques. Toutefois, le président du groupe parlementaire du parti kémaliste, Akif Hamzaçebi s’est démarqué de ces propos, en estimant que le jet d’œufs devait être considéré comme «un acquis de la démocratie».

En tout état de cause, il semble que cette effervescence étudiante soit un mouvement plus profond qu’il n’y paraît. Selon certains experts, les étudiants ne dénonceraient pas seulement les brutalités policières dont ils ont été récemment l’objet et l’intransigeance que le gouvernement a manifestée à leur égard, mais ils voudraient surtout attirer l’attention sur leurs conditions de vie, l’augmentation des droits d’inscription et plus généralement leur inquiétude quant à l’avenir. Ils souhaiteraient aussi être représentés au sein des instances responsables de la politique universitaire.

Si l’implication d’un certain nombre de militants d’extrême gauche dans la survenance des incidents précédemment relatés ne fait pas de doute, on ne peut nier que ces événements aient aussi montré le décalage existant entre une génération montante qui exprime un mal-vivre, et une classe politique, qui toutes formations confondues, a été pris à froid par un mouvement qu’elle a beaucoup de difficultés à appréhender. En dehors de l’incident de Dolmabahçe et de celui de la Faculté des Sciences Politiques d’Ankara, on observe que les manifestations étudiantes se sont multipliées ces derniers temps et qu’au fil des événements, à défaut de pavés, le jet d’œufs est devenu, de façon significative, le véritable symbole d’une fronde. Le président de la Cour constitutionnelle, Hasim Kılıç, a récemment été la cible de ce genre de manifestation d’irrespect, à Eskişehir, en Anatolie occidentale. Et lors du chahut de mercredi à Ankara, Burhan Kuzu, a été accueilli par une pancarte étudiante lui souhaitant la bienvenue à un «festival collectif d’œufs» (photo) ; un humour qu’il n’a apparemment pas vraiment apprécié… Il faut dire que l’omelette, qui lui a été servie, était apparemment très copieuse, puisqu’il aurait reçu près de 200 œufs ! (ovipot.blogspot.com, JM, 10 décembre 2010)

Inculpation de 8 militants d'organisations hostiles au gouvernement

Huit éducateurs, dont cinq femmes, ont été inculpés vendredi pour appartenance à un réseau qui aurait tenté de renverser le gouvernement actuel issu de la mouvance islamique, annonce l'agence Anatolie.

Les suspects appartiennent au CYDD (Association pour la promotion de la vie moderne) et le CEV (Fondation éducative moderne), deux associations laïques renommées et qui font campagne pour l'éducation des filles.

Leur inclusion dans l'enquête sur le réseau Ergenekon - auquel est prêtée l'intention de renverser le gouvernement - a suscité une vague de protestations et alimenté des soupçons selon lesquels l'enquête aurait dégénéré en une campagne contre l'opposition laïque.

Un tribunal d'Istanboul a délivré vendredi un mandat d'arrêt contre l'un des suspects, une ancienne président du CEV, et fixé au 18 mars la première audience.

Les suspects sont accusés d'appartenir au réseau Ergenekon, qualifié de "groupe terroriste armé", d'être en possession de documents secrets d'Etat et d'avoir violé les lois protégeant la vie privée.

L'enquête sur le réseau Ergenekon, engagée depuis juin 2007, est à l'origine de tensions politiques entre l'AKP au pouvoir (Parti de la justice et du développement) et ses adversaires qui l'accusent de vouloir remettre en cause la laïcité de la société turque. (AFP, 10 déc 2010)

Demonstrations against Turkey's poor record for respecting human rights

Today, December 10, the International Day of Human Rights, was commemorated by human rights activists throughout Turkey.

Activists took to the streets to honor the 62nd anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and to condemn Turkey's poor record for respecting human rights. Öztürk Türkdoğan, President of Human Rights Association (IHD), organized a press conference in the central building of IHD in Ankara for many NGOs, foundations, activists and the press.

Öztürk said that we do not need to celebrate this anniversary but commemorate it since Turkey has failed to achieve a strong level of high rights.

In addition to Ankara, activists in İzmir, Mersin, İstanbul, Hakkari, Diyarbakır, Adıyaman and Urfa also held street protests for Human Rights Day.

According to the findings stated during the meetings, here is some data about Turkey's human rights record in 2010 as of December 1:

Due to ongoing military operations, 281 people died; 32 prisoners died in prison; 28 people by extrajudicial killings, 9 people by unknown perpetrators; 6 people by land mines; and 2 people during demonstrations. Moreover, 143 people were injured during the demonstrations while 716 were taken into custody and 152 of them arrested.

Prisons cannot accommodate the high number of prisoners at 121,098. 103 inmates claim that they were tortured in prison, 319 claim that they were mistreated or abused, 95 prisoners are severely ill and without medical care, 39 journalists were arrested and 12 newspapers and magazines have been shut down. In response to claims of torture, the Judicial Ministry opened 77 files in defense of police actions claiming that inmates resisted them.

In addition, 790 people were fined for thought crimes. Vedat Kurşun, Chief editor of Azadiya Welat daily Kurdish newspaper, received 166 years imprisonment and he has served around two years of his punishment.

The charge of thought crime has been lobbied against politicians who are from Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) with 554 indictments for 2,333 years imprisonment. (DIHA, Dec 10, 2010)

A Young Woman Lost Her Baby Under Police Brutality

The police intervened with tear gas and beating against students who were going to protest Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and the Higher Education Council (YÖK) on Sunday (5 December). The students had gathered in front of Dolmabahçe Palace on the European banks of the Bosporus where PM Erdoğan was having a meeting with university rectors.

A 19-year-old woman lost her unborn baby as a result of beating. Gülüzar Tuncer, joint attorney of the Human Rights Association (İHD) Istanbul Branch, told bianet that the young women applied to the Turkish Human Rights Foundation (TİHV) and is currently trying to overcome the trauma she experienced.

In a statement made to journalists the woman said, "Even though I told the police 'Don't beat me, I am pregnant', they kicked my stomach and hit me with batons".

Hüseyin Çelik, Deputy Chairman of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) commented afterwards, "The youth are our heart and soul".

As reported by the Turkish news channel CNN Türk, members of the Students Youth Union (Genç-Sen) encountered a brutal intervention by the police when they tried to walk towards the Prime Minister's office. Last week, Genç-Sen members had already protested Erdoğan by throwing eggs at him.

About 150 students came by bus from Eskişehir (central Anatolia) and Ankara to join the protest. However, they were stopped on the Asian side of Istanbul and were not allowed to enter the area.

Students who gave a break at a service station in Kurtköy (Asian side of Istanbul) encountered a police intervention with tear gas.

A riot emerged after the police intervention. 40 students were taken into custody, 37 of whom were released later on after they had given their statements. Students Emre Ö., Aziz G. and Didem A. were taken to court because of "resistance to the police" and were then released by the Beyoğlu (Istanbul) 1st Magistrate Court on duty.

The youth is our heart and soul

AKP politician Çelik provided the press with information on the meeting. He said that a "Dolmabahçe Meeting" was scheduled with representatives from youth organizations for January 2011. Regarding the question whether the young people who joined the protest would be invited as well he replied:

"We do not discriminate between supporters and dissidents when we invite the young people, the students. Our invitations to the youth do not have anything to do with the protestors. No matter if they protest or not, they are our youth, they are our heart and soul. We love our youth, our country and our people".

"We only wanted to submit a file"

Student Işıl Kurt from the Eskişehir Osmangazi University told Milliyet newspaper about her experiences in the course of the police intervention.

"The riot forces police pressed down my calves and made me lay down on the ground. They beat me on my chest, my face and my back. They were cursing while they beat me. I remember shouting 'We only wanted to submit a folder' when they dragged me to the police bus. Then I passed out".

Çağlar Kara from Istanbul University, one of the students who were taken into custody, recalled, "They sprayed gas without warning. Two policemen tried to squeeze me into a crowd of about a hundred policemen. They only stopped when they saw the reporters. I can say that the journalists saved me. We are anyways exposed to harassment, insult and beating when the journalists are not there".

Student İlke Acar from Marmara University (Istanbul) said that they were not given anything to eat or drink during the whole time they were kept in custody.

Parliamentary Human Rights Investigation Commission

Akın Birdal, Member of Parliament for the Peace and Democracy Party (BDP), urged the Parliamentary Human Rights Investigation Commission to convene as soon as possible in order to investigate who was responsible for the police violence against the students.

Commission member Birdal submitted a petition reading, "The right to democratic criticism and demonstrations are considered fundamental human rights in international human rights documents and agreements. It is one of the Commissions prime duties and responsibilities to investigate this disproportional use of force against students who joined the protest by using their rights".

"Is protest a crime?"

Democratic Left Party (DSP) Member of Parliament Süleyman Yağız submitted a resolution of questions addressing PM Erdoğan.

Yagız wrote, "The police never ever allow any kind of protest. They are very careful on this subject and they do not give any respite to the protestors. So, even without resorting to violence, is protesting a crime for you, is it forbidden? Is there any related provision in our laws that is not known by the public? In which other democratic country can we see such applications?" (BIA, Erol Önderoğlu - Erhan Üstündağ - Berivan Tapan, 7 December 2010)

Former deputy PM criticizes his gov't for unsolved murders

Veteran politician Murat Karayalçın, who served as the deputy prime minister between 1993 and 1995, has implied that the government of the time was inactive against unsolved murders, which he believes is an indication that there was a lack of political authority to solve these incidents.

Karayalçın's remarks are being interpreted as a major confession as Turkey rarely witnesses politicians who criticize the policies of their own governments. Karayalçın's government was a coalition between the True Path Party (DYP) and the Social Democratic People's Party (SHP) led by Prime Minister Tansu Çiller between 1993 and 1995.

“The existence of unsolved murders means the inexistence of a government in a country. It means the inexistence of a political authority. This is the case for me at least. And for me again, this is not something to be accepted. I am not just saying this considering the reaction to come from the public. Citizens of the country which is entrusted to you are being killed. And you feel unease in the face of the law, family, society and more importantly, your conscience. I felt this anytime during the time my government was in office. I felt this for every unsolved murder,” Karayalçın stated.

Turkey's recent history is full of the murders of prominent figures including journalists and academics in addition to thousands of people who disappeared in the '90s in the Kurdish-dominated Southeast and some eastern cities of the country. According to records from the Diyarbakır Chief Prosecutor's Office, 9,719 cases from 1988 until the present day remain unsolved. The majority of the unsolved murder cases -- 4,521 cases -- occurred between 1992-1994.

Karayalçın also said he had heard on many occasions about JİTEM, an illegal unit inside the gendarmerie, but its existence was always officially denied.

“I was always in pursuit of the reality about JİTEM. I exerted efforts for the revelation of the truth behind that formation within the opportunities of my government. I was the deputy prime minister of the state. I spoke to the president, prime minister and commanders [of the time] about JİTEM. They always told me JİTEM did not exist,” he noted.

Though the existence of JİTEM has long been denied, it is believed that this clandestine intelligence unit is responsible for many crimes against residents of the Southeast in the 1990s. The unit is also said to be behind the disappearances of countless Kurds in southeastern Turkey. JİTEM is also thought to be an instrumental arm of the illegal organization Ergenekon, which is charged with plotting to overthrow the government. Although the existence of JİTEM has always been denied, none of the institutions have managed to convince the public that the group does not exist.

Karayalçın, who often visited the East and Southeast during his term in office, said what he learned from those visits was that the statements by people in those regions and the official discourse of the state were highly contradictory.

“I traveled to Tunceli's Ovacık district after some villages were evacuated by the state after clashes between security forces and terrorists there. … When I received information about the incidents from locals and the governor, I saw that what the governor told me was in contradiction to what locals spoke about. I did not witness this only in a single incident. I witnessed this in an incident in Diyarbakır, too,” he added. (Zaman, FATİH VURAL, December 2010)

La police turque arrête 50 étudiants en colère contre Erdogan

La police turque a tiré des grenades lacrymogènes et a arrêté une cinquantaine d'étudiants qui manifestaient à Istanbul contre le Premier ministre Recep Tayyip Erdogan, a annoncé la chaîne d'informations en continu NTV.

Des images de cette télévision ont montré des policiers frappant des jeunes gens et lançant des grenades lacrymogènes, dans un quartier des environs d'Istanbul.

Venus d'Ankara, le groupe d'environ 150 étudiants avait refusé de se disperser et se dirigeait vers le bureau du Premier ministre, dans le centre de la ville, où M. Erdogan était réuni avec les recteurs des universités, a précisé NTV.

Les policiers ont tiré aussi des grenades lacrymogènes après avoir affronté plusieurs dizaines d'étudiants dans le centre ville, qui protestaient contre la réunion en cours avec les recteurs, et demandaient des réformes.

Plusieurs étudiants ont été filmés frappant des policiers avec des drapeaux.

Une cinquantaine d'étudiants au total ont été arrêtés, selon NTV.

Selon l'agence Anatolie, la police avait pris des mesures de sécurité exceptionnelles, redoutant des manifestations contre la venue de M. Erdogan.

La colère étudiante monte depuis le mois dernier en Turquie, lorsque 18 étudiants ont été condamnés à 15 mois de prison avec sursis pour avoir tenu une "manifestation non autorisée" lors d'une visite de M. Erdogan à l'Université technique d'Istanbul, en 2008.

Le gouvernement islamo-conservateur est de plus en plus accusé d'intolérance par les partis d'opposition.

Le chef de l'opposition, Kemal Kiliçdaroglu, a dénoncé une dérive "à la Poutine" du Premier ministre, cette semaine dans une interview à l'AFP, citant des "atteintes à la liberté de la presse", une répression de l'expression estudiantine, et une dérive népotiste. (AFP, 4 déc 2010)

Turkey once more condemned for ill treatment

The European Courts of Human Rights (ECHR) ruled that Musa Yılmaz was entitled to compensation. Yılmaz won his case related to ill-treatment in police custody before the. He had applied to the international court on the grounds of ill-treatment when he was held in police custody as a 16-year-old juvenile in July 1998 under charges of alleged robbery.

The Strasbourg court decided for a monetary fine of € 12,000 in compensation for the applicant and another € 3,000 for cost and expenses.

According to the ECHR, the Turkish state principally and de facto violated Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights on the prohibition of torture.

According to the ECHR, the Forensic Medicine Institute failed to provide a sufficient documentation of the torture. The court said that the principles defined by the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture (CPT) had to be implemented as well as the Istanbul Protocol. (ANF, 4 December 2010)
UN Committee calls on government to act against torture and impunity in Turkey

Amnesty International today called on the Turkish government to take immediate action to implement the recommendations of the (UN) Committee against Torture. The recommendations included calls to the Turkish authorities to take measures to end impunity for acts of torture, prevent excessive use of force and ill-treatment by law enforcement officials, end the endemic problem of excessive pre-trial detention and overcrowding in places of detention. The Committee also called on the authorities to provide victims of torture with fair and adequate reparation and compensation, and to ensure compliance with its obligation to not return any person facing a risk of torture.

The Committee, an independent body which examined Turkey’s third periodic report on its implementation of the UN Convention against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, expressed its particular concern about reports of “numerous, ongoing and consistent allegations concerning the use of torture, particularly outside unofficial places of detention in police vehicles, on the street and outside police stations” while noting the continuing failure of the authorities to conduct effective prompt and independent investigations into allegations of torture and ill-treatment. The Committee voiced concern at reports that prosecutors face obstacles in effectively investigating complaints against law enforcement officials and that any such investigations pursued are commonly conducted by law enforcement officers themselves.

Among other concrete recommendations in regard of these concerns, the Committee called on the authorities to:

increase the number, authority and training of investigating prosecutors and judicial police;
establish an independent police complaints mechanism.

The Committee also expressed concern at reports indicating an increase in the excessive use of force and ill-treatment of demonstrators and that police often resort to counter charges against individuals and family members of alleged victims complaining of police ill-treatment.

Concern was also raised by the Committee regarding reports of fatal shooting by police and members of the gendarmerie and police and the alleged arbitrary application of powers to stop any person and request identification papers leading to violent confrontations following the 2007 amendments to the Law on Powers and Duties of Police.

In this regard the Committee recommended that the authorities:
ensure procedures relating to public order and crowd control are fully in line with the United Nations Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials;

introduce a monitoring system on the implementation of the Law on Powers and Duties of Police and to prevent its arbitrary use by police;
ensure that state officials do not use the threat of counter-charges as a means to intimidate detained persons, or their relatives, from reporting torture and review convictions with a view to identifying any wrongly used for such purposes.

Noting its concern at reports of deportations despite a risk of torture and the administrative detention of foreign nationals with limited access to the national procedure for temporary asylum, the Committee recommended that the authorities:
ensure effective access to the asylum procedure for apprehended foreign nationals and introduce a suspensive effect of deportation proceedings during asylum requests;
ensure access of UNHCR personnel and lawyers to asylum-seekers and refugees in detention.

In addition to expressing concern regarding reported overcrowding in prisons to which the Turkish authorities’ representative referred to as “unacceptable”, the Committee raised concern at the lack of consideration of alternative measures to detention and excessively long pre-trial detention, restrictions of the association rights of prisoners and access to medical treatment. While welcoming that police interrogations could be requested by the judge as evidence in criminal cases, the Committee expressed concern that according to the admission by the authorities video surveillance cameras are only available at 30% of police stations and at allegations that such cameras fail in many instances.

The Committee recommended that the authorities:
encourage members of the judiciary to consider and implement alternative means to deprivation of liberty as a penal sanction, including introducing necessary legislation to this effect;
install video surveillance throughout police stations and make video recording of all persons questioned a standard procedure; limit restrictions to group activities of prisoners in solitary confinement regimes to exceptional and well defined situations only;
address the shortage of medical personnel and ensure access to health care of ill prisoners including by deferring sentences if necessary.

Amnesty International has long been making very similar recommendations to the Turkish authorities in the context of its concerns over issues of torture and other ill-treatment.

Related documents

Concluding observations of the Committee against Torture on Turkey (CAT/C/SR.975)
http://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/cat/docs/CAT.C.TUR.CO.3.pdf

Amnesty International: Turkey: Briefing to the Committee against Torture, Index: EUR 44/023/2010, 17 October 2010
http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/EUR44/023/2010/en

Türkler Murder Trial Closed by Prescription after 26 Years
The trial related to the murder of Kemal Türkler, former President of the Confederation of Progressive Trade Unions (DİSK) was closed by prescription after 26 years.

Türkler was a key figure of the democratic trade union movement in Turkey in the 1970s. He was assassinated in front of his home in Istanbul on 22 July 1980.

Prime suspect Ünal Osmanağaoğlu could not be brought to court repeatedly due to medical reports. Hence, the trial had continuously been postponed to a later date.

On 1 December, the Bakırköy 2nd High Criminal Court decided to apply the status of limitation and dropped procedures. Rasim Öz, lawyer of the Türkler family, told bianet after the final hearing, "This trial must be evaluated within the scope of 'crimes against humanity' and it has to be exempt from the statute of limitations".

"Judiciary registered the murder, end of story"

DİSK President Süleyman Çelebi made an announcement after the hearing. He stated that "the murders of this trial were known" and that referring documents had been concealed intentionally. Çelebi criticized that also the status of limitation had been deliberately used for this case.

"As far as we are concerned, the defendant is a murderer, he is the person who killed Kemal Türkler. This was entered in the official record by the court twice. There is no other side of the coin".

Commenting on the status of limitation, Çelebi indicated that "this does not clear away the perpetrator's identity as a murderer". He said that they were going to apply to the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR).

"From our point of view, this was not an acquittal. We will continue this case until the end", Çelebi claimed.

"We will go to the ECHR"

Ergin Cinmen, joint attorney of the Türkler family, criticized the decision in an interview with bianet:

"For years and years the state took efforts to exempt the culprits from penalty. The whole system was focused on that. First it was the police forces that did not arrest the murderer and later on the judiciary not to punish him. The entire system is the perpetrator. All the political murders committed around [the 1980 military coup on] 12 September and afterwards remained unpunished. The state has always protected the suspects. We will bring this case before the Court of Appeals. If the decision will be upheld, we go to the ECHR".

"They are even afraid of my father's grave"

Türkler's daughter Nilgün Soydan was an eye-witness of her father's assassination when she was 18 years old.

"First the state killed my father, then they protected the person who killed my father for years and eventually they look into our eyes and tell us that the case has reached its statute of limitation. I will not worry about the application to the ECHR. You are even afraid of my father's grave. Keep being afraid of my father. History will take the state to account for the murder". (BIA, Berivan TAPAN, 2 December 2010)

Pression sur les médias / Pressure on the Media

Une journaliste kurde condamnée à 138 ans de prison

Emine Demir, une ancienne rédactrice d'un quotidien kurde de Turquie, a été condamnée jeudi par un tribunal de Diyarbakir (sud-est), à 138 ans de prison pour propagande en faveur des rebelles kurdes, a rapporté l'agence Anatolie.

Mme Demir d'Azadiya Welat (liberté du Pays) a été reconnue coupable d'avoir défendu dans ses écrits la cause du Parti du travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK), une organisation considérée comme terroriste par de nombreux pays, un crime sanctionné par le code pénal turc.

Sa peine a été alourdie, le tribunal soulignant qu'elle avait enfreint régulièrement les lois entre 2008 et 2009.

Les juges ont émis un mandat d'arrêt contre la journaliste qui comparaissait à son procès comme prévenue libre.

Elle peut encore faire appel de la sentence qui a coïncidé avec l'arrivée dans la ville, la plus importante du sud-est turc à majorité kurde, du chef de l'Etat turc Abdullah Gül.

Plusieurs lois ont été adoptées ces dernières années en faveur de l'octroi de droits culturels aux Kurdes pour renforcer notamment les chances du pays d'adhérer à l'Union européenne. Cependant les médias kurdes sont parfois la cible d'harcèlement judiciaires notamment lorsqu'ils défendent la ligne du PKK.

Plusieurs journalistes kurdes sont emprisonnés en Turquie pour avoir fait l'apologie du PKK ou de son chef emprisonné Abdullah Öcalan. (AFP, 30 déc 2010)

BIA Media Monitoring Report: Closures, Bans, Confiscations
According to the July-August-September 2010 Media Monitoring Report by the Independent Communication Network (BIA) Media Monitoring Desk, the judiciary is after independent media and media that voice different opinions on the "Kurdish Problem." Its justification is "fighting against terrorism."

The 40 page report lists violations under the topics: "Killed journalists," "attacks and threats," "detentions and arrests," "continuing imprisonments and convictions," "freedom of media and freedom of expression cases," "regulations and seeking legal remedies," European Court of Human Rights," "reactions against censorships and monopolisation," and "RTUK practices."

Below are the closure, confiscation and ban decisions given for the different media in the third quarter of 2010 according to the report:

Rojev newspaper was closed down for a month: Rojev newsaper, which began publishing on 24 August, was closed down by an Istanbul court for "making propaganda in favour of PKK." The decision was taken because of the publication of a poster of imprisoned PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan, and pictures of Ocalan, PKK members and the PKK flag.

Eighth closure for Azadiya Welat: Azadiya Welat, which is the only daily Kurdish newspaper, was closed down for a month, for the eighth time in August.

Azadiya Welat has been closed down three times since the beginning of the year. Various Kurdish media, since the beginning of 2009, have been closed down for a total of at least 16 times.

An Istanbul court justified its decision by saying that the newspaper was "making propaganda in favour of PKK/KONGRA-GEL."

Guney magazine has been confiscated: The January-February-March 2010 issue of Guney magazine, which is a quarterly magazine, was confiscated by a decision taken at a Mersin court on 19 August. The printing house in Mersin seized the issues of the magazine.

The decision of confiscation was based on an article by Ali Dagdeviren, titled "Children's Rights of Kurdish Children!"

YouTube censorship was solidified through a court decision: In mid-July, an Ankara court rejected objections made against the decision by a lower court to block access to 44 IP addresses belonging to YouTube. The court's rejection of Internet Technology Association's (INETD) objection solidified the YouTube ban.

The site was banned for publishing anti-Ataturk videos. Transportation Minister Binali Yildirim, in a number of occasions, stated that the site was banned because YouTube does not pay taxes over its advertising revenues, does not open a representation in Turkey and does not comply with Turkish laws.

Altayli had 97 entries in Eksi Sozluk deleted: Journalist Fatih Altayli, demanded that 97 entries written under his name in Eksi Sozluk are deleted claiming that they violated his personal rights.

Haberturk newspaper's executive editor Altayli, asked and Istanbul court to have the 97 entries deleted.

Sanliurfa.com site banned: Access to this site was banned because of a news report about Sanliurfa deputy governor Yildiray Malgac and related reader comments. (BIA, Erol ONDEROGLU, 28 December 2010)

Hommage au professeur Fahrettin Petek, décédé le 24 décembre
Prof. Dr. Fahrettin Petek, un scientifique exemplaire et un des plus anciens exilés politiques en provenance de Turquie, est décédé le 24 décembre 2010 à Paris, à l’Hôpital de Paul Brousse à l’âge de 88 ans.

Petek a été obligé de quitter son pays en 1949 à la suite des menaces qu'il a subis en raison de ses engagements politiques.

Pendant qu’il entame un doctorat en chimie à l’Université de Paris, il a organisé une campagne de solidarité internationale autour de l’emprisonnement du poète Nazim Hikmet. Il était en outre l’un des fondateurs du mouvement des Jeunes turcs progressistes.

Son engagement politique lui a valu une interdiction de retourner en Turquie pendant 40 ans, de 1949 à 1989.

Après avoir terminé ses études universitaires à Paris, Petek a travaillé au CNRS jusqu'à sa retraite. Ensuite, il a poursuivi ses activités académiques en donnant des conférences dans les pays d'Extrême-orient dont le Viêt Nam.

Le communiqué du CRSK sur la disparition de Fahrettin Petek

Le bureau du Centre de la Recherche Scientifique du Kurdistan (CRSK) s’est réuni le 25 décembre 2010 après avoir délibéré, le communique de presse a été publié au sujet de la disparition de M. le Prof. Dr. Fahrettin Petek suite aux informations que notre ami Dogan Özgüden nous a communiquées.

La communauté scientifique européenne a perdu un homme de science et de liberté, un scientifique de haute qualité, un humaniste résistant, Prof. Dr. Fahrettin Petek est décédé le 24 décembre 2010 à Paris, à l’Hôpital de Paul Brousse à l’âge de 88 ans.

Né le 1er mars 1922 à Istanbul, après ses études universitaires, il est parti pour Paris en 1949 pour des raisons politiques où il a terminé ses études universitaires et académiques.

En 1962, il a présenté sa thèse de doctorat à la Faculté de Pharmacie de l’Université de Paris intitulée « Recherches sur les activités hydrolysantes et transférantes des a-galactosidases » en travaillant au CNRS, avec André Desjobert. Il a contribué à l'étude de la standardisation des solutions acides normales: Utilisation de l'hydrogénocarbonate de sodium comme substance de référence dans le Laboratoire de Chimie Biologique de la Faculté de Pharmacie de Paris France. Les auteurs montrent expérimentalement que l'emploi du produit brut de la calcination de l'hydrogénocarbonate de sodium comme substance de référence en acidimétrie.
(...)
Nous rendons hommage à M. le Prof. Dr. Fahrettin Petek, nous exprimons nos tristesses, nos condoléances auprès de la communauté scientifique et aux membres de sa famille, plus particulièrement à sa fille Gaye Shalom Petek, aussi à ses amis.

Dijon, le 25 décembre 2010

Dr Ali Kiliç, Président du CRSK
Dr Azeez Béebo , Secrétaire Général
Hasan Can, membre du Bureau

CRSK - 4 , Rue de Saverne, 21000-DIJON, France

L'annonce de sa famille sur la cérémonie et la crémation le lundi 3 janvier 2011

Fahrettin Petek est décédé le 24 décembre 2010.

Si vous désirez lui rendre un dernier hommage vous trouverez ci-après tous les renseignements utiles :

Si vous souhaitez le voir une dernière fois :

Vous pouvez vous rendre à l’Hôpital Paul Brousse 12 avenue Paul Vaillant Couturier-94804 Villejuif à la chambre mortuaire située côté rue Gustave Flaubert Lundi 3 Janvier à 10H45 précises.

Métro : Villejuif Paul Vaillant Couturier ou Parking possible à l’intérieur.

La fermeture du cercueil se feront à l’Hôpital

Pour la cérémonie autour du cercueil :

Vous pouvez vous rendre directement au crématorium du cimetière du Père Lachaise côté place Gambetta 71 Rue des Rondeaux Paris 20ème. (sur l’avenue du Père Lachaise par la porte arrière du cimetière).

Métro : Gambetta- Parking autorisé à l’intérieur par l’entrée ci-dessus.

La cérémonie débutera à 12H15 dans la salle Mauméjean

Le cercueil partira pour l’incinération à l’issue de la cérémonie d’hommage.

(Evitez les couronnes car les fleurs ne sont pas acceptées dans le cadre d’une crémation)

43 Journalists and Writers in Turkish Prisons at the New Year

The freedom of press and the right of journalists to write news without facing pressure is sine qua non for democracy. But like in other countries, there are journalists in Turkey that have been investigated, penalized and jailed for stories they’ve written.

According to figures from The Solidarity Platform of Imprisoned Journalists (TGDP), there are 43 journalists in prison as of the end of 2010. These 43 journalists, 10 of which are editor-in-chiefs, will greet the New Year in prison. TGDP Spokesperson Necati Abay called on the government to abolish the Counterterrorism Law.

Some Turkish laws, in particular the Turkish Penal Code (TCK) and the Counterterrorism Law, serve as the basis for legal actions taken against journalists for writing stories and reports. Articles on Ergenekon topped the list of reasons used to prosecute journalists in 2010. There are currently 5,000 investigations underway on several journalists who wrote about the issue. A portion of these investigations have led to trials. Most journalists are taken to court based on Article 285 of the TCK, or “the breach of privacy,” and Article 288, or “attempt to influence a fair trial.”

Aside from being subject to investigation and fines, many journalists have received prison sentences for stories. There are a total of 43 journalists in prison in Turkey as of the end of 2010. Of these journalists, 10 are editor-in-chiefs. The remaining 33 are reporters, editors and other employees from editorial departments. Among the editor-in-chiefs and managing directors in prison are Gün TV Executive Coordinator Ahmet Birsin, İşçi-Köylü daily owner and Editor-in-Chief Barış Açıkel, Odak Dergisi owner and Editor-in-Chief Erol Zavar, Renge Heviya Jine (The Color of Woman’s Hope) magazine Editor-in-Chief Halit Güdenoğlu, Atılım daily owner and Editor-in-Chief Hatice Duman, Atılım Executive Editor İbrahim Çiçek, Radyo Dünya Editor-in-Chief Kenan Karavil, Kamu Emekçileri Cephesi (Public Laborers Front) weekly Editor-in-Chief Musa Kurt and Atılım daily Executive Coordinator Sedat Şenoğlu.

Noting that the situation with journalist is very serious Abay said new measures need to be taken urgently in 2011 for the release of journalists. “Journalist and writers under arrest in Turkey face trial in specially authorized Heavy Penal Courts rather than the old State Security Courts [DGMs] for violating the … law known as the Counterterrorism Law,” said Abay, recommending that the law be revoked and specially authorized heavy penal courts be shut down.

Noting that they have communicated their demands to the government in the past, Abay added that they will continue to push for action in the new year as well. He also said the Counterterrorism Law led to serious violations of freedom of press and freedom of thought and expression, adding: “They have to openly say either we don’t want freedom of expression and thought or we are going to change this law. This is the only way to solve this problem.”

The below list indicates the names of 39 prisoners with the mention of the media for which they had worked and the prison where they are kept:

Abdulcabbar Karadağ, Mersin correspondent of Azadiya Welat, Mersin E Tipi Kapalı Cezaevi
Ahmet Birsin, General Coordinator of Gün TV, Diyarbakır D Tipi Cezaevi
Ali Buluş, DIHA Mersin correspondent, Karaman-Ermenek M Tipi Cezaevi
Ali Çat, Azadiya Welat Employee, Mersin E Tipi Kapalı Cezaevi
Ali Konar, Elazig correspondent of Azadiya Welat, Malatya E Tipi Cezaevi
Baha Okar, Editor of Bilim ve Gelecek Review, Silivri L Tipi Cezaevi, B Blok
Barış Açıkel, İşçi Köylü publisher, Kandıra 1 Nolu F Tipi Cezaevi, Kocaeli
Bayram Namaz, Atılım columnist, Edirne 1 Nolu F Tipi Cezaevi
Bayram Parlak, Mersin correspondent of Gündem, Karaman-Ermenek M Tipi Cezaevi
Bedri Adanır, Publisher of Aram Yayınları, Editor of the journal Hawar, Diyarbakır D Tipi Cezaevi
Behdin Tunç, DIHA Sırnak correspondent, Diyarbakır D Tipi Cezaevi
Berivan Eker, Diyarbakır E Tipi Cezaevi
Dılşa Ercan, Azadiya Welat Employee in Mersin, Adana Karataş Kadın Kapalı Cezaevi
Dilek Keskin, Atılım Correspondent, Antakya E Tipi Cezaevi
Emine Altınkaya, Sincan Kadın Kapalı Cezaevi, ANKARA
Erdal Süsem, Eylül Review Editor, Edirne F Tipi Cezaevi
Erol Zavar, Odak publisher and poet, Sincan F Tipi Cezaevi, Ankara
Faysal Tunç, DIHA Sırnak correspondent, Diyarbakır D Tipi Cezaevi
Füsun Erdoğan, Özgür Radyo general coordinator, Gebze Özel Tip Cezaevi, Gebze/Kocaeli
Gurbet Çakar, Rengê Hêvîya Jinê Editor, Diyarbakır E Tipi Cezaevi
Hakan Soytemiz, Writer of Red ve Enternasyonal Reviews, Silivri L Tipi Cezaevi, B Blok
Hamdiye Çiftçi, DİHA Hakkari Cofrrespondent, Bitlis E Tipi Kapalı Cezaevi
Hasan Coşar, Atılım columnist, Sincan F Tipi Cezaevi, Ankara
Hatice Duman, Atılım publisher, Gebze Özel Tip Cezaevi, Gebze/Kocaeli
İbrahim Çiçek, İbrahim Çiçek, Atılım chief editor, Tekirdağ 2 Nolu F Tipi Cezaevi
Kenan Karavil, Radyo Dünya Director, Adana Kürkçüler Cezaevi
Mahmut Güleycan, Özgür Halk Employee, Van F Tipi Cezaevi
Mehmet Karaaslan, DİHA MersinCorrespondent, Karaman-Ermenek M Tipi Cezaevi
Mehmet Yeşiltepe, Devrimci Hareket Review, Tekirdağ 1 Nolu F Tipi Cezaevi
Mustafa Gök, Ekmek ve Adalet representative in Ankara, Sincan F Tipi Cezaevi
Nevin Berktaş, Bakırköy Kadın ve Çocuk Tutukevi, Istanbul
Nuri Yeşil, Azadiya Welat Gazetesi Employee in Tunceli, Malatya E Tipi Cezaevi
Ozan Kılınç, Former editor of Azadiya Welat, Diyarbakır D Tipi Cezaevi
Sedat Şenoğlu, Atılım general coordinator, Edirne 1 Nolu F Tipi Cezaevi
Seyithan Akyüz, Azadiya Welat Correspondent in Adana, Adana Kürkçüler Cezaevi
Suzan Zengin, İşçi-Köylü employee, Bakırköy Kadın ve Çocuk Tutukevi, Istanbul
Şahin Baydağı, Azadiya Welat Employee, Mardin E Tipi Kapalı Cezaevi
Vedat Kurşun, Azadiya Welat's former editor, Diyarbakır D Tipi Cezaevi
Ziya Ulusoy, Tekirdağ 1 Nolu F Tipi Cezaevi

Solidarity Platform With Imprisoned Journalists (TGDP)
December 24, 2010

CONTACT: Necati ABAY-TGDP Spokesperson, GSM: 0535 929 75 86
e-mail: tutuklugazeteciler@mynet.com
Blog: http://tutuklugazeteciler.blogspot.com/ <http://tutuklugazeteciler.blogspot.com/>

Freedom of Expression Defendants Name by Name

According to the July-August-September 2010 Media Monitoring Report prepared by the Independent Communications Network (BİA) Media Monitoring Desk, ", the judiciary is persecuting the ones who are doing independent journalism or who are expressing different opinions on the "Kurdish question" in the scope of "struggling against terrorism".

The forty-page report includes sections on "Killed journalists", "Attacks and Threats", "Arrests and Detentions", "Ongoing Detentions and Imprisonments" "Trials on Press Freedom and Freedom of Expression", "Corrections and Legal Redress", "European Court of Human Rights", "Reactions to Censorship and Monopolization" and "RTÜK Applications".

Read here a list of journalists, writers, politicians and media institutions that are being tried on charges related to freedom of thought and expression.

Journalists, writers and politicians on trial

Abdullah Demirbaş, Abdurrahman Dilipak, Abdurruhman Saran, Adnan Demir, Adnan Keskin, Ahmet Altan, Ahmet Birsin, Ahmet Ertak, Ahmet Şık, Ahmet Türk, Akın Birdal, Akif Beki, Ali Barış Kurt, Arat Dink, Ayhan Demirel, Ayla Ata Akat, Aylin Güzel, Aysel Tuğluk, Aziz Özer, Bahar Kılıçgedik, Barış Açıkel, Barış Yarkadaş, Baskın Oran, 54 mayors as members of the Peace and Democracy Party (BDP), Bedri Adanır, Behdin Tunç, Berivan Eker, Berna Yılmaz, Burhan Ekinci, Bünyamin Demirkan, Büşra Erdal, Cabbar Demirci, Cemal Doğan, Cengiz Çandar, Cevdet Şen, Çağdaş Kaplan, Deniz Yıldırım, Dilek Karakoyun, Diya Yarayan, Doğan Akhanlı, Doğan Erbaş, Durmuş Tuna, Edip Tekin, Emcet Olcayto, Emre Uslu, Emrullah Özbey, Enver Aydemir, Erdal Güler, Ertuğrul Kürkçü, Ertuğrul Mavioğlu, Faysal Tunç, Fehmi Kılıç, Ferhat Tunç, Ferhat Tüzer, Fethullah Kapkapcı, Fikret Karagöz, Filiz Koçali, Füsun Erdoğan, Gençağa Karafazlı, Gurbet Çakar, Hacı Boğatekin, Hacı Orman, Hakan Tahmaz, Halil Mert, Harun Aksoy, Hasan Çakkalkurt, Hasan Günaydın, Hasan Tüfekçi, Hatice Korkut, Haydar Haykır, Hayri Beşer, Helin Karakoyun, Hrant Dink family, Hüseyin Kalkan, İbrahim Çeşmecioğlu, İbrahim Çiçek, İnan Süver, İrfan Dündar, İrfan Sancı, İsmail Beşikçi, İsmail Eskin, İsmail Saymaz, İsmail Yerguz, Jake Hess, Kemal Göktaş, Kenan Karavil, Leyla Zana, M. Nedim Karadeniz, Mahmut Alınak, Mahmut Şakar, Markar Eseyan, Mehdi Tanrıkulu, Mehmet Ali Birand, Mehmet Baransu, Mehmet Güler, Mehmet Halis İş, Mehmet Nuri Kökçüoğlu, Mehmet Söğüt, Melih Altınok, Melih Aşık, Meray Ülgen, Metin Arslan, Metin Arslan, Metin Tekçe, Mustafa Balbay, Mustafa Dolu, Mustafa Elveren, Mustafa Koyuncu, Namık Durukan, Nazlı Ilıcak, Nedim Şener, Nejdet Atalay, Neşe Düzel, Nevzat Çiçek, Nurettin Kurt, Nurgün Balcıoğlu, Nuri Aykon, Orhan Miroğlu, Osman Baydemir, Ozan Kılınç, Ömer Çelik, Özcan Aladağ, Özgür Topsakal, Pervin Oduncu, Pınar Sağ, Ragıp Zarakolu, Ramazan Pekgöz, Ramazan Pekgöz, Rasim Ozan Kütahyalı, Sarkis Seropyan, Seçkin Özdemir, Sedat Şenoğlu, Selahattin Demirtaş, Selçuk Kozağaçlı, Selim Sadak, Semra Pelek, Seyithan Akyüz, Sibel Hürtaş, Songül Erol Abdil, Suzan Zengin, Şahin Bayar, Şebnem Korur Fincancı, Şiar Rişvanoğlu, Şükrü Gökkaya, Taylan Tanay, Tekin Irşi, Temel Demirer, Tuncay Aslan, Tuncay Özkan, Tuncer Köseoğlu, Ufuk Akaya, Utku Aykar, Vahap İş, Vedat Kurşun, Veysi Sarısözen, Yakup Önal, Yalçın Ergündoğan, Yasemin Çongar, Yıldıray Oğur, Yılmaz Alp, Yılmaz Sağlık, Yüksel Genç, Zeycan Balcı Şimşek, Ziya Çiçekçi.

Media institutions and companies

Açılım newspaper, Adana Radyo Dünya, Adana Ulus, Adanahabermerkezi.com, Agos newspaper, Akit, Akşam newspaper, Aram Publishings, Atılım newspaper, Aydınlık magazine, Azadiya Welat newspaper, Belge Publishings, Bianet, Birgün newspaper, Bizim Radyo Televizyonu (BR TV), Bugün, Çağımızda Hukuk ve Toplum magazine, Çine Uğur newspaper, Devrimci Demokrasi magazine, Devrimci Hareket, Devrimci Marksizm, Dicle News Agency (DİHA), Doğan News Agency (DHA), Ekşi Sözlük website, Emirdağ newspaper, Fırat News Agency, Gaziantep Sabah newspaper, Gerçek newspaper, Gerçek Gündem, Gerger Fırat newspaper, Gözcü newspaper, gunesincocuklari.com, Gün TV, Güney magazine, Günlük Evrensel, Günlük newspaper, HaberTürk newspaper, haberugur.com, Hawar newspaper, Hürriyet newspaper, İhlas News Agency (İHA), İşçi Köylü magazine, Kanal D, Kent newspaper, Midyat Habur newspaper, Milliyet newspaper, Muş Haber 49 newspaper, Nasname internet site, Özgür Düşün magazines, Özgür Radyo, Playboy website, Radikal newspaper, Renge Heviya Jine (The Colour of the Woman's Hope) magazine, Sabah newspaper, Sanat ve Hayat Dergisi, Sanliurfa.com website, Show TV, Star, Şarköyün Sesi, Taraf newspaper, Tevn Yayınevi, TouTube, Tunceli Emek newspaper, Türkiye newspaper, Ulusal Kanal, Vakit newspaper, Yeni Binyıl newspaper, Yeni Şafak newspaper, Yeniden Özgür Gündem newspaper, Zaman newspaper. (BIA, Erol ÖNDEROĞLU, 23 December 2010)

Judiciary Persecutes Different Opinions on Kurdish Question

190 people, 75 of whom are journalists, are being tried for violations of freedom of thought and expression, 138 people are being sued under the Anti-Terror Law (TMY). Six journalists are in jail for their writings. The European Court of Human Rights sentenced Turkey to a total fine of TL 266,551 (€ 133,224) in compensation.

On behalf of "struggling against terrorism", the judiciary is persecuting the ones who are doing independent journalism or who are expressing different opinions on the "Kurdish question".

The Media Monitoring Report of the Independent Communication Network Media Monitoring Desk comprises the struggles of 529 people in July-August-September 2010.

The forty-page report includes sections on "Killed journalists", "Attacks and Threats", "Arrests and Detentions", "Ongoing Detentions and Imprisonments" "Trials on Press Freedom and Freedom of Expression", "Corrections and Legal Redress", "European Court of Human Rights", "Reactions to Censorship and Monopolization" and "RTÜK Applications".

The government does not apply the Law on the Protection of Atatürk enforced 60 years ago against ongoing violations, neither does it apply the Anti-Terror Law that has been oppressing freedom of thought for the last 20 years, nor the Law on Internet Crimes enforced in 2007. The government refers to Articles 285 and 288 of the Turkish Criminal Law (TCK) on "violating the secrecy of an investigation" and the "attempt to influence a fair trial" respectively which was enforced in 2005 despite dozens of warnings.

Journalists, writers, politicians, civilians not allowed to think

It turned out that 190 people (writers, publishers, politicians, civilians), 75 of whom are journalists, are being prosecuted in trials related to freedom of thought and expression.

During the same period of time in the previous year, again 190 people were tried, among them 74 journalists.

Number of defendants under Anti-Terror Law quintupled

Allegations such as "printing or broadcasting announcements or statements of terroristic organizations", "spreading propaganda for a terroristic organization" or "disclosing or disseminating identities of public officials on anti-terror duties or showing them as a target" are among the most common accusations.

The number of people tried under the Anti-Terror Law compared to the same period of time in 2009 has quintupled from 25 to 138.

27 journalists appeared at court facing imprisonment of 7.5 years each. Defendants Selahattin Demirtaş, Ziya Çiçekçi, Cabbar Demirci, Pervin Oduncu and Fehmi Kılıç were sentenced to a total of twelve years and four months in jail and monetary fines summing up to TL 16,600 (€ 8,300). Last year, the comparable total length of prison sentences amounted to six years, five months and 15 days.

Those prosecuted were Ragıp Zarakolu, Mehmet Güler, Ferhat Tunç, Selahattin Demirtaş, Aziz Özer, Metin Arslan, Büşra Erdal, Hayri Beşer, Aysel Tuğluk, Cemal Doğan, Nurettin Kurt, Mehmet Ali Birand, Mahmut Şakar, Ayla Akad Ata, İrfan Dündar, Doğan Erbaş, Namık Durukan, Hasan Çakkalkurt, Hatice Korkut, Halkevleri'nden altı kişi, Leyla Zana, kapatılan Demokratik Toplum Partisi'nin eski 54 belediye başkanı, Mehdi Tanrıkulu, Şiar Rişvanoğlu, Ramazan Pekgöz, Filiz Koçali, Ziya Çiçekçi, Nedim Şener, Ahmet Türk, Yüksel Genç, Selim Sadak, Veysi Sarısözen, Fehmi Kılıç, Orhan Miroğlu, DTP'nin kapatılmasıyla sanık durumuna düşen 32 kişi, Cabbar Demirci, Pervin Oduncu, İsmail Beşikçi, Zeycan Balcı Şimşek, Gurbet Çakar, Berivan Eker, Barış Açıkel, Bedri Adanır, Vedat Kurşun, Ozan Kılınç, Hakan Tahmaz and İbrahim Çeşmecioğlu.

Journalists in Prison!

Six journalists, namely Ozan Kılınç, Vedat Kurşun, Gurbet Çakar, Bedri Adanır, Erdal Güler and Deniz Yıldırım, spent the third quarter of 2010 behind bars because of their publications.

Kılınç, former Editor-in-Chief of the Kurdish Azadiya Welat newspaper, was sentenced to 21 years and 3 months in prison upon his conviction of spreading propaganda for the militant outlawed Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK). His predecessor Kurşun is still incarcerated in the Diyarbakır prison due to his sentence to 166 years and six months in jail.

Çakar, Editor-in-Chief of the the Renge Heviya Jine ('The colour of the woman's hope') women's magazine, Hawar newspaper Chief Editor Adanır and Editorial Manager Güler of the Revolutionary Democracy newspaper are imprisoned on the grounds of their writings. Deniz Yıldırım, General Publications Director of the Aydınlık magazine, has been detained since 9 November 2009 because he published a telephone conversation of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan with the former President of Northern Cyprus, Mehmet Ali Talat.

At least 15journalists went to prison in July-August-September 2010 in the scope of organizational operation. It has not been clarified yet whether these journalists were arrested because of their professional activities.

Attack, threat, deportation

10 journalists were attacked while they were on duty: İHA camera man M.V. and reporter B.C., Özcan Aladağ, Edip Tekin, Vahap İş, Cevdet Şen, İsmail Eskin, Çağdaş Kaplan, Mehmet Halis İş and Şükrü Gökkaya. Akın Birdal, member of the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) was attacked on the podium while delivering a speech.

Taraf newspaper and journalists Yılmaz Sağlık, Yakup Önal, Orhan Miroğlu and Özgür Topsakal were threatened.

Journalist Vahap İş was taken into police custody and released later on. American journalist Jake Hess, un-detained defendant of the trial regarding the Democratic Confederation of Kurdistan (KCK) was expelled from the country because he allegedly "constituted a threat to the national security" with his news articles.

The judiciary did not touch the alleged instigators to the murders of journalists Ümit Kaftancıoğlu, Abdi İpekçi, Çetin Emeç, Uğur Mumcu and Ahmet Taner Kışlalı. The murder trials regarding Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink and journalist Cihan Hayırsevener who was killed on 18 December 2009 in Bandırma (southern Marmara region) bear the very same risk.

In the 2010 Turkey Progression Report, European Union Enlargement Commissioner Stefan Füle announced that a total of 4,091 trials were opened against journalists under TCK articles 285 and 288 in the context of their reporting about the "Ergenekon" investigation and trial.

21 journalists in the dock for "violation of secrecy"

During the three months on subject, 21 journalists were facing a total prison threat of 131 years on allegations of "violating the secrecy of an investigation" or "publishing confidential documents". These journalists were Ahmet Altan, Yasemin Çongar, Adnan Demir, Markar Eseyan, Şahin Bayar, Tuncer Köseoğlu, Melih Altınok, Mehmet Baransu, Burhan Ekinci, Fikret Karagöz, Bünyamin Demirkan, Bahar Kılıçgedik, Sibel Hürtaş, Büşra Erdal, Semra Pelek, Mustafa Dolu, Kemal Göktaş, İsmail Saymaz, Ertuğrul Mavioğlu, Ahmet Şık and Nedim Şener.

Ten journalists stood accused of the "attempt to influence a fair trial" and faced imprisonment of 76.5 years in total. Şamil Tayyar received a prison sentence of 50 months.

19 journalists sued for "insult", Ergündoğan sentenced

22 people, 19 of whom are journalists, are facing prison terms of 28 years and four months and compensation claims of TL 1.153 million (€550,000) in total under charges of an "attack on personal rights" or "insult". In the same period of time last year, 47 people, among them 13 journalists, were facing 76 years, four months and 20 days in jail and compensation claims of TL 1.187 million (€ 570,000).

Birgün newspaper writer Yalçın Ergündoğan received a monetary fine of TL 10,000 (€ 5,000) in compensation because he was found guilty of personal insult via the media of the Chairman of the Independent Party of Turkey (BDP), Haydar Baş, who is also the Sheikh of the Kadiri religious order. Mustafa Koyuncu from the Afyonkarahisar Emirdağ newspaper is still facing prison terms of up to six years and compensation claim of TL 440,000 (€ 220,000) for an article about the police and alleged prostituition, beating and insult.

Also Ahmet Altan, Yılmaz Sağlık, Hacı Boğatekin, İsmail Saymaz, Nurgün Balcıoğlu, Fethullah Kapkapcı, Emrullah Özbey, Şebnem Korur Fincancı, Barış Yarkadaş, Adnan Demir, Ertuğrul Kürkçü, Taylan Tanay, Selçuk Kozağaçlı, Melih Aşık, Hasan Çakkalkurt, Nazlı Ilıcak and Cengiz Çandar are tried under the same allegations .

60 people, among them four journalists, are being tried under charges of "praising a crime and a criminal". They are facing prison terms of 180 years in total. 54 mayors of the banned pro-Kurdish Democratic Society Party (DPT) received monetary fines of TL 1,875 (€ 930) each based on the same charges because they were against the closure of the Kurdish Roj TV channel. The decision was upheld by the Court of Appeals.

ECHR: Heavy monetary fine in Dink case

The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) found Turkey guilty of a violation of freedom of expression and the right to life in the scope of the Hrant Dink murder trial heard before the international court. Turkey was sentenced to a monetary fine of € 133,595 in compensation for the four applicants, members of the Dink family.

Turkey received monetary fines of € 266,551 in total at the ECHR based on the applications of the Dink family members, Maya magazine owner Aylin Güzel and Aziz Özer, Editorial Manager of the "Yeni Dünya İçin Çağır" ('Call for a New World') magazine. The amount of compensation fines for the same period in 2009 was amounting to € 3,000. (BIA, Erol ÖNDEROĞLU, 22 December 2010)

Pınar Sağ: Double Standards in Judiciary?

The case againstTurkish folk music singer Pınar Sağ on the grounds of her utterances related to leftist revolutionist İbrahim Kaypakkaya was continued on Wednesday (22 December).

Sağ is charged with "spreading propaganda for an illegal organization" and "praising crime and a criminal". She is facing prison terms of up to five years. At the Wednesday hearing she said, "I do not think that I committed a crime by talking about İbrahim Kaypakkaya".

The singer gave her statement at the Istanbul 9th High Criminal Court upon a directive. The trial is heard at the 3rd High Criminal Court of Malatya (south-eastern Turkey).

"I do not think that I committed a crime or that Kaypakkaya was a criminal"

Sağ appeared at the Beşiktaş (Istanbul) Courthouse together with her lawyer Taylan Tanay. In the hearing she said, "I do not think that I committed a crime by mentioning İbrahim Kaypakkaya during the concert. I did not make any organizational propaganda. I do not think that İbrahim Kaypakkaya is a criminal either. Kaypakkaya was killed in the Diyarbakır Prison".

The singer requested to continue her defence speech in Malatya.

She pointed to the Prime Minister who was applauded when he commemorated Erdal Eren, a 17-year-old who was executed after the 1980 military coup, and also other people, whereas artists were being prosecuted when they commemorate the same people on stage for alleged propaganda for an illegal organizaiton, she criticized. Sağ claimed that this situation was unlawful.

The other defendant of the trial, local artist Mehmet Özcan, did not attend the hearing because he was abroad. The court board adjourned the hearing in order to hear the Özcan's statement.

Five-year prison threat

The Tunceli Magistrate Criminal Court (eastern Anatolia) opened a trial against Sağ on the grounds of her utterances at an event organized to support independent candidate Murat Kur in the run-up to the elections on 29 March. She had said, "I greet the people of Dersim that stand upright and openly like İbrahim Kaypakkaya".

İbrahim Kaypakkaya was the founder of the Communist Party of Turkey/Marxist Leninist (TKP/ML)-TİKKO organization. He was injured in an armed conflict with the security forces in 1973. He was arrested and taken to the Diyarbakır Prison where he died of torture.

The indictment prepared by the Tunceli Public Chief prosecution alleged defendants Sağ and Özcan of praising İbrahim Kaypakkaya as the founder and executive of a terrorist organization in their speeches delivered at the event.

The indictment sought prison terms of up to two years each on charges of "praising crime and a criminal".

The Tunceli Magistrate Criminal Court accepted the indictment but decided for "lack of jurisdiction" and forwarded the file to the Malatya 3rd High Criminal Court.

Thereupon, the Malatya 3rd High Criminal Court modified the classification of offence due to an alleged affiliation with a terrorist organization. Hence, Özcan and Sağ are each facing imprisonment of between one and five years under charges of "spreading propaganda for a terrorist organization". (BIA, Burçin BELGE, 23 December 2010)
Concert footage shows accusations against singer Kaya baseless

Recently obtained footage of a 1999 concert by Kurdish folk singer Ahmet Kaya shows that, contrary to past claims, the singer did not promote the terrorist Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) or pose in front of a poster of the terrorist group’s now-jailed leader.

Only days after the concert in Berlin, the Hürriyet daily published a story suggesting that Kaya “disgraced himself.” According to the daily, the singer sang in front of an imaginary map showing the eastern and southeastern parts of Turkey as “Kurdistan” and a poster of the PKK’s jailed leader, Abdullah Öcalan.

Before starting the concert, Kaya reportedly said he did not bring a band with him because that would be too costly. “Men on the mountains need money,” the daily quoted Kaya as saying. The singer was supposedly referring to the financial needs of PKK terrorists in the mountains.

After the Hürriyet report, the now-defunct State Security Court (DGM) in İstanbul sentenced Kaya to three years, nine months in prison. In the meantime, the singer fled the country and did not return.

Writer and filmmaker Hayri Avgar recently obtained the footage of Kaya’s Berlin concert to use in a documentary. Titled the “Exile of a Rainy Country,” the documentary illustrates the life of the Kurdish singer. Avgar spoke to the Cihan news agency and said the footage shows that accusations against the singer were baseless.

“The Hürriyet daily used a black and white photo in its report. That’s a conscious choice because the camera footage of the concert is in color. The daily claims that the photo was retrieved from the video footage of the concert. Here we understand that the photo showing Kaya in front of a poster of Abdullah Öcalan is a photomontage. If this was not the case, they could have printed a color photo of Kaya,” he stated.

Avgar also said the singer did not promote the terrorist PKK in his concert speech. According to Avgar, Kaya said in the concert: “Singers bring large bands to concerts, but large bands want much money. For example, they want 8,000 German marks for each concert in Germany; then add the plane tickets and travel expenses and the sum gets bigger. It is not hard to afford, but I believe people in Turkish ‘Kurdistan’ need that money more. Therefore, I think it is unnecessary to bring a large band to the concert.”

The filmmaker also stated that the concert was not organized by the PKK, as previously claimed. “It was organized by an artisans union in Berlin,” he said. (todayszaman.com, 15 Dec 2010)

Writer Nevin Berktaş Convicted - Deduction Dismissed
Writer Nevin Berktaş (52) was sentenced to imprisonment of ten months on charges of "propaganda for an illegal organization". The charges were based on her book entitled "Difficult places that challenge the faith: Prison Cells". The book describes the process of resistance in the prison cells where she was incarcerated herself during the time of the military coup in 1980. Due to a calculation mistake, Berktaş was imprisoned five years and seven months longer than the law actually stipulated.

Bertaş was arrested on 3 November. She requested to take the extra time she served in prison because of the calculation mistake into account for the recent sentence. The court dismissed her request. Her lawyer appealed to the superior court of the Istanbul 9th High Criminal Court.

Berktaş was convicted after the military coup on 12 September 1980 on charges of membership of the Revolutionary Communist Union of Turkey. She received two prison sentences in 1986 and was in jail for 22 years. She was released in 2007. The writer filed a compensation claim because she had been imprisoned for an additional five years and seven months due to a calculation mistake. In the meantime, she was sentenced to imprisonment of ten months on the grounds of her book she wrote when she was in prison. She was imprisoned again this November. Thereupon, she started a legal struggle to have her extra time in prison taken into account.

4 February 1981

On 4 Feburary 1981, Berktaş was taken into police custody for alleged membership of an illegal organization. She was released in July the same year. She was arrested again on 25 February 1983 and taken to prison. On 15 May 1986, the Adana 6th Army Corps Command Martial Law Court handed down an 18 years and ten months prison sentence to her on charges of membership of two different illegal organizations. She remained in prison for about 7.5 years and was then released conditionally on a probation period of ten years.

Four years later, Berktaş was again taken into custody because of alleged membership of an illegal armed organization. The Konya State Security Court sentenced her to six years and eight months behind bars in 1995. The conditional release was reversed and added to the sentence. With these additional five years and 216 days the sentence added up to 12.5 years. She was handed down another prison sentence of three years in 1998 because explosives and weapons had been found when she was arrested.

Lawyer found the mistake

Lawyer İnayet Aksu reviewed her file after 13 years. He realised that his client had served an extra time of five years and seven months in prison due to a calculation mistake. Lawyer Aksu applied to the Adana 6th High Criminal Court. He informed the court that the partial amnesty law enforced in 1991 had not been applied to his client. Applying the law, the five-year seven-month sentence handed down to Berktaş would be lifted.

Subsequent to the review, the 18-year four-month sentence decreed by the Martial Law Court was mitigated to seven years and six months. The court decided that the sentence served from 1983-1990 was decisive and to deduct five years and seven months from the second crime. Berktaş was released from prison six months before her sentence would have been expired.

As soon as she was released, the writer filed a compensation claim for the extra time she had to serve in prion.

Sentence finalized
After Berktaş was sentenced to ten months behind bars by reason of her book, her lawyer applied to the Istanbul 14th High Criminal Court, claiming that his client had served the ten months already since she had been kept in prison for an additional five years and seven months. Berktaş was imprisoned last month before the case on the deduction was decided. One month later, the court decreed that she "could not claim a deduction". The writer's lawyer appealed at the superior court. (BIA, Burçin BELGE, 14 December 2010
37 Trials against Taraf Newspaper in One Day
A trial was opened against Taraf newspaper writer Neşe Düzel on the grounds of an interview she made with M. Şerif Gençdal, spokesman of the group that came to Turkey from Iraq in October 2009.

26 refugees from the UN refugee camp in Mahmur and eight former members of the militant Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) from the Qandil Mountain crossed the border to south-eastern Turkey upon imprisoned PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan's call on 19 October 2009. They followed their own personal decisions as an attempt to push forward the jammed political process of finding a solution to the Kurdish question.

In her defence, journalist Düzel stated, "We are being tried for what is deemed a crime in the world of the prosecutor's mentality".

A total of 37 cases against Taraf newspaper employees were heard at the Kadıköy (Istanbul) Court on 10 December, the date of Düzel's hearing. Düzel is indicted under Article 215 of the Turkish Criminal Court (TCK) on "praising crime and a criminal". Reporter Dicle Baştürk is tried under Article 125TCK on "insult" and journalist Fırat Alkaç stands accused of the "attempt to influence a fair trial" according to Article 288. All trials are being heard before the Kadıköy 2nd Criminal Court of First Instance.

Düzel is being prosecuted un-detained. In her defence she claimed that they were not tried according to the law but for what is deemed a crime in the world of the prosecutor's mentality. "The people I talked to were not brought here by arresting them, they did not secretly sneak over the border into the country, they came openly. I am being tried for talking to people who crossed the border freely and without judicial governance. According to which laws, which measure and to which concept of law am I being prosecuted? Will you convict me because the political power changed its mind?" Düzel said.

Düzel's lawyer, Veysel Ok, put forward that his client made an interview with the aim to inform the public in order to make a contribution to social peace. He requested her acquittal. (BIA, Burçin BELGE, 13 December 2010)

Defendants Insist on Defence in Their Mother Tongue

The 23 defendants standing trial for their alleged membership of the underground Marxist Leninist Communist Party (MLKP) are not allowed to present their defence in Kurdish as their mother tongue. Among the defendants are Füsün Erdoğan, publications director of Özgür ('Free') Radio, Atılım newspaper publications director İbrahim Çiçek and the paper's publication co-ordinator, Sedat Şenoğlu.

The 23 defendants, seven of whom are detained, are tried before the Istanbul 14th High Criminal Court. Some of the defendants have been detained for more than four years.

The recent hearing of the case was scheduled for 10 December, a date that marks the international Human Rights Day at the same time. The session was observed by representatives of the Freedom for Journalists Platform and of some socialist groups.

Atılım newspaper employee Çiçek stated in his defence, "As the socialist offspring of the Turkish people I am hurt that my mother tongue has become a means of oppression for our brother people".

"I demand to end the denying, annihilating and assimilating policies that constrain a defence in Kurdish and I demand to lift the ban from the mother tongue. In the name of the national honour of the Kurdish people and in the name of peace and brotherhood I say as a Turkish socialist 'Ez ji li vir im' [I am here]. I want my brothers and sisters to be educated in their mother tongue, ez ji li vir im".

Defendant Arif Çelebi emphasized that the long period of detention has turned into torture. He requested the court to end this torture on the World Human Rights Day.

The court president hindered defendant Seyfi Polat from reading out his defence speech that he had prepared in Kurdish. When Polat insisted, the court board interrupted the hearing. After the intermission, the defence lawyers were heard. They criticized the court for violating the defendants' right to a fair trial.

Defendant Rıza Bozkurt, who was indicted in the scope of the trial later on, was released pending trial. The coming hearing is scheduled for 17 May 2011. (BIA, Erhan USTUNDAG, 13 December 2010)

Writer Dogan Akhanlı Released Pending Trial
Writer Doğan Akhanlı was released pending trial at the first hearing before the Istanbul 11th High Criminal Court. He is tried for his alleged involvement in an armed robbery 21 years ago. Akhanlı, living in Germany, was detained when he entered Turkey in August 2010.

The writer decided to remain silent during the entire hearing to express his protest against the trial. He presented a letter to Court President Judge Şeref Akçay and explained, "I am in absolute silence. I do not want to be disrespectful. Do not perceive my silence as an insult".

Judge Akçay replied, "We do not perceive your silence as an insult, it is your legal right and we respect that". After that, Akhanlı did not respond to any questions.

Akhanlı's letter and the indictment were read out in the first hearing of the case on Wednesday (8 December). The writer's lawyer, Haydar Erol, objected some allegations included in the indictment and requested to remove the items that he assessed as illegal evidence from the file.

Lawyer Erol claimed that the statements from witnesses Hamza Kopal and Fatih Çalışkan were taken after both of them had been tortured for seven days. Erol demanded to remove these sections from the indictment as well as the identification record that was based on one single photograph. He stated, "An imaginary indictment was written based on unfounded evidence".

Akhanlı is considered as one of the culprits involved in a robbery on an exchange bureau in Eminönü (Istanbul) on 23 October 1989 and is charged with the "attempt to overthrow the constitutional order by armed force". The owner of the exchange office, İbrahim Yaşar Tutum, was killed in the robbery. His sons, Ünay and Mustafa Tutum, are included in the indictment as the aggrieved party.

The indictment was prepared on 25 August and seeks prison terms according to Article 146/1 of the former Turkish Criminal Code (TCK). Akhanlı was arrested when he entered Turkey on 10 August and taken to the Tekirdağ (Thrace) No.2 F Type Prison.

The plaintiff lawyer stated that the photograph used for the first identification record did not show Akhanlı.

The indictment alleges Akhanlı of membership of the "Turkish People's Liberation Party - Re-Liberation Union People's Liberation Forces" based on the statements taken from Mehmet Fatih Çalışkan and Hamza Kopal. The indictment is furthermore based on the assumption that "İbrahim Yaşar Tutum [who was killed in the robbery] was probably killed by Hamza Kopal and his friends".

International support for Akhanlı

Before the hearing, the German writer Günter Wallraff made an announcement in front of the courthouse in Beşiktaş (Istanbul). "It is an injustice to open this kind of trial against Doğan Akhanlı. I know Akhanlı because he is my friend. I am sure that he is not involved in this sort of incident. I guarantee that".

Wallraff came to Turkey together with a delegation from Germany to observe the trial. He claimed, "Akhanlı is a pacifist like me. He is a quiet and modest person. He was part of projects carried out to come to terms with the past. If his books will be sold better after this trial, at least it would have one positive affect".

Wallraff, renowned for his book "Hitting rock bottom", also mentioned sociologist Pınar Selek who is currently residing in Germany. "Fortunately, she is being protected. We have to show our solidarity for her as well", he said.

Kieser and Hunko: Anti-Turkish and racist groups will be strengthened

Journalist Albrecht Kieser, said before the hearing, "People will try to turn this trial into an anti-Turkish action in Germany. But at the same time, we are people who defend the rights of the immigrants. People must be able to criticize the regime in Turkey. We adamantly refuse to relate the name of such a person to incidents of violence".

Politician Handrej Hunko, Member of Parliament for the German Die Linke Party and member of the Council for Social Affairs of the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly, referred to racist circles in Germany and Europe that oppose Turkey's accession to the European Union when he indicated, "These groups will gain further strength if this case does not result in Akhanlı's acquittal".

The hearing was observed by delegations of Amnesty International, the German PEN Centre, the German Authors Federation (VS), the Berlin Arts Academy, the Democratic Lawyers Union (VDJ), the Austrian Authors Federation, the Turkey-Germany Culture Forum, the Turkey-Germany Human Rights Association (TÜDAY), the German Committee for Fundamental Rights, the Federal Parliamentary Group of Die Linke ('the left') Party, the German Greens, the Dutch Aktion Sühnezeichen ('Action Reconciliation') Foundation, writer Emin Karaca, President of the Alevi Bektash Federation (ABF) Ali Balkız, Necati Abay from the Solidarity Platform for Detained Jouranlists and journalist Erol Özkoray. (BIA, Erol ÖNDEROĞLU, 9 December 2010)

Journalist Berivan Eker Remains in Prison

The trial against Berivan Eker, former editor-in-chief of the Renge Heviya Jine ('The colour of the woman's hope') magazine was continued on 7 December. Journalist Eker was arrested upon an arrest warrant when she was on her way to consult her lawyer about the upcoming trial.

In the second hearing of the case, the 6th High Criminal Court of Diyarbakır (south-eastern Turkey) dismissed the request for Eker's release. The hearing was attended by Eker and her lawyer Meral Atasoy. Atasoy filed an appeal against her client's detention. Should this appeal be rejected as well, Erker will have to remain in detention until the coming hearing on 25 January.

"Membership of an illegal organization" and "propaganda"

Public Prosecutor Ahmet Karaca demanded in his final speech to punish Eker under charges of "committing a crime on behalf of the PKK [the militant Kurdistan Workers Party] without being a member of the organization", "membership of an illegal organization" and "spreading propaganda for an illegal organization". The charges are based on "propaganda for the PKK organization" made in the April, May, June and July issues of the magazine.

The prosecutor pleaded for Eker's punishment according to Article 5 of the Turkish Criminal Code (TMY) that foresees an increase of punishment. He demanded to apply Articles 220/6 and 314/2 of the TCK and a two-count application of Article 7/2 of the Anti-Terror Law. Hence, the journalist is facing 21 years in prison in case she would be convicted.

Detained in the Diyarbakır E Type Prison

The charges pressed against the journalist are based on her calling imprisoned PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan the "leader of the Kurdish people", a "leader" and "leader Apo" (Öcalan's nickname), describing the PKK as the "leadership movement", glorifying Zekiye Alkan who allegedly shot herself upon the illegal organization's directive and praising alleged PKK member Nazan Bayram.

The bi-monthly Renge Heviya Jine magazine is the only women magazine publishing in both the Kurdish and Turkish language. Former chief editor Eker is detained at the Diyarbakır E Type Prison.(BIA, Erol ÖNDEROĞLU, 9 December 2010)

New Arrests and Condemnations of Kurdish Journalists

The number of journalists in detention in Turkey went down by one due to the recent release of Erdal Güler, former editor-in-chief of the Revolutionary Democracy ('Devrimci Demokrasi') newspaper. However, it quickly increased again by one when the former chief editor of the Kurdish-Turkish Renge Heviya Jine women magazine, Berivan Eker, was arrested because of her articles.

Two investigations were launched about the journalist on charges of "spreading propaganda for an illegal organization" and, based on articles from June and July 2010, on "committing a crime on behalf of an illegal organization". The investigations were merged later on. Eker was taken into police custody on Sunday (5 December) in order to take her statement. She had not been informed about the investigations because she was out of town. On Sunday, she was actually going to a meeting with her lawyer.

Renge Heviya Jine (The colour of the women's hope) is the only women magazine in Turkey publishing in both the Kurdish and the Turkish language. It is expected that a trial will be opened against Eker under the allegations mentioned above.

Similar procedures for Gurbet Çakar

The magazine's former editor-in-chief, Gurbet Çakar, was arrested by the Public Prosecution of Diyarbakır, a Kurdish-majority province in south-eastern Turkey, when she went to the prosecution in order to give her statement. The prosecutor demanded prison terms of up to 20 years for Çakar on charges of "spreading propaganda for an illegal organization via the media" and "membership of the PKK", the outlawed militant Kurdistan Workers Party.

Besides Gurbet Çakar and Berivan Eker, three other Turkish journalists are currently behind bars, namely Vedat Kurşun and Ozan Kılıç, both former chief editors of the Kurdish Azadiya Welat newspaper, and Bedir Adanır, owner of Aram Publishing and official of the Kurdish Hawar newspaper. Additionally, more than 25 journalists are in jail for alleged affiliations to terror organizations.

Three chief editors convicted

Sultan Sonsuz, first editor-in-chief of the women magazine, is indicted under charges of "propaganda" in five different cases. Sonsuz was sentenced to imprisonment of one year and three months in one of these trials. She is facing between four years and nine months and 20 years behind bars in the scope of the remaining four trials. Her successor Ruken Aktaş is facing three years and nine months in prison.

Aktaş brought her three cases before the Court of Appeals whereupon procedures related to one trial were dropped. Aktaş's successor Sibel Esmer was sentenced to imprisonment of one year and three months on "propaganda" charges by the Diyarbakır 6th High Criminal Court. She appealed the decision. (BIA, Erol ÖNDEROĞLU, 7 December 2010)
Pinar Selek at European Parliament in Brussels

One of the intellectual victims of the Turkish unjustice, writer and sociologist Pinar Selek will be received on December 7, 2010, by the European Parliament delegation to the EU-Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC) in Brussels.

The German Section of International PEN has recently issued the following call against Selek's persecution in Turkey:

Dear Friends,

The Turkish writer and sociologist Pinar Selek, born in 1971, presently a scholar in the Writers-in-Exile program of German P.E.N., is a passionate advocate for the rights of different kinds of minorities, such as socially disadvantaged children, but she also defends the civil rights of ethnic minorities like Kurds and Armenians. A woman of many trades, she is a writer of non-fictional books about sociological topics as well as children’s books. Currently she is working on her first novel. A few month ago her book (about male identities in Turkey, and especially about the influence of Turkish military on male self-perception) Sürüne Sürüne Erkek Olmak (Mollycoddled to be a Man – Drilled to be a Man) was published in German translation by Orlanda Verlag, Berlin, under the title Zum Mann gehätschelt - zum Mann gedrillt.

In 1998 Pinar Selek was arrested for alleged propaganda for PKK; she spent two and a half years in prison where she was severely tortured. It was only in custody that she realized she was being charged with having committed a terrorist bomb attack on the Egyptian Bazaar in Istanbul on behalf of the PKK. After an eight year trial Pinar was acquitted in 2006. By then, numerous experts had confirmed that the explosion on the Bazaar had not been caused by a bomb but by a faulty liquid gas bottle. The main witness for the prosecution admitted that his testimony was obtained under torture. At the beginning of last year, the case was referred to the Turkish High Court of Appeals because of alleged procedural errors. There, the acquittal was quashed, against which decision the senior public prosecutor of that same court appealed, saying that as there was no bomb involved in the explosion, it could not have been planted by somebody. However, the court did not accept the appeal of the senior public prosecutor. In February, 2010 we were alarmed to hear that the the Court of Appeals in Ankara is demanding life imprisonment under stiffened conditions for Pinar Selek.

Recently, the Court of Appeals overruled the appeal against the rescindement of the acquittal filed by Selek’s lawyers. The reopening of the lawsuit at Istanbul High Criminal Court number 12, that had given the decision of acquittal in 2008, will take place on 9th of February, 2011. Ms. Christa Schuenke, the Vice-President in charge of Writers- in-Prison, and the legal advisor of P.E.N. Germany, Mr. Klaus Uebe will follow the trial as official observers.

During the last ten years Pinar Selek has become an icon of the democracy movement in Turkey. It is obvious that antidemocratic forces within the Turkish penal jurisdiction are trying to use their influence in order to gag a courageous writer. Earlier this year, Pinar Selek was honored with the Duygu Asena Award of the Turkish PEN- center. Unfortunately, she could not be there to take part in the awards ceremony.

It seems that the retrial will start very soon. This is why Pinar Selek needs public support not only in her own country but all over the world. During her first trial public figures like Orhan Pamuk, Yasar Kemal, Hrant Dink, Noam Chomsky and Claudia Roth have promoted her case. There are reports about the new situation in all progressive Turkish media. On Pinar Selek’s WebSite http://www.pinarselek.com there is a petition against the retrial. It was signed by numerous Turkish and international associations and organizations, and there is also another list with the names of many public figures.

The German P.E.N. has asked its members as well as other personalities of public life to support Pinar Selek by signing its solidarity campaign. Up to today far more than 3.000 people from 18 countries have followed the appeal, among them many famous writers, artists and politicians such as Fatih Akin, Elisabeth Badinter, John Banville, Judith Butler, Daniela Dahn, Dai Qing, Renan Demirkan, Ulrike Draesner, Jutta Ferbers, Wieland Förster, Heiner Geißler, Günter Grass, Gregor Gysi, Peter Härtling, Christoph Hein, Elfriede Jelinek, Reinhard Jirgl, Joachim Kaiser, Necla Kelek, Inge Keller, Tom Koenigs, Ursula Krechel, Wolfgang Kohlhaase, Ursula Krechel, Norbert Lammert, Petra Morsbach, Martin Mosebach, Herta Müller, Cem Özdemir, Luk Perceval, Claus Peymann, Monika Rinck, Claudia Roth, Rüdiger Safranski, Dirk Sager, Joachim Sartorius, Wilfried F. Schoeller, Christa Schuenke, Tilman Spengler, Klaus Staeck, Johano Strasser, Wolfgang Thierse, Hans Thill, Hans- Ulrich Treichel, Jan Wagner, Martin Walser, Heidemarie Wieczorek- Zeul, Herbert Wiesner and Christa Wolf. With this campaign the German P.E.N. is protesting against the impending arbitrary act of the Turkish jurisdiction. We demand an immediate dismissal of the trial.

Please support Pinar Selek with your name by signing our appeal. All you have to do is send an email of confirmation to christaschuenke 'at' mac.com.

Thank you and kindest regards,

Christa Schuenke Vice President of P.E.N. Germany
in charge of Writers-in-ExileRT

Here you can sign online.
http://www.pen-deutschland.de/htm/aktuelles/pinar-selek,aufruf-english.php

Writer Dogan Akhanli's Trial Starts on December 8

I, for example, was arrested at the age of 18, because at a newsstand I bought a magazine which at the time was leftist, but today embraces racist positions. For five days I was "questioned," and then spent five months in Toptasi prison. When I was released, I had not only missed the entrance exam for the university, but had several ways barred which life could have opened for me. (Doğan Akhanlı, „Die Fremde und eine Reise im Herbst“)

On December 8, 2010, the 11th Chamber of the Istanbul Criminal Court will open the trial against Doğan Akhanlı and will have to show whether it adheres to the infamous tradition of an ideologically prejudiced justice system or if it will evaluate the facts in accordance with criteria of the rule of law.

The author and human rights activist Doğan Akhanlı entered Turkey on August 10, 2010. Not secretly, not by devious routes, but under his own name, with his own German passport, and via Istanbul airport. He wanted to visit his father and his native village.

His father died on November 27, 2010 at his village Ciritdüzü in North-East Turkey, while his son was in prison. Turkish authorities did not allow him to ve present at the funeral ceremony.

A support group in Germany issued the following call against Akhanli's persecution in Turkey:

The public prosecutor’s office wants to put him behind bars for life, under severe prison conditions. The accusation: Akhanlı was allegedly the head of an armed leftist organization, which aimed at overthrowing the Turkish state. For this reason, continues the charge, he allegedly took part in an armed robbery at a money exchange shop which occurred in Istanbul on October 20, 1989, and during which the owner of the shop was killed.

Doğan Akhanlı had nothing to do with this. In fact, the public prosecutor’s office has no proof against him in hand. Their two former witnesses stated in court and thus in sworn affidavits, that they had been forced to provide incriminating testimony against Akhanlı in 1992 under torture, or that it was falsely attributed to them. In addition, the aforementioned militant organization, which Akhanlı never belonged to, was classified by the Turkish Interior Ministry in the mid-1990s as not capable of overturning the constitutional order.

A justice system which ignores these facts, utilizes testimony procured under torture and later retracted, has to be asked: Why is it holding an obviously innocent person in prison despite the fact that he had been seriously tortured in jail in 1975 and 1985, why has it rejected every and all appeals against arrest, and why is it putting him on trial?

Doğan Akhanlı was formerly a leftist activist, went underground following the military putsch of September 12, 1980, was arrested, spent more than two years in jail, then fled in 1991 to Germany. In exile, he became an author, and uncompromisingly criticized state-organized crimes of violence of the 20th century in Turkey and other countries, including the genocide against the Armenians. As a human rights activist, he has organized a dialogue among people of various backgrounds on the consequences of state despotism and genocides. Along with others, he has demanded clarification of the death of Hrant Dink. Is this what he should pay for?

We demand the immediate release of Doğan Akhanlı.
We demand justice.

Support Group ‚Gerechtigkeit für Doğan Akhanlı’ | c/o recherche international e.V., Cologne |
http://www.gerechtigkeit-fuer-dogan-akhanli.de
La Turquie doit briser le carcan législatif qui pèse sur la liberté de la presse
Reporters sans frontières s’alarme de la situation désastreuse de la liberté de la presse et d’expression en Turquie, alors qu’à l’approche de la fin de l’année 2010 sonne bientôt l’heure du bilan. Les poursuites, condamnations des médias et incarcérations des journalistes se multiplient à un rythme frénétique, ceci en raison d’un cadre législatif élaboré et liberticide. Médias et journalistes sont entravés par un arsenal d’articles de loi qui entretient un véritable régime de censure. Toute déclaration ou publication concernant de près ou de loin les sujets considérés tabous par les autorités turques (la question des minorités kurdes et arméniennes, l’armée, la dignité de la nation, Atatürk) expose son auteur à des poursuites. Les atteintes à la liberté d’expression sont régulièrement critiquées par la Commission européenne chargée d’étudier la candidature de la Turquie, notamment dans son dernier rapport semestriel rendu le 9 novembre 2010.

Le gouvernement turc a récemment annoncé sa volonté de réformer certains aspects du Code pénal en matière de liberté de la presse. Cependant, cette modification ne concernerait que deux articles sanctionnant le « recel de violation du secret de l’instruction » (art.285) et la « tentative d’influencer un procès équitable » (art. 288). Il s’agit donc d’une énième réforme cosmétique réalisée afin de se rapprocher artificiellement des exigences de la Convention européenne des droits de l’homme. Ces transformations ne modifient que superficiellement le cadre législatif, les articles les plus liberticides étant conservés en l’état. Reporters sans frontières recense ainsi plus de 25 articles au sein du Code pénal qui restreignent directement la liberté de la presse et d’expression.

Ainsi, deux journalistes sont actuellement poursuivis pour « dénigrement du peuple turc » en vertu de l’article 301 du Code pénal. Le chroniqueur du quotidien libéral Taraf, Rasim Ozan Kütahyali, risque deux ans de prison pour avoir critiqué le fait que l’armée baptise un régiment de la province de Van (Est) du nom de « Mustafa Muglali », général reconnu coupable d’avoir fusillé 33 villageois kurdes en 1943. Cette déclaration a été interprétée comme une « humiliation de l’armée » et, par extension, du peuple turc. Le journaliste Temel Demirer encourt la même peine pour avoir déclaré que son confrère Hrant Dink n’avait pas été assassiné parce qu’il était arménien mais parce qu’il reconnaissait le génocide arménien.

Le texte le plus problématique reste la Loi anti-terroriste (LAT) n° 3713 de 1991 et ses amendements de 2006. Plus de 13 journalistes, rédacteurs en chef et directeurs de publication ont été poursuivis pour « propagande d’une organisation terroriste » à partir de l’article 7 alinéa 2 de cette loi. Cinq d’entre eux ont été acquittés par la cour d’assises d’Istanbul le 23 novembre 2010. Les autres sont toujours exposés à une peine de 7,5 ans de prison. Trop large, la notion de « propagande » sanctionne systématiquement toute allusion à la question kurde. De nombreux médias (Azadiya Welat, Rojev, Günlük, Devrimci Demokrasi) sont régulièrement suspendus en vertu de ce même article.

De plus, quatre journalistes (Vedat Kursun, Ozan Kilinç, Gurbet Cakar et Bedri Adanir) sont actuellement détenus pour avoir rendu publiques des déclarations en provenance du Parti des Travailleurs Kurdes (PKK). Or, l’article 6 alinéa 2 de la Loi anti-terroriste prévoit une peine de trois ans de prison pour « toute diffusion de déclarations et de communiqués émanant d’organisations terroristes ».

L’article 8 alinéa b vient compléter ce dispositif de censure. Le régime de « responsabilité en cascade » qu’il introduit est particulièrement grave car il permet de condamner toute la chaîne d’une rédaction à de fortes amendes. Ainsi, le responsable d’édition, le rédacteur en chef, le directeur de publication et le propriétaire du journal peuvent être attaqués en justice avec l’auteur d’un article incriminé. Cette disposition dangereuse est régulièrement appliquée et permet de museler complètement un média.

A cela s’ajoute la loi qui protège la mémoire de Mustafa Kemal Atatürk et expose toute déclaration critique envers le fondateur de la République turque à 4,5 ans de prison. La censure s’exerce également sur Internet, à travers la loi 5651 relative aux délits commis via Internet, qui condamne de manière disproportionnée les sites en raison de leurs contenus.

La situation particulièrement déplorable de la liberté de la presse s’explique à la fois par le contenu de lois éminemment répressives et par leur utilisation, souvent abusive, par des magistrats. A l’inverse, l’impunité reste de vigueur concernant les cas d’attentats envers les journalistes. Le procès des assassins du journaliste Hrant Dink est émaillé de reports et d’obstacles qui témoignent du peu de volonté politique d’éclaircir cette affaire. La Cour européenne des droits de l’homme (CEDH) a d’ailleurs condamné l’Etat turc, le 14 septembre dernier, pour avoir manqué de protéger la vie de Hrant Dink, directeur de publication de l’hebdomadaire Agos, abattu le 19 janvier 2007 devant les locaux du journal.

Ce carcan législatif rend impossible l’exercice du journalisme. Il est donc indispensable et urgent de réformer en profondeur ces textes et d’abolir les articles liberticides du Code pénal et de la Loi anti-terroriste. Cela afin d’instaurer un véritable climat de liberté d’expression, d’information et de débat sur toutes questions.

Reporters sans frontières demande de nouveau aux autorités turques d’amorcer cette réforme. L’organisation appelle également l’Union européenne à exiger de la Turquie qu’elle s’aligne sur les standards internationaux en matière de liberté de la presse et d’expression. Le pays se trouve à la 138e place sur 178 au classement mondial de la liberté de la presse 2010, publié le 20 octobre par Reporters sans frontières. (fr.rsf.org/turquie-la-turquie-doit-briser-le-carcan-01-12-2010,38932.html)

Former Political Prisoner Nevin Berktaş Arrested Again

On November 3rd, 2010, author and journalist Nevin Berktaş (52) was arrested in Istanbul/Turkey. She is supposed to serve ten months in prison she was sentenced to as the author of the book "Prison Cells". In the book Berktaş gives an account of her time in prison during the military coup. Berktaş has previously served already 21 years in prison and was only released in February 2007. This makes her the longest serving female political prisoner in Turkey thanks to her unfaltering attitude.

The arrest of Berktaş is a scandal since the conviction constitutes a flagrant violation of her right to freedom of expression and since Berktaş has already served the sentence.

Content of the book and its reception

Berktaş gives in her book “Prison Cells” , which she wrote in prison, an account of her experiences as a political prisoner during the military coup of September 12th, 1980. She describes the brutal regime which the junta had established in the prisons against political prisoners and gives an account of the isolation, torture and re-education in these prisons and the collective and individual resistance against this regime.

In 2001, Berktaş described in a letter her motives to write this book: “A considerable part of the long years I have spent in prison, I had to spend in isolation cells, which differed little from medieval dungeons. I wanted to give an account of these cells and how people can survive in these cells, among rats and snakes. In cells which are so wet one cannot spark a match. I wanted to tell what kind of torture it is to be forced to sing the national anthem, to address the guards with “commander”, to wear a uniform and to stand at attention. I wanted to contribute to the knowledge of the military regime of the 1980s.”

When the book was published in April 2000, Turkey was going through a period of vigorous social conflicts surrounding the construction of new prisons. Isolation and solitary confinement were meant to be part of the new, so called F-type prisons. In this situation the book was widely noted and found many readers, who drew courage from its account. This led to the immediate ban of the book, only a few days after it was published.

The court case against the book

On November 7th, 2001 Berktaş was initially convicted as the author of the book to a prison term of 4 years and 4 months by the 6th State Security Court in Istanbul for violation of Article 169 of the Turkish Criminal Code (CMK) (supporting an illegal organisation). Despite protests the sentence was affirmed by the Court of Cassation in April 2002. The owner of the publisher was sentenced to a fine.

Subsequently, the 14th Division of the Central Criminal Court had to revisit the case because of changes to the criminal law in 2003 . The court did so only after an application of Berktaş’ lawyer. However, the new court took the facts found by the State Security Court as given and just changed the legal basis for the conviction, now sentencing Berktaş under Article 7 of the Anti-Terror-Law (propaganda for an illegal organisation) to a prison term of 10 months and did not suspended the sentence. The conviction was upheld by the Court of Cassation and became final on June 29th, 2009. None of the several judgments ever stated which part of the book supposedly supported an illegal organisation or made propaganda for such. The courts based their judgments on the book as a whole without giving any further reason.

Berktaş filed an application with the European Court of Human Rights claiming the conviction violated her right to a fair trial and her right to freedom of expression. The Court has not decided yet about the merits of the complaint .

An already served sentence: the background

After her recent arrest, Berktaş now has to serve the prison sentence of 10 months, a sentence which constitutes a breach of her right to freedom of expression and which she has already served.

In the past, Berktaş was arrested and subjected to torture several times for her political activities. There had been several proceedings conducted against her since 1981 and she had been sentenced to various prison terms; she served the last sentence from 1994 to 2007.

It was only in February 2007 that the Central Criminal Court in Adana ordered her to be released, because her lawyer had proven, not only that she had served her full sentence regarding the book but that had altogether served about five years to long. The reason was that an amnesty law in 1991 was not applied to her suspended sentence of five years; later, in 1994, the suspended sentence had been revoked and she had to serve the full sentence. This was only one of many severe short comings during the proceedings against her and during the execution of the many sentences. During her long times in prison, there had been many changes to the Turkish criminal law (CMK) and different kind of amnesty laws had been enacted. These laws were supposed to be observed by the public prosecutor and the courts without any further application. Regardless of this, in her case the authorities often did not applied the new laws or did so wrongly. Only through her new lawyer Av. Inayet Aksu the mistakes were subsequently discovered. But the factual and legal issue is so complex that the court in Adana, which released Berktaş in 2007, hesitated to openly agree with the arguments of the lawyer but did not objected them either. It just granted the lawyer’s application without further reasoning.

In May 2010 it became clear that the prosecutor wanted to enforce the judgment of 10 months imprisonment.

Her lawyer applied to the court again stating that she had already served the sentence of 4 years and 4 months and therefore also the 10 months sentence since these are identical sentences. The court has not yet decided on this application. Rather the prosecutor ordered her arrest.

Berktaş’ current situation

The imprisonment is also very harsh on Berktaş’ health. She is in a bad condition since her health has been affected by the long terms in prison, two hunger strikes and most of all because of the severe torture she was subjected to during previous arrests.

Evaluation of the sentence

Even though the ECHR has not yet decided on Berktaş’ case, her lawyer is very confident that the court will find that the criminal sentencing of Berktaş constitutes a violation of Art. 10 (freedom of expression) and Art. 6 (fair trial) ECHR.

The committee "Writers in Prison” of International PEN listed her case frequently on its case list since the year 2002. And Human Rights Watch used the case against Berktaş in its "World Report: 2005" as an example of the continuing violation of freedom of expression in Turkey . The well-known human rights activist and musician Sanar Yurdatapan published in his book "Freedom of expression – 2001” 12 articles from authors whose books have been banned, including an excerpt from the book "The Cells "by Berktaş. Yurdatapan and all 12 authors filed later charges against themselves, in order to publicise the massive violations of freedom of expression in Turkey.

The arrest of Berktaş has come at a time in which the EU as well as Amnesty International and many other NGOs show great concern regarding the massive restriction of freedom of expression and the myriad of criminal proceedings against journalists and writers in Turkey. Berktaş’ imprisonment shows that even in today’s Turkey an open account of the time of the military coup is not covered by freedom of expression. The Human Rights Association of Turkey condemned Berktaş’ arrest in press statements on November 8th and 24th, 2010 .

IPA Calls for Acquittal of Publisher Zarakolu and Writer Güler

Publisher Ragip Zarakolu (Belge Yayinlari/Publishing), recipient of IPA’s 2008 Freedom to Publish Prize, and his author N. Mehmet Güler, are expecting a verdict at their next trial hearing tomorrow in Istanbul on 2 December 2010. Zarakolu and Güler face long term prison sentences for publishing and writing KCK File / Global State and Kurds without State. Aimed at scholars, academics and journalists, only 1000 copies of the book were published. The book was banned immediately after its release.

Bjørn Smith-Simonsen, Chairman of the IPA Freedom to Publish Committee, declares: "If publisher Zarakolu and writer Güler are convicted tomorrow, IPA will consider Turkey to be in breach of its international commitments under Article 19 of the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 19 of the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), and Article 11 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union, a block Turkey is aspiring to join. IPA therefore calls for publisher Zarakolu and writer Güler to be acquitted tomorrow. Zarakolu has been subject to harassment, trials and periods of imprisonment since the 1970s. The conduct of the trials in themselves usually take the form of harassment and punishment against the defendant for daring to produce works, which touch on sensitive issues. This harassment needs to stop”.

The Chair of IPA's Freedom to Publish Committee adds: "In June this year, in a similar case, Zarakolu was acquitted, but Güler was convicted to a prison sentence of 1 year and 3 months for writing a novel this time, More Difficult Decisions than Death. Güler is being harassed by police. As recently as Sunday 28 November, four policemen visited his home asking him to visit the police station on a regular basis. Overall, they acted rudely.

For Turkey not to be in breach of its international committments in the field of freedom of expression, IPA reiterates its call for Güler's acquittal in appeal in the More Difficult Decisions than Death case and for his and Zarakolu's acquittal tomorrow".

Notes for Editors:

To stop the flow of freedom of expression and freedom to publish trials in Turkey, Turkish legislation i(Articles 125, 216, 301 […] TPC, Law 5816, etc.) and practice should be amended to meet international standards, including the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union, as Turkey was recently reminded of by its peers when it came under review during the 8th Session of the Universal Periodical Review (UPR) of the UN Human Rights Council on 10 May 2010 in Geneva. To see the joint submission on Turkey to the UPR working Group of IPA, International PEN and Index on Censorship, please go to: ihttp://www.internationalpublishers.org/images/stories/MembersOnly/FTPC/U PR/turkey%20upr%20_3_.pdf

More about IPA:

The International Publishers Association (IPA) is an international industry federation representing all aspects of book and journal publishing. Established in 1896, IPA's mission is to promote and protect publishing and to raise awareness for publishing as a force for economic, cultural and political development. Around the world IPA actively fights against censorship and promotes copyright, literacy and freedom to publish. IPA is an industry association with a human rights mandate.

Censorship and the dangers of being a journalist in Turkey

Ataturk, the Army, the issue of minorities (Kurds, Armenians, etc.) and the Nation’s dignity are all taboo subjects in Turkey, writes the worldwide journalists association, Reporters Sans Frontières. Several thousand websites are blocked, including the well-known YouTube, raising protests within the country. Bloggers and surfers who express their views freely on such topics are running the risk of reprisals.

Thousands of blocked websites

According to figures revealed by the association, currently, some 3,700 sites are allegedly blocked in Turkey, some for “arbitrary and political reasons,” according to the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) (www.osce.org). Among them are many foreign websites, news sites about the Kurd minority, and EU gay websites, thereby muzzling any opportunity for debate.

The most widely publicized example of online censorship is undoubtedly the blocking of YouTube, which has once again been rendered inaccessible since May 2008 because of the dissemination of videos considered disrespectful toward the Founder of the Republic and the Turkish nation, despite the fact that YouTube had withdrawn some of these videos. From March 2007 to June 2008, several courts had issued seventeen orders to block the website. A related lawsuit on this matter was lodged with the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) by the Society for Internet Technology (INETD), based in Ankara, for violating freedom of expression. In September 2008, MySpace.com was also blocked for “violating intellectual property rights,” then unblocked in October 2009.

A legislation-backed censorship?

Law 5651 on the Internet permits this mass blocking. The OSCE thus urged Turkey to implement reforms to demonstrate its commitment to freedom of expression. Article 8 of this Law authorizes blocking the access to certain websites if there is even a “adequate suspicion” that any of the following eight offenses are being committed: encouraging suicide; sexual exploitation or abuse of children, facilitating the use of narcotics; supply of unhealthy substances; obscenity; online betting, or anti-Ataturk crimes. It is this latter provision that creates problems. Websites hosted in Turkey are often shut down, and those hosted abroad are filtered and blocked by Internet service providers. Denunciations are encouraged: there is a hotline for reporting prohibited online content and illegal activities. Over 80,000 calls were recorded in May 2009, as opposed to 25,000 in October 2008.

Site-blocking is carried out by court order or by administrative order of the Supreme Council for Telecommunications and IT. Such administrative decision is arbitrary and precludes the possibility of a fair trial. This entity, which was created in 2005 in the aim of centralizing surveillance and the interception of communications (including on the Internet), has not issued its blacklist of blocked websites since May 2009 – indicating a troubling lack of transparency.

According to the OSCE, over 80% of the blockings tallied in May 2009 were the result of administrative orders. The majority of them were made on the grounds of “obscenity” and the “sexual exploitation of children.” However, in addition to these site blockings, 158 examples of “illegal” Ataturk-related content have allegedly been removed at the request of the Telecommunications Presidency. By virtue of Article 9 of this text, individuals who feel that their rights have been violated may request that the site or its host remove the incriminated content.

Most importantly, states Reportes Sans Frontières, nearly 200 court decisions were recorded in 2009 ordering website blockings related to matters beyond the scope of Law 5651, therefore making the blockings unjustified. For example, the independent news site www.istanbul.indymedia.org was suspended for “insulting Turkish identity” – a crime that falls within the jurisdiction of the Turkish Penal Code (TPC) and not Law 5651. Other counts of indictment used were “dissemination of terrorist propaganda” (by virtue of the Anti-Terrorist Law), and “incitement to hatred” by virtue of Article 216 of the Turkish Penal Code. Some websites were also rendered inaccessible as the result of libel suits.

Moreover, Turkish law does not oblige the authorities to inform those charged of the rulings rendered, and the sites often find out for themselves that they are blocked. Rather than to legally contest the blocking decisions, which has rarely occurred, some sites change their domain names to circumvent the censorship. For example, the website of the daily Gündem has been blocked since March 2008, but their new site, www.gundem-online.net, remains accessible.

Most importantly, censorship can be circumvented via proxy servers or VPNs, and blocked websites are often accessible on Blackberrys and iPhones.

Netizens “harassed” for expressing their opinions

Prison terms were pronounced in absentia on March 2, 2010 against three online journalists from Adiyaman Province (in southeastern Turkey). Journalist Haci Bogatekin, chief editor of the www.gergerfirat.net news site, was sentenced to five years in prison, and denied his civil rights for insulting and defaming Sadullah Ovacikli, a local prosecutor. His son, Özgür Bogatekin, owner of the online news site, www.gergerfirat.net, received a one year and two-month prison term on the grounds that he intervened when two policemen were assaulting someone in the street. Cumali Badur, an editor of the same news site, www.gergerim.com, was fined EUR 1500 (about USD 2,050). A column posted on the latter website in January 2008 had mentioned that Prosecutor Ovacikli had ties with Fethullah Gülen, a religious community leader. The three journalists have appealed their cases and are not currently behind bars.

Baris Yarkadas, an online journalist working for the newspaper Gercek Gündem (“Real Agenda”) may be facing a prison term of 5 years and 4 months by virtue of Article 299, paragraph 2, of the Turkish Penal Code. His trial, which began on March 3, 2010, will reconvene on June 9. The Presidential administration has charged him with “insulting the President of the Republic,” and with not withdrawing from his newspaper’s website a critical article posted by an Internet user. The journalist is facing multiple lawsuits. On June 21, 2010, he must also appear before the same court, this time on charges brought by Dr. Nur Birgen, Chair of the Institute for Forensic Medicine’s Third Specialization Board, who accused him of “personally insulting” her by reporting in an article allegations that human rights NGOs had made against her.

After ten months of detention pending trial, Aylin Duruoglu, Editor of the Vatan website (www.gazetevatan.com) and Mehmet Yesiltepe, an employee working for the magazine Devrimci Hareket ("revolutionary movement") were granted a conditional release. They remain charged with being members of the armed military group "Revolutionary Headquarters” ("Devrimci Karargah"), an accusation that Aylin Duruoglu firmly denies.

Another form of online harassment involves the Internet website Agos – the weekly founded by Hrant Dink, the Turkish-Armenian journalist fatally shot in 2007 – which was hacked in February 2010 by individuals who admired the killer, even as setbacks and legal complications pile up during the trial of the alleged perpetrators of this crime.

Internet censorship is truly raising concern in Turkish society. The blogosphere has been protesting against the blocking of YouTube, and the mobilization campaign was relayed by the traditional media after an article on the subject was published in The Wall Street Journal. Virulent editorials have appeared in Turkish newspapers. One of them, printed in the Milliyet daily of February 17, 2010, was headlined: “Let’s take away Istanbul’s status as the European Capital of Culture” – a status granted by the European Union in 2010 in order to recognize Turkey’s cultural development. The censorship strategy adopted by Turkey, as publicized by the YouTube case, seems to conflict with its European ambitions and the contemporary image it wishes to project.(ANF, 2 December 2010)

Özgür Ülke: the bombing of a Kurdish newspaper 16 years ago

On December 3 1994 the daily Kurdish paper's offices were attacked leaving one staff member dead and 23 wounded

Two offices of Özgür Ülke (Free Country), a daily independent Kurdish newspaper, was bombed 16 years ago, on December 3, 1994. Member of staff Ersin Yıldız lost his life in Istanbul Central Office of Özgür Ülke, while the Ankara office was destroyed. A bomb-loaded truck exploded under the building leaving 23 reporters and staff members injured. On top of that 23 other journalists were arrested.

The subsequent investigation, carried out by the Turkish authorities, failed to solve the case. The attack happened just after the then Prime Minister Tansu Çiller openly talked of the need to ‘push Özgür Ülke out of the way’.

The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) condemned Turkey but no one was ever found guilty or arrested for the attack.

Despite being hardly hit Özgür Ülke never stopped its publication. Thanks to the solidarity of the many, the paper was able to come out the very next day of the attack. The headline read "this fire also burns you.”

Solidarity was expressed by other members of the press, intellectuals and artists. They sold Özgür Ülke on the streets even though a confiscation order was issued by prosecutors.

Özgür Ülke is still being published although with different names like Ülkede Gündem, Demokrasi, Yedinci Gündem, Ülkede Bakış, Alternatif and finally Günlük. The price paid to freedom of expression has been heavy, with more than 50 staff members killed. (ANF, 2 December 2010)

Réunion polémique du Parlement des écrivains européens à Istanbul

Initié par le regretté José Saramago, le Parlement des écrivains européens s’est réuni à Istanbul pour débattre de la littérature en Europe et d'un sujet aussi controversé que la liberté d’expression.

Une centaine d’écrivains européens se sont réunis à Istanbul du 25 au 27 novembre à l’occasion de la première rencontre du Parlement des écrivains européens. Cette rencontre de trois jours s’inscrit dans le cadre des événements qui se déroulent en Turquie tout au long de cette année célébrant Istanbul comme capitale de la culture européenne 2010. L’idée de cette rencontre avait été initiée par le Prix Nobel de littérature, le Portugais José Saramago disparu en juin dernier.

La réunion s’est ouverte sur une note discordante avec le retrait de l’écrivain britannique V.S. Naipaul qui devait prononcer l’allocution d’ouverture. Plusieurs voix s’étaient élevées parmi l’intelligentsia turque pour s’opposer à la participation de Naipaul à cet événement à cause de ses critiques véhémentes de l’islam.

D’origine indienne, Naipaul a reçu le prix Nobel de littérature en 2000. Il s’était distingué la même année en qualifiant l’islam de « colonialisme ». Il avait écrit que cette religion « avait eu des effets calamiteux sur les personnes converties », les obligeant à rompre avec leur passé et leur histoire.

Discours de remplacement

Relayé par la presse, le débat contre la venue de Naipaul a pris une grande ampleur, avec des auteurs turcs de renom refusant de partager le forum stambouliote avec le Britannique. « Pourrons-nous s’asseoir la conscience tranquille à la même table que Naipaul ? », s’est interrogé dans un journal à grand tirage Hilmi Yavuz, poète et philosophe de premier plan.

Qualifiant l’absence du Prix Nobel britannique de « regrettable », le romancier Hari Kunzru qui a prononcé le discours d’ouverture en remplacement de Naipaul, a vivement critiqué l’intolérance dont les intellectuels turcs ont fait preuve dans toute cette affaire. « Je crois que nous aurions été plus forts et plus crédibles, a-t-il proclamé, si nous avions été capables d’accepter les opinions divergentes plutôt que d’exclure d’emblée de notre parlement tous ceux qui seraient susceptibles de froisser nos sensibilités par leurs propos. »

Ankara et la dissidence

Kunzru a profité de cette opportunité pour fustiger également les autorités turques trop promptes à son sens à traquer et à punir les opinions dissidentes. Citant les procès qui ont été intentés par Ankara contre le romancier Orhan Pamuk et le journaliste-éditeur Hrant Dink (assassiné en 2007 par des nationalistes) sous prétexte que leur libre parole portait atteinte à la Turquie et à ses institutions. Il a demandé l’abrogation de l’article de loi 301 de la Constitution turque qui est utilisée pour restreindre la liberté d’expression.

Au terme de cette session d’ouverture, les participants au Parlement des écrivains européens se sont répartis en douze commissions thématiques pour débattre de sujets tels que « la marchandisation des livres et de la littérature », « l’élargissement des frontières conventionnelles de la littérature sous l’effet conjugué de la mondialisation, du numérique et du multiculturalisme ». Les conclusions de ces commissions seront réunies dans « La Déclaration d’Istanbul » destinée à la presse et à la postérité. (Jeune Afrique, Tirthankar Chanda, 1/12/2010)

Journalists come together in Istanbul to fight prejudice worldwide

European and Turkish journalists gathered at İstanbul’s Bahçeşehir University for a three-day international media program. Eighty journalists from throughout Europe convened in İstanbul on Tuesday for a three-day international program to raise awareness among media professionals of discrimination that is commonplace in the world.

The program titled “European Media Encounter Media, Intercultural Dialogue and Fight against Discrimination -- Cross-reports from Turkey,” is being held as a joint effort by the Council of Europe's "Speak out against discrimination" campaign and the Intercultural Cities program under the Turkish chairmanship of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe. The program will run through Dec. 2.

Among the 80 participants include journalists from the Zaman Media Group, the AGOS weekly, the Habertürk daily and TV channel and the Vatan, Taraf, Radikal and Hürriyet newspapers, representatives from the BBC, Euronews, El Mundo, La Republica and Liberation, as well as 20 journalism students.

The Council of Europe has put forth three main objectives for the program: to train media professionals on how to treat news relating to discrimination and intercultural dialogue; to help people from minority backgrounds make their voices heard by facilitating their access to media professions and productions; and to inform public opinion about policies that combat discrimination.

“Because discrimination remains a common practice whose victims are ill-informed about their rights and the remedies available, the campaign seeks to develop close partnerships with the media in order to inform public opinion about national and European anti-discrimination machinery,” read a booklet distributed to all participants.

Reynald Blion, media and diversity manager and representative of the “Speak out against discrimination” campaign, in his opening speech told participants they would be expected to contribute to the visibility of the program, build permanent dialogue between all media networks in Europe and seek innovative ways to produce reports on diversity and anti-discrimination issues.

Journalist Nicole Pope, who is also a columnist for Today’s Zaman, focused on acts of anti-discrimination worldwide, saying that no country is free of discrimination and Turkey has its own issues on discrimination. “When we say discrimination in Turkey, what immediately comes to mind is the situation of Turkish workers in Europe. ... The Turkish Republic was established at a time when diversity was seen a threat rather than a source for richness. But Turkey is now going through an enormous economic and social change,” she said, and expressed her wish that the program would give participants a chance to look at their own societies from a new perspective.

Another speaker, Ahmet Böken -- editor-in-chief of TRT Haber -- approached the topic of discrimination from a different perspective and focused on employment in the media sector. He said European media outlets and their editors have been questioning if press organs currently employ an adequate number of members from all ethnic groups in their societies, representing a broader diversity.

“I do not think this is possible at all, at least for Turkey. It is said that there are 52 ethnic groups in Turkey. This figure may change for different sources. What is best, for us, is to encourage press organs to open their doors to all ethnic groups in society, which means stronger communication between members of the press and members of ethnic groups, “ Böken said.

Participants were later asked to partner in groups of two to three to produce a report offering different perspectives on intercultural dialogue and the fight against discrimination, focusing particularly on how a media intercultural production can contribute to reduce prejudices and to fight against discrimination.

Fight against discrimination in employment

According to the “Speak out against discrimination” campaign, media organizations should take certain steps to actively combat discrimination in employment. Suggested steps include posting all job vacancies online and making appointments on a fair and non-discriminatory basis and making the results publicly available; exploring how to widen the recruitment base; publishing their employment and recruitment policies openly; and establishing and communicating clear and quantifiable goals such as minimum targets in diversity recruitment, minimum annual training hours for the workforce and concrete targets for representation. Further important steps include enabling journalists from minority communities to report on all aspects of the news and not simply community issues; modernizing the casting and portrayal of minorities and minority issues in mainstream broadcasting programming; establishing industry standards for the collection of monitoring data; and sharing non-commercially sensitive research on cultural diversity. (todayszaman.com, BETÜL AKKAYA DEMİRBAŞ, 1 December 2010)

Kurdish Question / Question kurde

President Gül follows soldiers in Diyarbakır

President Abdullah Gül repeated the sayings of the National Security Council (MGK) in Diyarbakır. The main theme of his speech was ‘Turkish is the only official language in Turkey and no language be accepted as another official language.” Political observers evaluated: “The state’s approach will not change in the near future, the government’s as well.”

Accordingly, the President caused disappointment regarding expectations of some political environments which believed in that the current government is willing to solve the Kurdish problem in peaceably and egalitarian ways.

Gul's visit to Diyarbakir came as Democratic Autonomy Project which demands Kurdish to be recognized as an official language stirred discussions among Turkish and Kurdish politicians.

Gul came together with Diyarbakır Mayor Osman Baydemir and said “The Constitution already protects cultural heritage. We should consider the issue in a healthy way under this framework. We should work together in a constructive, positive manner in order to solidify our country,”

Baydemir gave Gül a Turkish-Kurdish dictionary as a gift, telling the president that Turkey’s biggest problem is the Kurdish issue.

“Impatience on the demands and proposals of Kurdish politicians regarding the use of mother tongues and democratic autonomy is a matter of concern,” Baydemir said in his presentation to Gül.

The essence of the problem is the lack of ability to use the rights deriving from being human and a part of society, Baydemir said.

“Turkey’s Kurdish problem is a constitutional and administrational democracy problem,” he said, adding that it could be solved by decentralization, democratization and a new constitution. (DIHA-ANF, 30 December 2010)

Kurds might hold a referendum for bilingual names of places

"Kurds might hold a referendum for bilingual names of places" said Sur Mayor Abdullah Demirbaş during the press conferences held today morning in Diyarbakır. He also stated that the Kurdish problem can be resolved only with cooperation of two Abdullahs, referring Kurdish Workers’ Party (PKK) Leader Abdullah Öcalan and Turkish President Abdullah Gül. Regarding the mile stone of Kurdish question, Demirbaş emphasized the importance of President Gül ‘s coming visit to Diyarbakır.

“Only one language and one nation is a policy which works for assimilating others not uniting. We are opposing this policy since Turkey is a state that includes many different nationalities, religious environments and languages as well. A project for social peace is what we need and we are the major actor for it with our long lasted efforts. Every citizen in Turkey needs to aware and respect others and others’ rights” continued Demirbaş and added: “We, as a municipality, will continue to defend our rights as well as our mother tongue at all costs. We will express ourselves to the President when he comes here. I believe his visit to Diyarbakır will be the important mile stone for Turkey and Kurdish people.” (DIHA, Dec 28, 2010)

Deux rebelles kurdes tués par l'armée dans le sud-est de la Turquie

Deux rebelles kurdes ont été tués et un autre blessé lundi soir, lors de combats avec les forces de sécurité dans le sud-est de la Turquie, ont affirmé mardi des sources officielles locales.

L'accrochage entre un groupe de six à sept rebelles du parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK) et l'armée est survenu près du village de Badur, dans la province de Mardin, a affirmé à l'agence de presse Anatolie Senol Kaya, le sous-préfet de Dargeçit, dont dépend Badur.

Les forces de sécurité ont bénéficié de l'appui d'hélicoptères lors de l'affrontement, a précisé M. Kaya, ajoutant que des opérations de ratissage se poursuivaient dans le secteur.

L'incident survient alors que le PKK a décrété à la mi-août une trêve unilatérale, qu'il a ensuite prolongée jusqu'aux élections législatives prévues pour juin 2011, dans le but de favoriser les initiatives du gouvernement turc visant à en finir avec ce conflit. (AFP, 28 déc 2010)

Les Droits de l’Homme en Turquie et les Kurdes

Ahmet DERE

Le 10 décembre l’humanité a célébré 62. anniversaire de la déclaration universelle des droits de l’homme des Organisation des Nations Unies. Cela veut dire que, depuis 62 ans une institution, dont la Turquie est aussi membre, reconnait les mêmes droits pour chaque individu, sans faire de distinction entre les être humains. Depuis lors, plusieurs organisations internationales ont été crées dans différents pays et régions pour lutter contre la violation des droits de l’homme. Il est bizarre de constater que ces organisations ont lutté surtout contre les Etats membre des ONU qui violent toujours et sans cesse ces droits ; malheureusement la Turquie fait partie de ces Etats.

Selon les normes internationales définisses par l’ONU et ses institutions ; tout le monde est égal, personne n’a une supériorité contre l’autre. Chaque être humaine est né sans avoir un moyen plus supérieur que l’autre. Lorsque les Nations Unies ont adopté cette déclaration universelle, le but a été de défendre tout le monde, sans faire la distinction entre les régions, les pays et les continents. En théorie tout est claire, on ne peut pas s’y opposer. Mais, quant il s’agit de la situation réelle, hélas, nous ne pouvons pas dire la même chose. Sur notre planète il y a une véritable discrimination, surtout au niveau de la reconnaissance des droits de l’homme. Il existe certaines régions où on ne ressent même pas la moindre égalité entre les être humaines.

Dans les régions où l’égalité entre les être humaines est faible, souvent il y existe un fossé d’inégalité entre les hommes et femmes. En suite on y voie la même situation entre les classes supérieurs et celles inférieurs (les riches et les pauvres, les patrons et les ouvriers, la bourgeoisie et les villageois, etc.).

Depuis 1948 la plupart des pays ont modifié leur constitution, en prenant comme exemple la déclaration universelle des droits de l’homme. La Turquie est un des pays qui a voulu se démocratiser après 1950 où un système pluraliste, au niveau des partis politiques, a vue le jour. Dix ans après son accès aux Nations Unies, c'est-à-dire à partir des années 1960, ce pays a montré sa volonté en faveur de devenir membre de la communauté européenne. En 1987, le gouvernement présidé par Turgut Ozal a déposée officiellement la demande auprès des autorités européennes. Malgré la volonté de la Turquie, pour devenir un pays européen, les coups d’états se sont succédé jusqu’à 1980. Donc, l’influence des militaires ne s’est pas amoindrit jusqu’à notre jour.

Selon les rapports établis par les organisations de défense des droits humains, seulement durant les huit ans de gouvernement de l’AKP, c'est-à-dire depuis 2002, en Turquie 282 personnes ont été victimes de meurtres commis par des auteurs inconnus, 2 262 personnes ont perdu la vie dans les conflits, 8 710 personnes ont été torturées, 87 513 personnes ont été placées en garde à vue, dont 11 034 ont été inculpées et incarcérées, 232 partis et associations ont été interdits ou ont fait l’objet d’une procédure d’interdiction. Il faut savoir que la grande partie de ces victimes est kurde. En générale dans toute la Turquie, mais spécialement c’est dans les régions kurdes qu’on ne ressent pas beaucoup de respect pour les droits de l’homme.

Pendant les 8 dernières années, les autorités du gouvernement d’AKP ont toujours prétendu qu’ils ne font pas de distinction entre les citoyens. Mais, la réalité de la situation au Kurdistan, mets en clarté toute la « sincérité » de ce gouvernement.

Pour constater la réalité en Turquie et au Kurdistan, il suffit de voir les rapports des organisations internationales comme HRW (Human Rights Watch), Amnesty International, FIDH et autres. Dans plusieurs rapports des ces organisations on attire bel et bien l’attention sur l’obstacle judiciaire contre la liberté d’opinions, surtout dans les régions kurdes. On y souligne « De simples citoyens kurdes sont reconnus comme des militants armés par la plupart des autorités étatiques dans ces régions là. Les enfants qui participent à une manifestation sont traités comme des militants du mouvement kurde ». En 2009, 177 enfants kurdes ont été condamnés par des tribunaux turques, en totale pour une peine de 772 ans, 2 mois et 26 jours de prison. En 2010, plus de 200 enfants ont été arrêtés et sont toujours emprisonnés.

Après 62 ans passés sur la déclaration de l’Organisation des Nations Unies, en ce qui concerne la défense des droits de l’homme et le respect pour l’honneur de l’humanité, il est loin de dire que les normes internationales humanitaires sont valables pour le peuple kurde.

Au début de l’an 2010 j’avais l’espoir de voir le même niveau de respect envers mon peuple, mais cela n’a pas eu le jour, c’est pourquoi je ne suis pas certain si l’an 2011 répondra mes souhaits ou pas.

Malgré tout, je souhaite à tout le monde un joyeux noël et une bonne année de 2011.

Ahmet DERE
Journaliste / Ecrivain, 27 décembre 2010

Kurdish Politician Tugluk Facing 75 Years in Jail
Aysel Tuğluk, Co-Chair of the Democratic Society Congress (DTK), is facing up to 75 years in prison on the grounds of twelve speeches she delivered on the topic of finding a solution for the Kurdish question.

Prosecutor Ergun Tokgöz presented his final plea in the hearing on Thursday (16 December). He demanded prison terms of between 15 and 75 years according to a twelve-count offence of "spreading propaganda for an illegal organization" and "committing a crime on behalf of an illegal organization without being a member of the organization". The hearing was adjourned upon the defence lawyer's request for additional time to prepare the defence.

The trial is heard before the 4th High Criminal Court of Diyarbakır, a city in the pre-dominantly Kurdish region of south-eastern Turkey. Tuğluk was represented by her lawyer Fethi Gümüş.

In his final plea, the prosecutor claimed that Tuğluk used organizational arguments and made organizational propaganda to the public in several speeches the Kurdish politician delivered at political and organizational events since 2005.

Prosecutor Tokgöz evaluated Tuğluk's mentioning of imprisoned PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan as the negotiator for the Kurdish question as an element of crime. The PKK is the militant Kurdistan Workers Party. Tokgöz furthermore put forward that Tuğluk attended the events according to the call of the PKK.

Tuğluk is a former executive member of the banned pro-Kurdish Democratic Society Party (DTP). After the party's closure by the Constitutional Court in 2009, she lost her immunity formerly granted as a member of parliament.

What Tuğluk said

According to the prosecutor's final plea, Tuğluk allegedly made "propaganda for an illegal organization" in three of her speeches, even though she referred neither to the PKK nor to Öcalan in these speeches that are quoted as follows:

* 21 March 2005: On the occasion of the Newroz celebrations in Batman (south-eastern Turkey) Tuğluk said, "Dear people of Batman, I will now read out a message that is meaningful to you and comes from somebody belonging to you".

* 4 July 2007: Tuğluk was quoted as saying during the opening ceremony of an election office in the Mevlana Halit district of Diyarbakır: "On 22 July, the people of Diyarbakır will tell the people who come into public and bring forward the halters and who make politics upon the blood of the people, who do not care about a person and a person's life that they cannot dare that. [...]If you follow policies that respect our people's will for struggle, we will make these policies work together".

* 4 March 2009: Tuğluk spoke in the Silvan district of Diyarbakır referring to an event to mark the International Women's Day on 8 March. "With love and respect we commemorate the ones who lost their lives in the women's struggle for freedom and the ones who are continuing the struggle. As Kurdish women we know our own future with our own free will, our independence, our pioneers and our women movement". (BIA, Burçin BELGE, 17 December 2010)
Trois blessés dans une explosion au cours d'une manifestation

Trois personnes ont été blessées, dont une grièvement, lorsqu'une petite bombe a explosé au cours d'une manifestation samedi dans le sud-est de la Turquie, une région à forte majorité kurde, a annoncé la police.

La bombe, de fabrication artisanale et visant apparemment plus à faire du bruit qu'à tuer, était portée par l'un des quelque 500 manifestants qui se trouvaient devant le quartier général de la police dans la ville de Silvan, proche de la capitale régionale de Diyarbakir, précise-t-on de même source.

On ne sait pas si la bombe a explosé accidentellement ou si elle a été volontairement actionnée.

L'explosion s'est produite alors que la police se heurtait aux manifestants, faisant usage de matraques et de gaz lacrymogènes pour les disperser, la manifestation n'ayant pas été autorisée.

Organisée par des sympathisants du Parti de la Paix et de la Démocratie (BDP), principal parti kurde, la manifestation commémorait le 10e anniversaire d'une opération sanglante menée par les autorités turques pour transférer des prisonniers insoumis dans des quartiers de haute sécurité.

Au cours d'une manifestation analogue à Diyarbakir, un manifestant a été blessé à la tête au cours d'un affrontement entre les manifestants et les forces de l'ordre, ont annoncé les autorités turques. (AFP, 19 déc 2010)

Kurdish in Parliament Potential Reason for Shutting down BDP
The pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) announced that they would start using both the Kurdish and the Turkish language before according legal amendments would be enforced. Thereupon, President Abdullah Gül and the President of the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TBMM), Mehmet Ali Şahin, declared, "This is a potential reason to shut the party down".

BDP Co-Chair Selahattin Demirbaş said during a visit to the Human Rights Association in Diyarbakır, a Kurdish-majority city in south-eastern Turkey, "We will have sign boards in both languages. Our friends are still busy with the preparations, saying that villages and cemeteries should get back their old names. Especially in this region, life will be bilingual in all aspects".

Gül: Potential reason for closure of a party in current legislation

President Gül answered the journalists' questions at a reception held subsequent to the prize giving ceremony of the "Presidential Culture and Arts Grand Award" in the presidential mansion in Çankaya/Ankara.

"550 members of parliament swore an oath, a political party can be closed according to the current legislation. Kurdish cannot be spoken until Article 2 of the Constitution and Article 81 of the Political Parties Law have not been changed. If such an amendment will come on my desk I will transfer it to the Constitutional Commission", Gül said.

Şahin: Everybody should show common sense

Parliament President Şahin said, "There are six or seven Turkish members of parliament in Germany. None of them can speak Turkish in the German parliament. I invite everybody to reason and common sense. If they insist on this attitude, it might transform into a reason to close the party down".

AKP Deputy PM spoke Kurdish with BDP members in parliament

BDP Deputy Sırrı Sakık from the south-eastern city of Muş and Deputy Hasip Kaplan from Şırnak (south-east) spoke Kurdish at Parliament on the occasion of the Human Rights Day on 10 December. Sakık started his speech, "On the Human Rights Day I want to greet you in my mother tongue". Kaplan read out a poem of the renowned Kurdish poet Cigerxun.
State Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Bülent Arınç from the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) spoke Kurdish as well in the Tuesday session (14 December) of the parliament, saying, "God bless you". Arınç replied again in Kurdish, "Thank you, esteemed Minister, God bless you for speaking Kurdish". (BIA, Burçin BELGE, 16 December 2010)

Being a Kurdish mayor in Turkey is just like walking on thin ice
Twenty-eight mayors from Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) were asked around a thousand year imprisonment while some of them are already at the Supreme Court and nine of them have already been in prison. In addition 544 indictments against 19 deputies and 2,473 year imprisonment demand are pending.

Those numbers perfectly show that how heavy pressures apply on Kurdish politicians.

Here are the Mayors who are already in prison: Cizre Mayor Aydın Budak,his punishment for five year and one month imprisonment is at the Supreme Court, Iğdır Mayor M. Nuri Güneş, also 39 years imprisonment is asked, Batman Mayor Necdet Atalay, 154 years asked, Viranşehir Mayor Leyla Güven, Suruç Mayor Ethem Şahin, Kayapınar Mayor Zülküf Karatekin, Kızıltepe Mayor Ferhan Türk, Yüksekova Mayor Ruken Yetişkin, Kolludere (Hêşet) Mayor Lezgin Bingöl.

In addition many mayors are faced with heavy imprisonment punishment, such as; Hakkari Mayor Fadıl Bedirhanoğlu, 44 years, Siirt Mayor Selim Sadak 51 years, Van Mayor Bekir Kaya, 13 years, Şırnak Mayor Ramazan Uysal 7 years 1 ay, at Supreme Court, Bostaniçi Mayor Nezahat Ergüneş, 17 year, Özalp Mayor Murat Durmaz, 12 years, Güroymak Mayor M. Emin Özkan 18 years, Varto Mayor Gülşen Değer, 28 years, Şemdinli Mayor Sedat Töre 40 years, Esendere Mayor Hurşit Altekin 20 years, Çukurca Mayor Mehmet Kanar 15 years and also 6 years 3 months imprisonment at Supreme Court, Tatvan Mayor Abdullah Ok 6 years, Nusaybin Mayor Ayşe Gökkan 47 years, Derik Mayor Çağlar Demirel 30 years,

Sur Mayor Abdullah Demirbaş 82 years, Silvan Mayor Fadıl Erdede 18 years, Bağlar Mayor Yüksel Baran 45 years, Lice Mayor Fikriye Aytin 24 years 5 months, Viranşehir Mayor Leyla Güven 44 years, Kozluk Mayor M. Raşit Haşimi 11 years and 9 years at Supreme Court, Gercüş Mayor Esat Üner 70 years and 8 years 9 months at Supreme Corut, Ceylanpınar Mayor İsmail Arslan 30 years and 10 years at Supreme Court. (DIHA, 16 December 2010)
Witness: "Civilians armed against PKK in the '90s"

"Civilians were armed against Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) in the '90s in the context of the military's fight against the PKK," said Mehmet Özdal, who is on trial with Cemal Temizöz, Field Commander of Kayseri and head of secret Gendarmerie Special Unit (JITEM), and Kamil Atak, Chief of Village Guards. They are being accused for many illegal activities and extrajudicial killings in the region in the '90s.

Witness Mehmet Özdal, gave a statement at the 6th Heavy Penal Court about 52 unsolved murders between 1993 and 1995 with seven other high rank military officers and village guards. Özdal spoke of the death of Mustafa Aydın who was tortured to death by JİTEM members in 1994.

According to Özdal's statement, the government gave arms to civilians to fight against the PKK and M. Aydın was one of the civilians to receive weaponry: "He [who is he, Cemal or Kamil?] and his some of friends took the guns and left for the operation. I brought food and water for them and I saw that soldiers were torturing Aydın. Then the commander ordered the soldiers to make them disappear. Then, Aydın's dead body was delivered to his village the day after I saw him being tortured."

In addition, another witness, Mehmet Efelti, gave a statement about the case and explained how soldiers made his brother Abdullah Efelti disappear. Commander Temizöz asked him: "Why did you not mention this case at that time?"

Efelti's answer summarize the 1990s; "I could do nothing even if you killed my brother in front of me. Human life had no more value than an egg at that time." (DIHA, Dec 9, 2010)

The Potential Advantage of Bilingualism for Turkey
"Bilingualism and Education in Turkey: Steps to be taken for Sustainable Solutions" was the title of a meeting organized by the Initiative for Reforms in Education (ERG). It was emphasized that bilingualism in Turkey could be turned into an advantage for the country. The meeting also left room for the discussion of necessary short- and intermediate-term measures.

The meeting was held at the Sabancı University Communications Centre in Karaköy on the banks of Istanbul's Golden Horn on 8 December. The need for an extensive preparation for bilingual education was stressed. This, according to the initiative, means first of all to prepare a multi-cultural structure in society and education at schools.

"Integrative policies are crucial for a change of perception"

Batuhan Aydagül has worked on this area for the past two and a half years on behalf of the ERG. He explained, "Integrative policies are crucial for improving the perception in Turkey. Not only the language used in education has to be changed, but also the contents. If you do not change the contents of the history book but only the language, the message that is conveyed remains the same".

ERG Director Prof. Üstün Ergüder pointed out that having reached the state of discussing educational demands was a very important development in itself. "Before, these demands were ignored. The polarization in the public discussion sparks concern. We hope to be able to overcome discussions that lack a rational dialogue", he said.

Solution will show benefits for children

Ergüder indicated that the complications in the concepts of "Education in the mother tongue", "Education of the mother tongue" and "Official language" were rather eye-catching. A solution should consider the reasons why children would benefit from bilingual education and a process of rational dialogue should be initiated, he highlighted.

ERG project expert Işık Tüzün referred to a change in the perception of language and continued, "The value coming with a language in society might change for the better. Reserves on agreements should be removed, national legislation should be amended and research should be started as soon as possible", he claimed.

Tüzün mentioned the report on "Bilingualism and Education" prepared by Dr. Müge Ceylan and Dilara Koçbaş and said that also within the family there might be different attitudes or false perceptions regarding languages and that the reasons for that should be determined.

Prof Tosun Terzioğlu from Sabancı University pointed out, "According to the report, bilingual education in any form is more successful than education in only one language. The pressure exposed to languages must be entirely lifted and all languages existing in Anatolia should be researched at university".

"Let's be ready when the right will be granted"

Co-author of the report Ceyhan indicated, "It is inevitable to grant this right today or tomorrow. It is very important to prepare a base in order to be ready". (BIA, Emir CELIK, 10 December 2010)

Un tribunal danois ordonne la levée de la saisie des comptes de Roj TV

La Cour d'appel de Copenhague a ordonné lundi la levée de la saisie de dix comptes bancaires appartenant à la télévision kurde Roj TV, soupçonnée de soutenir le PPK, le Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan, qui figure sur la liste des organisations terroristes de l'UE.

Cette décision confirme un arrêt précédent d'octobre du tribunal de première instance de Copenhague de suspendre le gel des avoirs de Roj TV de 327.000 couronnes danoises (43.900 euros), a-t-on appris de source judiciaire.

En août, le parquet danois avait accusé Roj TV de terrorisme au terme d'une longue enquête commencée en 2005, sur la programmation de la chaîne.

Le procureur du Royaume, Lise-Lotte Nilas, avait déclaré que les émissions de Roj TV "avaient un caractère de propagande pour le PKK, et avait en conséquence décidé de confisquer ses avoirs en attendant un procès intenté contre la station qui s'ouvrira en août 2011.

"La Cour d'appel a rejeté une nouvelle fois la saisie des comptes de Roj TV car elle empêchait la station de diffuser ses programmes au nom de la liberté d'expression, et constituait une violation de l'article 10 de la Convention européenne des droits de l'homme" a souligné à l'AFP l'avocat de Roj TV Bjoern Elmquist.

La levée du gel des comptes de Roj TV "était nécessaire pour qu'elle ne mette pas la clé sur la porte, non seulement en raison des sommes confisquées, mais parce que les banques ne voulaient plus l'avoir comme cliente à cause de ses démêlés avec la police", selon M. Elmquist.

Roj TV, basée à Copenhague, a commencé à diffuser en 2004 depuis la Belgique vers 68 pays en Europe, au Proche et Moyen-Orient, suscitant de violentes protestations d'Ankara.

La Turquie exhorte depuis des années le gouvernement danois de fermer cette télévision considérée comme un porte-parole du PKK et les Etats-Unis se sont joints plusieurs fois à cet appel, dernièrement en 2009. (AFP, 6 déc 2010)

Intellectuals Condemn Death Threat against Kurdish Politician
Turkish and Kurdish intellectuals initiated a signature campaign to express their protest against the death threat received by OrhanMiroğlu¸ a Kurdish politician and journalist. A person called Toprak Cengiz posted a threatening article on the web site of the People's Defence Forces (HPG), an armed wing of the militant outlawed Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK). In an article entitled "Miroğlu and the rancor" published on 29 November, Cengiz wrote, "If the essence of your words continues like this, we will put into use a line that was drawn with a red pen! Miroğlu will be dead then!"

The text of the campaign starts with condemning the fact that Miroğlu was shown as a target in the article.

"We declare to be against the mentality that tries to silence different and critical thoughts with weapons. We call on all forces that support freedom to take a stand against all sorts of threats to strengthen their efforts for peace", the intellectuals said.

The campaign was signed by the following writers, journalists, academics and artists: Adalet Dinamit, Ahmet Çakmak, Ahmet Dindar, Ahmet İnsel, Akın Atalay, Ali Uçansu, Altan Tan, Aydın Engin, Ayşe Gül Altınay, Aytekin Yılmaz, Baskın Oran, Bircan Yorulmaz, C. Murat Özgünay, Çağatay Anadol, Çiğdem Mater, Dilek Gökçe, Engin Sarı, Enver Sezgin, Erdal Karayazgan, Erdal Yavuz, Ergin Cinmen, Ergun Gümrah, Ferhat Kentel, Fırat Ceweri, Füsun Çeliker, Gençay Gürsoy, Gökçe Tüylüoğlu, Gülnur Aksop, Gündüz Mutluay, Hacer Ansal, Hakan Tahmaz, Hale Akay, Hasan Kuruyazıcı, Hasan Öztoprak, Hülya Gülbahar, Hüseyin Çakır, Işıl Cinmen, İsmail Pırnar, Ludmilla Büyüm, Mebuse Tekay, Melek Ulagay Taylan, Mesut Yeğen, Mithat Sancar, Muhsin Kızılkaya, Murad Ciwan, Murat Paker, Mustafa Aydoğan, Mustafa Erdoğan, Müjgan Arpat, Nazar Büyüm, Nesrin Sungur, Neşe Erdilek, Nuri Ödemiş, Okan Akhan, Orhan Alkaya, Osman Kavala, Oya Baydar, Ömer Faruk, Ömer Laçiner, Ömer Madra, Özlem Dalkıran, Reso Zilan, Semih Kaplanoğlu, Serdar Değirmencioğlu, Sezgin Tanrıkulu, Tan Morgül, Tarık Ziya Ekinci, Ümit Fırat, Vecdi Sayar, Yalçın Ergündoğan and Zafer Kıraç.

Habertürk newspaper writer Balçiçek İlter and Radikal newspaper writer Cüneyt Özdemir also called for supporting Mirooğlu in their columns published on Friday (3 December).

Miroğlu had disclosed in his column published on 7 September 2010 that he had received a death threat from an unidentified individual earlier this year. Miroğlu had previously criticized the targeting of civilians in bomb attacks.

Miroğlu was incarcerated in the Diyarbakır Prison in the Kurdish-majority South-East of the country for many years. He got severely injured in the assassination of the Kurdish writer and poet Musa Anter in Diyarbakır on 20 September 1992. Miroğlu was a member of parliament candidate for the pro-Kurdish Democratic Society Party (DTP) in the elections in 2007. (BIA, Berivan TAPAN, 6 December 2010)
Kon-Kurd President Toguç In Italy like in an open air prison

Kon-Kurd (European Confederation of Kurdish Associations) President Nizamettin Toğuç spoke to ANF about his arrest nearly five months ago in Italy. He was arrested last July while on holiday in Italy. The Court in Venice ruled that indeed there was no reason for Toğuç being kept in jail but asked the president of the European Kurdish Federation to remain available in Italy.

The Court in Venice ruled was on 13 August.

Toğuç has been in Padova for the past four and a half months. Speaking to ANF Toğuç said that he could not leave Padova, and that he lives like in an open prison. To obtain permission to go to another city he needs to apply to the Court and the bureaucracy involved in getting the permission takes several weeks. (ANF, 4 December 2010)

Rassmussen bargain over RojTv for his NATO post

WikiLeaks confirmed what denounced by RojTv about deal between Denmark and Turkey

After WikiLeaks released the confidential correspondences between US embassy in Ankara and Washington Denmark was shocked about the negotiations over Kurdish satellite RojTV. The released document indicates that former Danish PM Anders Fogh Rasmussen has bargained with Ankara over closing the Kurdish satellite RojTV in order to get Turkey’s support to be elected as Secretary General of NATO. Danish press described the bargain as a scandal.

Speaking about the incident former Minister of Foreign Affairs Mogens Lykketoft said: “It was very wrong to promise to try legal remedies to shut down RojTv just to receives Turkey’s support to be elected as Secretary General of NATO.”

In this press release the former Danish minister also reminded that Rasmussen has no competency over RojTv and added: “The government cannot give a decision about RojTV but the judiciary can. Therefore, it is wrong if Ramussen gave the Turkish authorities an impression that he can affect Roj TV’s future. I have never seen such an agreement in politics. It is wrong that the government wanted to intervene this issue such a way.”

The case against RojTV must be dropped

WikiLeaks showed connection between NATO secretary general elections and RojTV case

RojTV says the case against them should be dropped after further evidence in WikiLeaks documents which shows connection between election of NATO secretary general and RojTV trial.

The secret documents of United States which were published by WikiLeaks website shows that US gave guarantees to Turkey to shut down RojTV after Turkey agreed to give support to election of J. Fogh Rasmussen as NATO's chief.

The leaked documents caused controversy in Denmark as RojTV demanded the case against them should be dropped.

RojTV's director Amed Dicle says the bargain between Turkey, US and Denmark about RojTV is clear and the WikiLeaks documents proved this.

He called Rasmussen to make a statement about the circumstances in which the Danish authorities decided to launch an investigation against RojTV.

Dicle called the Danish prosecutors to withdraw all allegations and said that they demand the case to be dropped.

"We already said this investigation is unlawful and is a result of political bargains" he said.

The trial of RojTV will start in the summer of 2011. The satellite channel is accused of propaganda for Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK).

While RojTV does not have any studios in Denmark it was granted broadcasting license by the Danish authorities.

Since the foundation of RojTV on 1 March 2004 it faces pressure by the Turkish government. The Turkish state has also put under pressure the Danish authorities in order to cancel the license given to Roj TV.

The pressure that Roj TV faces has increased since last year. Turkey has also sent Danish judiciary 26 files against Roj TV. (ANF, 30 November 2010)

Minorités / Minorities

Links between murders in Turkey and 'masterminds'

Attorneys prosecuting the murder of three Christians in southeastern Turkey are making progress linking the knifemen who slayed them to the masterminds who put them up to it, an attorney representing the family of one of the victims said Friday (Dec.17).

Two witnesses, Veysel Şahin and Ercan Gelni - whose testimony the court previously blocked - will be allowed to testify about the plans behind the killings in Malatya. The judge changed his previous ruling blocking their testimonies because of new evidence that recently became available.

The court will also protect a witness whose testimony would have possibly put him in danger. The latest court hearing was on Dec. 3.

On April 18, 2007, two Turkish Christians, Necati Aydin and Ugur Yuksel, and German Christian Tilmann Geske, were bound, tortured and then murdered at the office of Zirve Publishing Co., a Christian publishing house in Malatya.

The suspects, Salih Guler, Cuma Ozdemir, Hamit Ceker, and Abuzer Yildirim were arrested while trying to escape the scene of the crime, as was alleged ringleader Emre Gunaydin.

Establishing links

Prosecutors have contended that the killings were related to a larger conspiracy by the military and nationalists to destabilize the government by targeting minorities in Turkish society.

"The people responsible are not just confined to the young men caught at the crime scene," said Orhan Cengiz, one of the attorneys representing the interests of the victim's families in the case. "Everybody knows the youngsters have connections [to the nationalists]."

The new decision shows the court's "willingness" to look into possible links between the killers and the gendarmerie, a special police force in Turkey that deals with internal security issues and is allegedly a key player in the destabilization plot, Cengiz said.

Suzanne Geske, widow of Tilmann Geske, said she wants the Malatya murder trial linked with the trial over the Cage Operation Action Plan, believed to be part of the Ergenekon "deep state" operation to destabilize the government.

"I want the Zirve Publishing House killings to be merged with the case into the Cage Operation Action Plan," Geske told Turkish newspaper Today's Zaman. "I do not believe that those young men could have carried out the murders on their own. Some de facto links are evident. There are other influences behind these murders."

Ergenekon is an alleged "deep state" operation referring to a group of retired generals, politicians and other key figures thought by some to be the true power brokers in Turkey.

The Cage Plan centers on a compact disc found a year ago in the house of a retired naval officer. The plan, to be carried out by 41 naval officers, termed as "operations" the Malatya killings, the 2006 assassination of Catholic priest Andrea Santoro and the 2007 slaying of Hrant Dink, Armenian editor-in-chief of the weekly Agos.

Newspapers have reported that the Cage Plan, aimed at Turkey's non-Muslim minorities, not only contained a list of names of Protestant Christians who would be targeted, but also named some of their children.

"I believe that there is an ulterior motive behind the killings," Geske reportedly said. "This may be linked to Ergenekon or another criminal group. I believe that the young men who carried out the murders were directed by criminal elements. I want those criminal elements to be exposed. Otherwise, the lives of those young men will be wasted while the real criminals will go unpunished."

The next Malatya hearing is scheduled for Jan. 20. (www.hrwf.net, Will Morris, December 21, 2010)

La reconnaissance du Génocide des Arméniens à Ealing et Baléares

Le Comité de Défense de la Cause Arménienne de la Grande-Bretagne (ANC-GB) annonce que le Conseil municipal de la commune d'Ealing a, au cours de la session plénière du 14 décembre dernier, voté à la majorité absolue une résolution texte « qualifiant catégoriquement les événements de 1915 commis contre les Arméniens comme étant un génocide ».

Après les reconnaissances par le Conseil d'Edimbourg en Ecosse (2005) et le parlement du Pays de Galles (2006), la ville d’Ealing devient la première ville anglaise à reconnaître le génocide des Arméniens perpétrés par la Turquie ottomane entre 1915 et 1923. La Fédération considère que cette résolution, participera de la pression morale nécessaire sur le Parlement et le gouvernement britanniques afin qu’ils adoptent la même position de Justice.

La Fédération Euro-Arménienne note qu’en octobre 2010, le gouvernement britannique a invité à une visite officielle Omar al-Bashir, président du Soudan, alors que la Cour pénale internationale a publié deux mandats d'arrêt contre ce dernier pour Crimes de génocide contre ses propres citoyens au Darfour.

La Fédération rappelle également les conclusions d’un rapport, en 2009, du Maître Geoffrey Robertson dénonçant les efforts du Foreign Office d’empêcher le Parlement britannique de reconnaître le génocide des Arméniens, avec l’argument fallacieux de ne pas disposer de documents prouvant le génocide ; le rapport avait prouvé que les archives britanniques débordent de documents prouvant l’extermination du génocide arménien.

« Nous invitons le gouvernement britannique à reconsidérer sa position officielle de soutenir l’inacceptable politique négationniste de la Turquie, et de reconnaître officiellement le génocide arménien » a indiqué Hilda Tchoboian, présidente de la Fédération Euro-arménienne.

« La Grande-Bretagne a le devoir de faire partie du groupe de pays de l'Union européenne, qui, par conviction et courage, combattent les Crimes contre l'Humanité et le négationnisme de génocides », a conclu Hilda Tchoboian.

Le mêmez jour, la Commission des Droits de l’Homme du Parlement des Iles Baléares a adopté à l’unanimité, une résolution qualifiant de « véritable génocide le sort qu’a subi le peuple arménien entre 1915 et 1921 », se conformant ainsi à la Convention des Nations-Unies pour la prévention et la répression du crime de génocide, adoptée en Décembre 1948.

« Je considère la reconnaissance des Génocides, et en particulier celui des Arméniens, comme étant une cause juste et inévitable pour une justice historique ; elle est nécessaire afin de prévenir d’autres génocides » a déclaré le député Miquel Àngel Llauger, membre du Bloc Per Mallorca (Coalition des Groupes de Gauche, Ecologiste et Nationaliste) et initiateur de la résolution.

La Fédération Euro-Arménienne rappelle que les Iles Baléares suivent ainsi l’exemple en Espagne des Parlements du Pays Basque (avril 2007) et de la Catalogne (mars 2010), qui, se fondant sur la Résolution « Pour une solution politique de la question arménienne » adoptée par le Parlement européen en 1987, ont formellement reconnu le génocide des Arméniens, et demandé au gouvernement espagnol de faire de même. Elle considère que la reconnaissance finale par le Parlement des Iles Baléares contribuera à la nécessaire reconnaissance par le Parlement espagnol du génocide des Arméniens.

« Ces reconnaissances successives en Europe visent la Turquie qui doit elle-même s’engager dans un processus de Justice vis-à-vis du peuple arménien » a affirmé Hilda Tchoboian.

« Les parlementaires des Baléares ont compris la leçon de l’Histoire : au moment où l’Europe se préoccupe des questions de sécurité, reconnaître le génocide est une garantie supplémentaire contre les dangers du négationnisme et l’émergence des totalitarismes qui menacent les sociétés européennes ». C’est une contribution à la construction significative des valeurs pour une Europe des citoyens » a conclu Hilda Tchoboian. (mail@eafjd.org, 15 décembre 2010)

L’Eglise conteste l’enquête sur le meurtre de Mgr Padovese en Turquie

L’assassin de Mgr Luigi Padovese, l’ancien président de la conférence épiscopale turque, a-t-il agi sous le coup de la folie ? Pour la justice turque, l’affaire semble réglée. Selon les résultats d’une commission médicale publiés le 3 décembre dans les colonnes du grand quotidien turc Hurriyet, le jeune Murat Altun souffrait de troubles psychiatriques lorsque, en juin, il a poignardé à mort l’évêque. Condamné dans un premier temps à dix-neuf ans de prison, il pourrait être libéré prochainement.

Cet épilogue est loin de faire l’unanimité et soulève de nombreuses questions au sein de l’Église catholique turque. D’autant qu’il referme le dossier aussi sommairement qu’avait été close l’enquête sur le meurtre du P. Andrea Santoro à Trabzon en 2006, dont le meurtrier avait lui aussi été déclaré fou.

« Il est évident pour moi que Murat Altun était devenu fou, mais sous quel effet ? Voilà la question utile pour juger ce meurtre », réagit le Fr. Gwenolé Jeusset, franciscain à Istanbul. « Murat Altun n’était pas fou », martèle de son côté le successeur de la victime, Mgr Ruggero Franceschini, nouveau président de la Conférence épiscopale turque. « Ce diagnostic contredit un autre rapport médical établi deux jours avant l’assassinat : Murat Altun s’était rendu à l’hôpital d’Adana et les médecins l’avaient estimé en parfaite santé mentale. »
«Le mobile peut être tout autant politique que religieux»

Mgr Franceschini s’étonne aussi que la police n’ait pas enquêté davantage sur la conversation téléphonique enregistrée juste après l’assassinat, dans lequel le jeune homme déclarait à un interlocuteur inconnu avoir « accompli son devoir ».

Il regrette enfin que ni la religieuse qui assurait le secrétariat de Mgr Padovese, ni lui-même n’aient été interrogés au cours de l’enquête : « J’ai bien connu Murat Altun puisqu’il était mon jardinier pendant plusieurs années avant que je le propose comme chauffeur à Mgr Padovese », explique-t-il, avant de conclure : « Le ministre turc de la justice semblait très sincère lorsqu’il nous a promis de faire la vérité, mais notre Église a été réduite au silence par cette manipulation du tribunal et de l’opinion publique. »

En octobre, Mgr Franceschini avait accusé publiquement aussi bien les ultra-nationalistes turques que les fanatiques religieux d’être derrière cet assassinat. « Le mobile peut être tout autant politique que religieux », ajoute le F. Jeusset.
«Cela ne concerne qu’une minorité de la population»

Ce qui est certain, c’est que l’affaire a répandu la peur parmi les chrétiens en Turquie. « Les minorités en ont assez d’être les dindons de la farce, explique Sébastien de Courtois, spécialiste des chrétiens du Proche-Orient [Le Nouveau Défi des chrétiens d’Orient, JC Lattès, 2009, 240 p., 16 €.]. Chaque fois, ce sont elles qui sont visées mais on ne va jamais au fond de l’analyse du problème. »

L’historien qui vit en Turquie tient cependant à replacer les choses dans leur contexte : si « folie religieuse » il y a, il ne s’agit pas d’une « folie collective » mais de petits groupes : « Ce n’est pas un pays qui bascule violemment dans le fanatisme islamique, cela ne concerne qu’une minorité de la population. » (www.la-croix.com, Céline HOYEAU, 13 déc 2010)

Un jugement crucial sur le Génocide de 1994 au Rwanda

La 71ieme chambre du Tribunal de première instance de Bruxelles a prononcé ce 8 décembre 2010 son jugement dans deux affaires liées au massacre qui a lieu à l’Ecole technique officielle Don Bosco à Kigali durant le génocide. L’on se souvient que plus de deux mille personnes avaient été massacrées par les miliciens Interahamwe et l’armée rwandaise immédiatement après leur abandon par les soldats du contingent belge de la MINUAR, la force des Nations Unies gardienne des accords de paix d’Arusha.

Des actions en justice avaient été introduites par des rescapés de ce massacre en 2004 et 2007, à Bruxelles, pour demander la reconnaissance de la responsabilité de l’Etat belge et de trois officiers de l’armée belge, dont le colonel Luc Marchal.

Le Tribunal reconnaît, contrairement à la position défendue par l’Etat et les officiers, que « la décision d’évacuer l’ETO est une décision prise sous l’égide de la Belgique et non de la MINUAR ». Pour le Tribunal, l’Etat belge et les officiers, chacun à leur échelon, ne pouvaient ignorer les crimes à grande échelle qui se commettaient avant l’évacuation de l’ETO, et qui étaient immanquablement appelés à s’exercer sur les réfugiés de l’ETO dès lors que la protection par les soldats belges cesserait : « les défendeurs ne pouvaient nourrir aucune illusion quant au sort qui attendait les réfugiés après le départ des casques bleus belges », dit le Tribunal. Le Tribunal reconnaît d’ailleurs le lien de causalité entre l’abandon des réfugiés par les soldats belges et le massacre qui s’en est suivi : « le rôle immédiat joué par l’évacuation de l’ETO sur les massacres de réfugiés est dès lors démontré à suffisance de droit… rien n’établit que sans l’évacuation de l’ETO, ils étaient voués à une mort certaine ».

Le Tribunal applique également un grand principe du droit pénal international: « Le fait d’avoir obéi à des ordres n’est pas de nature en soi à exonérer les militaires de leurs responsabilités, dès lors que ces ordres étaient de nature à entraîner la commission de crimes de guerre, pas plus que le fait d’avoir cherché vainement avant l’évacuation des soldats belges du campement de l’ETO des solutions alternatives pour la protection des réfugiés ».

Le Tribunal accueille la demande des rescapés de projeter le film « Shooting dogs ». Ce film, tourné au Rwanda, met en scène les événements de l’ETO de manière réaliste et poignante. Le film sera donc projeté en audience publique, le 14 février 2011 à 14H (salle 15), ou les parties qui le souhaitent pourront s’exprimer à l’issue de la projection.

Le jugement déclare d’ores et déjà que les demandes dirigées contre les trois officiers sont recevables. Il renvoie les débats sur le fond à l’audience du 12 octobre 2011 à 8h45. Concernant la demande dirigée contre l’Etat belge, le Tribunal estime que l’action serait prescrite dans la mesure où elle serait basée sur une faute civile, mais demande aux parties de s’expliquer sur les conséquences civiles pour l’Etat belge des infractions reprochées aux officiers.

Les victimes du massacre de l’ETO estiment que ce jugement leur donne satisfaction sur plusieurs points importants : il interdit désormais à la Belgique de se retrancher derrière les Nations Unies pour justifier l’abandon des réfugiés de l’ETO ; il reconnaît que la Belgique ne pouvait ignorer le sort qu’elle réservait aux réfugiés en les abandonnant ; il réaffirme un principe fondamental du droit qui s’applique aux militaires en temps de guerre : ceux-ci doivent refuser d’exécuter des ordres qui sont de nature à entraîner la commission de crimes de guerre ; enfin, le jugement accepte la projection du film « Shooting dogs » et il annonce que les débats vont se poursuivre après avoir entendu les parties s’exprimer à l’issue de cette projection.

Les avocats des parties demanderesses Eric Gillet, Virginie Dor, Anne-Stéphanie Renson, Philippe Lardinois et Luc Walleyn.

Trial on Hrant Dink's Assassination Jammed Again

The Trabzon trial related to the murder of Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink was continued on Thursday (9 December) before the 1st High Criminal Court of Trabzon on the eastern Black Sea coast. Colonel Ali Öz, the Trabzon Provincial Gendarmerie Commander at the time of the murder, stands accused of negligence of duty prior to the murder.
The lawyer of defendant Öz was excused at the Thursday hearing. The court decided to evaluate the request for plaintiff status made by the Dink family lawyers.

Almost four years after the Dink murder, this is the decision that was announced by the court.

The Trabzon 2nd Magistrate Criminal Court previously decided for a lack of jurisdiction on the trial against Öz and seven gendarmerie officers under charges of "negligence" and sent the file to the criminal court. The court declared that the file had to be reviewed first and the decision on a merger would be given later on between the sessions. The case was postponed to 17 February 2011.

The Trabzon Magistrate Court had decreed to continue the case on 9 December as well and decided to wait for the decision on the merger of the High Criminal Court.

Dink, founder and editor-in-chief of the Armenian Agos newspaper, was gunned down in front of his office in Istanbul on 19 January 2007. Still, neither the triggerman, nor the culprits connected to him, nor the ones who closed their eyes to the crime or failed to take precautions have been punished yet.

While the trial against the eight gendarmerie officials is still pending at the Magistrate Criminal Court, the Ministry of Justice opened a second case at the Trabzon 1st Criminal Court against Öz on 30 September. The indictment was prepared by the Public Prosecutor of Rize (east of Trabzon) because of Öz's high military rank.

Involved lawyers: Deliberate neglect to kill

The Dink family lawyers claimed from the beginning of the case that Öz and the other defendants remained passive intentionally and thus paved the way to the murder. The lawyers request to prosecute the defendant under Article 83 of the Turkish Criminal Law (TCK) on "Voluntary manslaughter by means of negligent behaviour" which foresees an aggravated life sentence.

The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) convicted Turkey of a violation of the right to life, of freedom of expression and the right to an effective remedy. The international court decreed that the officials failed to take the necessary precautions that could have prevented the murder.

On 24 September, Rakel Dink, the wife of the slain journalist, and his brother, Hosrof Dink, gave their statements at the Bakırköy 10th High Criminal Court in the scope of the second trial. Öz stands accused of "misconduct in office by neglecting his duty".

Rakel Dink: He could have prevented the murder but he did not

Rakel Dink, one of the family members who sue Ali Öz, argued: "He had information about the assassination plot against my husband. He had the possibility to prevent the murder but he did not. I think he is just as guilty as the defendants who committed the murder".

The murder trial heard before the Istanbul 14th High Criminal Court will be continued on 7 February 2011. 20 defendants are prosecuted in the scope of this trial, three of whom are detained. After 15 hearings the case is approaching its fourth year. On 25 October, the court decided to separate the file of triggerman suspect Ogün Samast from the main trial and forward it to the Istanbul Sultanahmet Juvenile High Criminal Court. The joint attorneys of the Dink family appealed the decision. (BIA, Erol ÖNDEROĞLU, 10 December 2010)
Armenians sue Turkey over belated patriarch election

The Turkish Armenian community has filled two lawsuits against the Turkish government, including one to get permission to go ahead with a long-delayed election to select their own new patriarch.

“A committee composed of civilian representatives from the community filed two lawsuits,” the community’s attorney Sebuh Aslangil told the Hürriyet Daily News & Economic Review. “The first one is to make the government allow an election for a patriarch to take place, and the second is for canceling the substitute patriarch’s post.”

Aslangil told the Daily News that such a post does not exist in the rules of the Armenian Apostolic Church.

Civilian representatives of the community, who have formed an initiative to lobby for their rights to select their own patriarch, meanwhile held a meeting Wednesday in Istanbul. The initiative previously organized a petition campaign that gathered 6,000 signatures from Armenians in Istanbul demanding that the election be allowed to take place.

Previous patriarch Mesrop II stepped down due to dementia. After his resignation, the Armenian community applied to the Interior Ministry; the first was made by the patriarchate’s spiritual committee to elect a co-patriarch and the second was made by the civilian committee to elect a new patriarch.

Speaking to the Daily News, initiative spokesman Garo Paylan said the fact that there were two applications posed a problem, but that this should “not get the Interior Ministry off the hook for what they have done.”

He said the ministry invented the post of “substitute patriarch” in order to see the person they wanted installed in the patriarch’s place. “The Turkish state needs to give the Armenian community what they are entitled to and should not impede the election process,” Paylan said. “It is our most deserved right to be able to elect our patriarch. In no time in history has the Armenian Patriarchate in Istanbul been persecuted to this extent.”

Secret meeting at the palace

In November, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan held a secret meeting with Archbishop Aram Ateşyan and a few prominent businessmen from the Armenian community. The participants made no statement about what was discussed at the meeting.

In subsequent months, Ateşyan was assigned as substitute patriarch through the intervention of the Interior Ministry.

According to Paylan, some prominent people from the community had an interesting meeting with Interior Minister Beşir Atalay last week. “Atalay told us he was given information by Ateşyan concerning the election procedure,” the spokesman said. “We do not know what is happening behind closed doors, but we know there is a post that has been left unfilled for three years and that is the post of the community’s spiritual leader.”

Paylan said the election must take place as soon as possible and that it does not matter whether it selects a co-patriarch or a new patriarch.

“Ateşyan imitates the Turkish government’s official discourse wherever he goes and says we have no problems with the Turkish state,” he said. “We want someone who is not afraid to speak his mind and who could represent our community in a way that is true to reality.” (Hürriyet Daily News, VERCİHAN ZİFLİOĞLU, December 1, 2010)

Politique intérieure/Interior Politics

MGK rules out autonomy, bilingualism in harsh statement

A strongly worded statement released by the National Security Council (MGK) on Wednesday ruled out any change to Turkey’s understanding of “one state and one language,” which comes as a harsh response to recent Kurdish demands for bilingualism and autonomy.

The MGK held its last meeting of 2010 under the shadow of ongoing debates on bilingualism and autonomy for Kurds. The meeting began in the afternoon at the Çankaya presidential palace and lasted five hours. Strongly criticizing the debates, the statement released after the meeting said: “It is of crucial importance for everyone to avoid approaches that would lead to outrage in the country or harm the improvement of individual rights and freedoms, social peace and the feeling of brotherhood and everyone should act responsibly.” Putting special emphasis on the principle of “one flag, one nation, one country and one state,” the statement said any attempt which aims to change the reality that the official language of Republic of Turkey is Turkish is unacceptable.

The debate over the use of two languages in public places in Turkey was sparked by the Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) in mid-December. BDP Co-chairman Selahattin Demirtaş said they would begin a de facto bilingual system in municipalities in eastern and southeastern Turkey. The bilingualism debate was followed by yet another controversy that erupted last week after the Democratic Society Congress (DTK), which describes itself as a local organization of Kurds in eastern Turkey, announced the first comprehensive draft of its Democratic Autonomous Kurdistan Model at a conference in Diyarbakır and proposed democratic autonomy for Turkey’s Kurds.

The first response to the MGK statement came from Demirtaş, who stressed that since President Abdullah Gül presides over the council and members of the government dominate it, the statement also reflects the opinions of the president and the government. Recalling that similar comments have been voiced by government officials for the past few days, Demirtaş said they were not expecting a different response. “This statement should not be seen as the military’s response. There is a civilian-dominated MGK structure today. The government is putting its signature on it and the president is making the final touches,” he said.

DTK Co-chairwoman Aysel Tuğluk, however, targeted the military and said the statement once again exposed military tutelage over politics. “The biggest political party in Turkey is the military. That is the problem. This statement is in fact an intervention [into politics] and it shows that the tutelary regime has yet to be abolished. Turkey is not a military state. It should be a democratic state,” she said.

Main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) leader Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu used the statement to criticize the government, arguing that it confirms the government’s failure in its democratic initiative. The Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government launched the initiative last year to address the Kurdish issue. “The policies of the initiative, which are still ambiguous, brought the country to this situation. … There was no such debate [on autonomy and bilingualism] a year ago. Now, the MGK has taken action on the issue. This statement in fact confirms the government’s failure on the issue,” he said.

Commenting on President Gül’s visit to the southeastern province of Diyarbakır amidst these debates, Kılıçdaroğlu said he attaches importance to Gül’s visit. “I do not think that the president will go into detail there. He will most probably give messages of unity. However, he is the chairman of the MGK, so he has already said what he thinks,” Kılıçdaroğlu said. Gül arrived in Diyarbakır yesterday.

The military had earlier released a statement expressing opposition to bilingualism and autonomy. A statement from the General Staff recently stressed the Turkish Armed Forces’ (TSK) concern over the debate triggered by pro-Kurdish deputies over the usage of Kurdish, mainly in the Southeast, alongside Turkish, the official language. “The TSK has always been and will continue to be on the side of the unitary, secular nation state, which is enshrined in the Constitution,” the statement said. (Today's Zaman, ERDAL ŞEN, 31 December 2010)

BDP accuses Erdogan of deepening the division

The Turkish prime minister has harshly criticized the main pro-Kurdish party’s demand for autonomy and the broader use of the Kurdish language, accusing it of “sabotaging the democratization of Turkey.”

“Turkey’s common language is Turkish. Any initiative to change this reality cannot be accepted. This is a matter of social peace and unity,” Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan told parliamentary deputies late Sunday during budget talks at the Parliament.

Peace and Democracy Party, or BDP, co-chair Selahattin Demirtaş responded to Erdoğan on Monday. “He cannot stop the change with threats and insults,” Demirtaş told reporters in the southeastern province of Diyarbakır, adding that they were ready even to die in the struggle. “We are trying to deepen the brotherhood while the prime minister is deepening the division.”

Erdoğan on Sunday was tight-lipped about BDP proposals under the title of “democratic autonomy,” which envision a semi-autonomous Kurdish region with its own parliament, flag and self-defense force. Outlined in a draft by the Democratic Society Congress, or DTK, an umbrella organization of pro-Kurdish groups, the proposals prompted investigations from a local court and the Supreme Court of Appeals.

“Bringing these issues into the public debate will never serve democracy, freedoms, social peace or brotherhood,” the prime minister said. Noting that Turkey will hold general elections in June, Erdoğan accused the BDP of trying to redesign domestic politics in line with terror organizations’ approaches, a reference to the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party, or PKK, which is listed as a terrorist organization by Turkey, the United States and the European Union.

“It’s a great unfairness to introduce these unserious projects as the demands of my Kurdish brothers. To what extent do the owners of these proposals represent my Kurdish citizens? How much of [Turkey’s] East and Southeast do they represent?” the prime minister asked.

Reiterating that he will never acknowledge the PKK and its affiliates as representatives of Turkey’s Kurdish population, Erdoğan said: “Those who talk about democracy and freedoms are preventing my citizens from using their citizenship rights. They are doing this through threats and pressure.” He added that the government will never allow “any sort of surgery” to divide Turkey.

BDP leader says PM fueling nationalism

Criticizing Erdoğan for fueling nationalism through his statements, Demirtaş said Monday that the BDP was trying to defend people’s right to use their mother tongue freely. “This is not racism or ethnic division. It’s to protect a banned language. We believe in democracy and peace,” he said, arguing that the projects put forward by pro-Kurdish groups aim to prevent division in the country.

“But if the ruling party is determined to insult Kurds and drive them away from the state, they should come clean and openly say it,” Demirtaş said. “His [Erdoğan’s] comments will only make the Turkish nationalists happy. The prime minister seems to want to walk hand-in-hand with the nationalists ahead of the general elections; this is his choice. What he is doing will just deepen the crisis.”

Demirtaş also used a religious reference to criticize the prime minister, accusing Erdoğan of “defying Allah.”

“Erdoğan says, ‘I will make you all similar, my nation is one, my language is one,’ whereas Allah says, ‘I created every one of you different,’” the BDP co-chair said. “Mr. Prime Minister, which holy book says that? How is this being a Muslim?” (Hürriyet Daily News, December 27, 2010)

Kurds disappointed again at CHP convention
The main opposition Republican People's Party (CHP) convention on Saturday disappointed Kurds in Turkey due to the lack of any reference to the Kurdish problem and the lack of representation of the Kurdish electorate in the Party Council. Party leader Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu avoided making any reference to or using the word “Kurd” in his speech.

The election of former Diyarbakır Bar Association Chairman Sezgin Tanrıkulu, an ethnic Kurd, to the Party Council with the second lowest number of votes also dampened optimism among the Kurdish electorate. These developments were read as a sign that the CHP will stand by its classic policy of deflecting the Kurdish problem in national debates on policy.

Kılıçdaroğlu in his speech said the “southeastern problem” is one of the most critical problems of Turkey and that they will solve it within the framework of “freedom, peace and bread.” He addressed people living in “southeastern and eastern Anatolia” by saying: “We are respectful of your ethnic identity and beliefs. We are the third way. We are a humanistic party. We will solve this problem by defending the human rights and freedoms and the rights of citizens.”

Tanrıkulu was elected to the 80-member Party Council with the second lowest number of votes from delegates, and it is not clear whether he will be able to retain his position. Some delegates objected to the results of the election, arguing that quota for women for the Party Council was not fulfilled. If this objection is accepted, the two members of the Party Council who were elected with the lowest number of votes will be replaced by women.

İbrahim Güçlü, a prominent Kurdish intellectual, said the CHP, with its structure and messages, is not giving the impression that it is a social democrat party. “Social democrat parties are supposed to organize from bottom to top, but within the CHP it is just the opposite. You cannot be a social democrat without mentioning the name of the Kurds. However, the CHP is not only inadequate in answering the needs of the Kurds but also those of other groups in society,” he said, and added that the CHP is not ready to accept a politician like Tanrıkulu, who is known as a defender of human rights.

Another Kurdish intellectual, Ümit Fırat, claimed that Tanrıkulu is less respected in Diyarbakır after his involvement with the CHP. “They respected Tanrıkulu a lot. But now they are thinking that he is trying to use his past good deeds for political interests. The Kurds lost their hope in the CHP a long time ago and think that it is good enough for the CHP to not prevent a solution,” he explained.

Sociologist and member of the ruling Justice and Development Party’s (AK Party) Central Decision and Executive Board (MYKY) Mazhar Bağlı said he would be pleased to see Tanrıkulu as his counterpart. “I respect his political stance and his personality. But he does not fit in with the general standards of the CHP: He underlines his ethnic identity, he defends freedoms and he’s not a classic CHP member. I think this is why he got the second lowest number of votes,” he said.

Bağlı also said Kılıçdaroğlu’s messages did not meaning anything for Kurds and also that his words about Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan are far from politically courteous. “There is a tendency towards renewal within the CHP, but it is not strong. Still it can be considered positive that some sociologists were included in the Party Council; this shows that at least they are willingly to understand society,” he said.

Rights and Freedoms Party (HAK-PAR) leader Bayram Bozyel added that the CHP can contribute positively to the solution of the Kurdish problem, but that it is not ready to do that, as its convention proved. “The public is demanding change and hopes to find this change in the CHP, but so far it does not seem possible,” he stated.
Kılıçdaroğlu gets his way at party congress with more problems ahead

CHP leader Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu has emerged victorious from the party congress held over the weekend, forming a new Party Council mostly purged of the supporters of former Secretary-General Önder Sav, but this does not mean that the party's internal problems are completely over.

The CHP had to hold this congress over procedural errors regarding a new bylaw they adopted in an earlier congress. Neither the party's former leader Deniz Baykal, nor once all-powerful but recently ousted king maker Secretary-General Önder Sav intervened in the Party Council elections during the congress. There was a single list of candidates nominated by the current administration for seats on the Party Council.

There are two methods of voting in party congresses. One is based on candidate lists where the voting delegates can cross out a name, and nominate individuals according to their own preferences. The delegates can also cross out names off of the candidate list in the other method, but they cannot suggest candidates of their own. This second type of list is called a “block” list, and this was the kind used in this weekend's congress.

Baykal and Sav's non-interference is largely seen as a temporary ceasefire, a signal that they will bury the hatchet until the general election in June next year. But some opponents of Kılıçdaroğlu are now preparing to go to court, alleging that the newly-formed party council was in violation of the party's bylaws.

The congress was held at the Ankara Arena Sports Hall with Kılıçdaroğlu calling it the “Congress to Come to Power.” Fifteen people who served on the Party Council under Baykal were elected again this year.

Sav’s supporters inside the party overwhelmingly crossed out the name of Gürsel Tekin, Kılıçdaroğlu’s right-hand man who happens to be a sworn enemy of Sav and a deputy chairman in the party. Tekin was the member elected to the Party Council with the least votes, but he is currently facing being left out of the Party Council all together, depending upon the court process ahead. Some delegates have opposed the results saying the procedure to meet the female quota regulations of the party as per the bylaws was not fully observed. According to CHP bylaws, there have to be at least 17 women on the Party Council, but only 15 could enter in the congress. If the opposing delegates’ appeal is found apt by court order, then Tekin might be removed from the Party Council to be placed with the next female candidate with the highest number of votes on the candidate list.

The Çankaya Election Board is now reviewing the objection, and as per law, it has 48 hours to announce its decision. If the Election Board overrules the appeal, the delegates will have to go to court. In addition to Tekin, former Diyarbakır Bar Association President Sezgin Tanrıkulu’s seat on the Party Council is also at stake. If these two men are removed from the Council, two female members will replace them.

Umut Tunç, president of CHP Youth Branches who was removed from office on Nov. 29, filed the appeal against Tekin’s membership. He was removed from his post after angering the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government with an exhibition titled “Oppression of the AK Party” that included art that the government found insulting. Tunç said they were ready to go to court if the district election board overturns their appeal.

Baykal and Sav called for alterable lists prior to the party’s 15th Extraordinary Congress held over the weekend, but the Kılıçdaroğlu administration went for block lists. Sav did not make any effort to insert one of his own supporters onto the party council. Individuals such as Hakkı Süha Okay, Tekin Bingöl and Haluk Koç, known for their closeness to Sav, were not nominated. There were however, known supporters of Baykal -- Mehmet Ali Susam, Osman Kaptan, Bihlun Tamaylıgil and Ali İhsan Köktürk -- on the list. The election of these individuals implicitly confirmed suspicions that Kılıçdaroğlu and Baykal made a deal to eliminate Sav.

Sav was able to get revenge in the Party Council elections, with 398 pro-Sav delegates crossing out the name of Tekin, creating the current risk that he might not be able to get into the Party Council.

Fifteen people who served on Baykal’s last Party Council before his resignation and his Science Council were elected to the Party Council, while the 57 Party Council members who’d supported Sav in an earlier conflict between the party chairman and his then secretary-general were completely purged. The pro-Baykal members of the new Party Council are Deniz Pınar Atılgan, Mesut Değer, Osman Kaptan, Ensar Öğüt, Ramazan Kerim Özkan, Mehmet Ali Özpolat, Faik Öztrak, Atilla Sav, Nur Serter, Mehmet Ali Susam, Bihlun Tamaylıgil, Erdoğan Toprak, Remzi Topuz, Rıza Yalçınkaya, Önay Alpago and Gökhan Günaydın.

Kılıçdaroğlu’s promises from congress speech

Many observers felt that Republican People’s Party (CHP) leader Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu’s congress speech was not satisfactory in terms of content, particularly because he avoided making any reference to the Kurdish question.

All he said on the matter was that “there is a problem that remains unsolved in the Southeast,” and noted that two reports on the Kurdish question prepared by the CHP in 1989 and 2001 had been updated. He said the CHP has been the only party to produce any real opinions about the Kurdish question. Using a series of names representing different ethnicities, Kılıçdaroğlu said, “Berivan is ours, Hakan is ours, Rojin and Agop are also ours.” Observers tweeted mocking remarks about some of his election promises, the total of which is expected to cost about TL 156 billion if they were to be implemented.

Among his promises are a new constitution that will expand and secure rights and freedoms, the abolition of the Supreme Military Administrative Court (AYİM), the abolition of specially authorized courts, and to reinstate the previous positions of the Turkish Language Association (TDK) and the Turkish Historical Society (TTK).

He also seeks to ensure the freedom and independence of the media; the protection of private life and data and to end wiretapping and holding those who “create an empire of fear” responsible for their deeds.

Furthermore, he has called for solving assassination cases in which perpetrators have not been found; clearing Turkey of clandestine groups operating within the state hierarchy; abolishing the Higher Education Board (YÖK) and ensuring the scientific, administrative and financial autonomy of universities; strengthening the welfare state by introducing a family insurance system; efficiently utilizing the unemployment fund; ending the subcontractor system in public agencies and municipalities where municipality workers are mostly underpaid, overworked and denied their social security rights through legal loopholes by private companies; and increasing retirement payouts to pensioners.

In the political sphere, Kılıçdaroğlu would like to increase the representation of women and youth in politics, abolish the 10 percent election barrier for political parties, democratize the Law on Political Parties, limit the judicial immunity of deputies serving in Parliament, support and increase tax relief for farmers, pass new laws that will make property and asset information of politicians and political parties more transparent, and amend the Public Tender Law to comply with EU norms.

In terms of development, the CHP leader has called for the completion of the Southeastern Anatolia Project (GAP), a sustainable development project; the demining of land in the Southeast and allocating it to locals; fighting unemployment and increasing investment incentives in the Southeast; and increasing renewable energy initiatives. (Todays' Zaman, December 19, 2010)

ECHR condemns Turkey for closing the pro-Kurdish Party HADEP

The European Court of Human Rights ruled on Tuesday that a top Turkish court’s 2003 decision to close a pro-Kurdish party was not justifiable, saying that although the party had favored the self-determination of the Kurds, it could not be considered to be supporting terrorist activities.

In March 2003, the Constitutional Court ruled that the People’s Democracy Party (HADEP), established in May 1994, be closed permanently for aiding the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) and carrying out activities to challenge the state. In the same ruling, over 40 HADEP members, including its founders, were prevented from becoming members, founders, administrators or inspectors of any political party for five years.

The European Court of Human Rights’ Tuesday decision concerning HADEP came through a complaint filed in September 2003 by HADEP and Ahmet Turan Demir, who was elected HADEP’s general secretary only a month before its closure in 2003.

In a press release, the court announced: “The parties agreed that HADEP’s dissolution amounted to an interference with its right to freedom of association. The court was uncertain as to whether the interference could be said to have pursued the legitimate aims of preventing disorder, defending the rights of others and protecting territorial integrity and thus preserving national security, as argued by the Turkish government. It examined this question, together with a closely related question regarding whether the interference had been necessary in a democratic society for the purpose of Article 11,” of the European Convention on Human Rights, which covers the right to freedom of assembly and association.

The seven-judge chamber, including Işıl Karakaş of Turkey, made the decision unanimously. Turkish supreme courts have a longstanding record of banning pro-Kurdish parties, prompting the European Court of Human Rights’ condemnation each time.

Recalling that HADEP had been dissolved on the basis of activities and statements from some of its members, which the Turkish Constitutional Court claimed made the party a center of illegal activities, the European court said speeches and articles amounted to criticism of the government’s policy.

“They did not incite hatred, revenge, recrimination or armed resistance. The same was true of the statements made by HADEP members, which did not encourage violence, armed resistance or insurrection and could thus not in themselves constitute sufficient evidence to equate the party with armed groups carrying out acts of violence,” the court said.

“The Court considered that statements by HADEP members which considered the Kurdish nation as distinct from the Turkish nation had to be read together with the party’s aims as set out in its program, namely that it had been established to solve the country’s problems in a democratic manner. Even if HADEP advocated the right to self-determination of the Kurds, that would not in itself be contrary to democratic principles and could not be equated to supporting acts of terrorism. Taking such a stance would imperil the possibility of dealing with related issues in the context of a democratic debate,” the press release said.

Under Article 41 of the convention, which covers the right to just satisfaction, the court held that Turkey was to pay Demir 24,000 euros for non-pecuniary damage, to be held by him for members and leaders of HADEP, and 2,200 euros to the applicants jointly, for costs and expenses. (TODAY'S ZAMAN, 15 December 2010)

Erbakan criticizes Israel, accuses Erdoğan of being part of Jewish conspiracy

The soured relationship with Israel and Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's tough line with the Jewish state are all part of a façade to deceive the Turkish public, former Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan has claimed.

In an exclusive interview with Today's Zaman at his house in Balgat, Ankara, the 84-year-old leader of the Felicity Party (SP) criticized the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party), saying it is in the hands of the worldwide Zionist movement. He implied that the rise of the AK Party was helped by the international Jewish conspiracy and vowed that he will fight back to stem the Zionist grip on the neck of Turkey.

“Why on earth did the AK Party give a ‘go ahead' to the membership of Israel in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development [OECD] and not block membership? Why did the government consent to multi-billion dollars worth of defense contracts with Israeli firms? He [Erdoğan] says ‘one-minute' to [Israeli president Shimon] Peres during Davos but conducts business as usual with the Jewish state. This is hypocrisy,” Erbakan said.

Erbakan, who was ousted from the government on Feb. 28, 1997, under military pressure, was later banned from politics, and his Welfare Party (RP) was shut down by the Constitutional Court. He was later pardoned and took the helm of the new SP during an extraordinary party congress on Oct. 18. The SP was shaken by an intra-party conflict when the party's former leader, Numan Kurtulmuş, emerged victorious in a dispute with Erbakan over the party administration list during the party's fourth grand party congress in July. Kurtulmuş, who was placed under pressure to resign after July's congress, parted ways with the SP to establish his own party.

Both Prime Minister Erdoğan and President Abdullah Gül served in Erbakan's old RP before they, too, parted ways in 2000 and established the AK Party. During the interview Erbakan described both leaders as proxies in the hands of the Jewish conspiracy, though he said, “They [Erdoğan and Gül] do not know they have been serving Israeli interests.” Erbakan offered no proof of his allegations but touted Jewish conspiracy books written by Harun Yahya and Garry Allen located at the table on his left. Books were marked on many pages, and some sections were underlined and highlighted.

As for the recent WikiLeaks releases, Erbakan claimed the leaked information was planned to deceive average Turkish citizens. “But it did not work, and citizens will vote for our party in the upcoming elections,” he said.

The wheelchair-bound Erbakan vowed to bring the SP to power in next year's general elections and claimed the Turkish people voted for the AK Party in the last two elections because they thought the AK Party mistakenly represented the National View, a hard-liner policy laced with religion and professed by Erbakan. “Now the average citizen will come home and vote for us,” he claimed, stressing the government has lost touch with the voter base and that the country is plunging into a debt trap.

Erbakan also reiterated his fierce opposition to the European Union membership process, saying the EU has been trying to enslave the Turkish people. “We will break the chains of the EU when we come to power and reverse the process,” he vowed. The former prime minister refused to label his party policies as part of politics, but instead offered an explanation of religious tenets that drive his ambitions. “This is like a jihad for us, and it is incumbent upon every Muslim to order ‘the good' and avoid ‘the evil',” he said.

Political dynasty

Asked whether he is preparing his son Fatih for his own place in the party, the 84-year-old politician said it is up to his son to lead the party and that he could not discourage him from seeking a political career for himself. He dismissed allegations of a political dynasty, but drawing an analogy to Ottoman sultans who passed on the throne to their sons, Erbakan said there is nothing wrong if his son takes over the party. “The Ottomans did a great job and conquered the world by using this system,” he underlined. Erbakan's children, Fatih and Elif, who were excluded from Kurtulmuş's party administration list in the party's July congress, were also elected to senior posts in the party after Erbakan took over the helm.

As for political alliances on the eve of national elections, Erbakan did not dismiss the possibility of forming alliances with other parties. “We will look and talk about it with other political leaders and see what happens,” he said.

Vindication from Makovsky report

Erbakan took the gloves off when the military harshly criticized his government for doing away with the secular characteristics of the state during a National Security Council (MGK) meeting on Feb. 28, 1997. “I did not give in to military demands, which was later proved by [Senior Fellow at Washington Institute for Near East Policy] Alan O. Makovsky's report. The junta in the military presented these as their own, but actually it was Zionist demands articulated by Makovsky. We did not know it then, but we know now,” he said.

“I was all alone at that MGK meeting. [Deputy Prime Minister Tansu] Çiller was silent, while President Süleyman Demirel was siding with the military. But I did not agree to military demands; instead, we decided to work on these demands by involving experts to study them in detail. I signed up for the study of the proposals only,” he explained. Recalling that about 50 deputies in junior coalition partner True Path Party (DYP) were persuaded by the military to withdraw support from the government, Erbakan said, “I had no choice but to ask the president to give the job of forming a new government to my partner Çiller until new elections. But Demirel instead gave the job to opposition leader Mesut Yilmaz.”

Asked why he did not fire the junta leaders, Erbakan said his was not a single-party government and he did not trust his coalition partner to back him up. “If I was leading a strong single-party government, I would never hesitate for a minute to remove these generals from duty,” he said. (Today's Zaman, ABDULLAH BOZKURT, 6 December 2010)

WikiLeaks: Erdogan dément avoir des comptes bancaires en Suisse

Le Premier ministre turc Recep Tayyip Erdogan a démenti avec véhémence mercredi avoir des comptes bancaires en Suisse, comme l'affirme une note diplomatique américaine rendue publique par WikiLeaks, exhortant l'administration américaine à sévir contre les auteurs de ces câbles.

"Je n'ai pas un sou dans les banques suisses, donc je n'ai rien à prouver", a-t-il dit devant la presse à Ankara.

M. Erdogan, visiblement en colère, s'en est pris avec vigueur à la presse libérale et à l'opposition turque qui se sont fait l'écho des révélations de Wikileaks, les accusant de "relayer avec opportunisme des commérages".

"Si vous (la presse et l'opposition) prouvez que ces allégations sont avérées, je quitterai mon poste, mais en ferez-vous de même?", a-t-il martelé.

M. Erdogan a aussi appelé Washington à "demander des comptes" aux auteurs des télégrammes mettant en cause sa personne et son pays pour leur "commentaires erronés" et "diffamations".

Dans une note diplomatique classée "secrète" du 30 décembre 2004, l'ambassadeur américain à l'époque en poste à Ankara, Eric Edelman, écrit: "Nous avons entendu de deux contacts qu'Erdogan a huit comptes dans des banques suisses". Le diplomate écrit que les explications d'Erdogan au sujet de sa fortune personnelle sont "boiteuses".

Erdogan, au pouvoir depuis 2003, explique, selon M. Edelman, que ses biens proviennent de cadeaux offerts par des invités au mariage de son fils et qu'un homme d'affaires turc paie tous les frais d'éducation de ses quatre enfants aux Etats-Unis.

Les soupçons soulevés par l'ambassadeur américain à Ankara à propos de la fortune du Premier ministre ont été utilisés par le chef de l'opposition au Parlement, Kemal Kiliçdaroglu, qui a invité M. Erdogan a s'expliquer.

Plusieurs procès ont été intentés dans le passé contre M. Erdogan sur l'origine de sa fortune, et a chaque fois il a été blanchi. (AFP 1 déc 2010)

Intra-party clash forces CHP to hold extraordinary congress

The main opposition Republican People's Party's (CHP) leaders have decided to hold an extraordinary general congress in order to address the questions of control over and the direction of the party, which has recently been plagued by power struggles.

As the party will determine its next head on Dec. 18, there are already three main actors who will try to influence the CHP's fate. Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, the current leader who replaced veteran Deniz Baykal after a sex tape scandal, is expected to push for his own team. On the other hand, veteran hard-liner Önder Sav is expected to challenge him, while Baykal is also expected to exert some influence on the party.

In his party's Bursa meeting, Kılıçdaroğlu said yesterday that they will have an extraordinary congress on Dec. 18. He added that he will be the person who will make the list of the Parliamentary Assembly. “This will be the congress in which we walk on towards leadership.

We are on the road towards a more dynamic and youthful party. We desire to receive support from the public,” he said.

In the commercially active city of Bursa, Kılıçdaroğlu inducted new members into the party as 769 people joined and 10 were symbolically given party badges.

The CHP leader also said they will have a “one-item agenda” on Dec. 18. “I will personally make the list of people who will be in the Parliamentary Assembly,” he underlined. Kılıçdaroğlu asserted they would never “otherize” anybody and would embrace people of all parties.

“It is not important who sided with what leader in the past. This is not important. For me, it is not important at all. What is important is that our doors are open to everybody who works to make our party strong in terms of leadership. We embrace everybody. As long as people work, produce and reach out to others, we hold them dear,” he added.

Kılıçdaroğlu also said he would come together with the members of the Party Assembly and share his thoughts, and that it is his duty to learn the opinions of all in the party. He said that criticism is important to him.

According to Kılıçdaroğlu, the main problem stems from the law on political parties as reporters asked him about the leadership problem. “In the previous congress, I indicated my desire that the CHP have a more democratic structure, and I said I will change the policy guidelines of our party in that direction. I still stand behind my words. I will make the party more dynamic and democratically progressive. You will see in our next regular congress that we will make those changes. The main problem is the Political Parties Law, which is a product of the Sept. 12 coup regime,” he explained.

He has been critical of the government because it has not changed the law, despite the fact that it has promised to change the Constitution of the Sept. 12 regime. “We will change this law when the power belongs to the public,” he said.

When asked if the waters will calm in the CHP after the Dec. 18 congress, Kılıçdaroğlu said there is no such thing. “Waters are always calm in the CHP. Expressing opinions should not be seen as making waves,” he explained, and added that a variety of opinions should be seen as a source of wealth, not as a hindrance. (Todays Zaman, December 1, 2011)

Forces armées/Armed Forces

Kurdish Conscientious Objectors’ movement spreads
The Movement of the Kurdish Conscientious Objector spreads. Fifty one young people including fifteen women in the last two days in Istanbul, Van and Diyarbakır announced that they are from now on conscientious objectors and not going to serve for army.

Within the scope of “conscientious objection" campaign launched by Kurdish Conscientious Objection Movement, 17 youngsters in Diyarbakır, 25 in Istanbul including 15 women and 9 in Van declared their conscientious rejection saying; “We are not going into the service, we aren’t committing crime against humanity.

The last declaration was made by 9 youngsters in Van who came together in Human Rights Association (IHD) Diyarbakır Branch building and made a press statement on the subject. Speaking on behalf of the group, Barış Durmuş remarked that militarist countries can’t offer peaceful solutions, saying; “Their ideas are based on killing, obedience culture and unity. Governments with militarism-indexed systems give nothing except from death, pain and disasters to offer to peoples, our world and nature.

Conscientious Objector Ömer Karabal addressed the crowd in Diyarbakır Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) Diyarbakır Branch on behalf of group: “Why would we be enlisted in TSK (Turkish Armed Forces) that ignores our individuality, draws us away from our human virtues, changes us to almost a killing robot and murders Kurdish youngsters during their military service under the cover of suicide?” asked Karabal and added; “Our childhood had to continue with trauma process. They took our identity that we started to find out where we belong to. When we intended to claim our rights, we faced extrajudicial execution on streets. And now, they want to give us arms and make us fight against our people. We have many reasons for our refusal but we don’t have any reason for doing military service in TSK. On this basis, we entirely boycott the Turkish army which is the main responsible for denial, destruction policies and massacres of Turkish state”. (DIHA, Dec 28, 2010)

Complaints about prosecutors not bringing coup leaders to justice

Civil society organizations that formally applied to courts demanding that the generals of the Sept. 12, 1980 coup be put on trial are planning to file complaints against prosecutors who have not pursued these applications.

Şenol Karakaş, a member of the Not Enough But Yes Platform that supported the constitutional amendment package in the Sept. 12 referendum but ultimately demands an overhaul of the 1982 Constitution, said they applied to a court for the punishment of coup generals right after the referendum.

“There have been no developments in that regard. We will follow up our application,” he said.

Turkey took a landmark step in September to pave the way for the trial of the perpetrators of the Sept. 12, 1980 military coup by abolishing Article 15 of the Constitution that used to give immunity to the generals responsible for the coup.

On Sept. 13, many individual victims and civil society organizations applied to the offices of prosecutors and demanded that Kenan Evren and his collaborators face trial for their crimes against humanity, which for the most part took place between 1980 and 1983.

Although the approval of the reform package boosted hopes of settling accounts with the Sept. 12 coup leaders, the abolishment of Article 15 also started a debate over whether it is possible to try these generals for their crimes. The generals had expected to be protected by a statute of limitations in 2000, 20 years after the military takeover. However, former prosecutor Sacit Kayasu prepared an indictment against former President Evren, who was the coup leader, which resulted in Kayasu's disbarment. With the indictment, the statute of limitations for the coup generals was extended another 10 years.

Turgay Oğur, a member of the Young Civilians, which was among the civil society groups that filed applications to a court for the trial of coup supporters, said they will follow up on their application.

“If the courts do not consider our application, we will bring the issue to the fore again,” he said.

Rıdvan Kaya, head of the Freedom Association (Özgur-Der), pointed out that many court applications were made around Turkey following the referendum.

“We will ask prosecutors why they haven't made any progress,” he said.

Nejat Kangal, president of the 78ers Federation, said people who are responsible for coups should be tried in order for the constitutional changes to make sense.

“If the people responsible are not put on trial even though Article 15 was removed, the change does not mean anything,” he said, adding that Argentina jailed its ex-dictator.

An Argentinean court sentenced former dictator Jorge Videla to life in prison, which has prompted Turkey, a country whose military has overthrown three governments since 1960 and pressured a conservative government to step down in 1997, to question its reluctance to bring past junta leaders to justice.

The ex-dictator was sentenced for the torture and murder of 31 prisoners, most of whom were “shot while trying to escape” in the months after his military coup. Most of the two dozen former military and police officials who were tried with Videla also received life sentences.

The Sept. 12, 1980 military coup was the bloodiest and most well-planned coup in Turkey's history.

The coup was a source of great suffering for the citizens of Turkey as a total of 650,000 people were detained during this period. Files on 1,683,000 people were recorded at police stations. A total of 230,000 people were tried in 210,000 cases, mostly for political reasons. A further 517 people were sentenced to death, while 7,000 people faced charges that carried a sentence of capital punishment. Of those who received the death penalty, 50 were executed. As a result of the unsanitary conditions and torture in prisons, 299 people died in custody.

A total of 144 people died in circumstances where the perpetrators could not be found, while 14 died during hunger strikes, 16 were shot to death because they were supposedly trying to escape from prison and 43 people committed suicide. (Today's Zaman, TANJU ÖZKAYA, 28 December 2010)
Criminal Complaint against Chief of General Staff

Journalists Ahmet İnsel, Ali Bayramoğlu, Baskın Oran, Aydın Engin, European Union expert Cengiz Aktar, Cengiz Alğan and Prof. Gencay Gürsoy filed a criminal complaint against the General Staff on the grounds of a statement published on the General Staff's website that allegedly targeted the Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) regarding the issue of bilingualism (Turkish/Kurdish).

In an announcement on 17 December, the General Staff expressed their "concern" about "the discussions on 'our language' coming up in the public agenda in recent days that is tried to be brought quickly to a point of revolutionizing the basic organizational philosophy of our republic. [...]".

The group of intellectuals submitted a petition to the Court of Appeals Public Prosecution on Monday (20 December). At the same time, they launched a signature campaign to express their protest against the General Staff's announcement under www.GenelKurmaySucDuyurusu.org.

The petition reads as follows:

"On 17/12/2010, the Presidency of the General Staff published an announcement to the political arena and the public with the apparent knowledge of the Chief of General Staff".

"The announcement on subject included threatening political statements and assessments regarding the official language and the social use of language as a discussion and solution to be handled entirely on a political level. The commander of an armed institution has exceeded his duty and authority granted to him by law. These statements abolish politics as the place for a solution and could pave the way to results that would destroy freedom of speech of the public and the individual".

"According to Article 148 C and E of the Military Criminal Law, it is a crime for a military party to issue politically motivated statements, declarations, writings and suggestions, prepare political statements and forward them to publishing organs."
"For the reasons defined above, we file a criminal complaint against the Chief of General Staff Işık Koşaner. We submit and request to launch an investigation about the officer on subject related to the statements in the announcement by reason of the authorization by Paragraphs 7 and 8 of Article 148 of the Constitution". (BIA, Erhan ÜSTÜNDAĞ, 22 December 2010)

Environ 200 militaires turcs devant la justice pour tentative de coup d'Etat

Le procès historique d'environ 200 militaires turcs, dont des hauts gradés, accusés d'avoir préparé un coup d'Etat pour renverser le gouvernement issu de la mouvance islamique, s'est ouvert jeudi près d'Istanbul en présence des principaux accusés.

Ce procès constitue la menace la plus directe jamais portée contre l'armée turque, gardienne de la laïcité, mais dont le rôle majeur dans la vie politique s'est considérablement réduit depuis que le Parti de la justice et du développement (AKP) du Premier ministre Recep Tayyip Erdogan est arrivé au pouvoir en 2002.

Un juge a procédé dans la matinée à la vérification des identités des 196 accusés, qui comparaissent tous libres.

Des dizaines de journalistes suivent ce procès qui promet d'être long, dans un tribunal aménagé dans un centre pénitentiaire de Silivri, près d'Istanbul.

Parmi les principaux accusés présents à l'audience figurent l'ancien général Cetin Dogan, soupçonné être le "cerveau" d'un plan de déstabilisation intitulé "Opération masse de forgeron", et les anciens chefs de la marine et de l'armée de l'air, Ozden Ornek et Ibrahim Firtina.

S'exprimant hors du tribunal, M. Dogan a affirmé que cette affaire n'avait pas de "base légitime". "Tôt ou tard, la justice l'emportera... Mais plus cela prendra de temps, plus lourdes seront les conséquences pour ceux qui ont fabriqué" des preuves, a-t-il déclaré.

Les suspects, dont des officiers supérieurs d'active, encourent 15 à 20 ans de prison pour "tentative de renversement du gouvernement ou utilisation de la force et de la violence pour l'empêcher d'accomplir ses fonctions".

L'acte d'accusation leur reproche d'avoir fomenté en 2003 une série d'actes de déstabilisation, allant d'attentats contre des mosquées au crash d'un avion de combat turc lors d'un accrochage avec la chasse grecque, pour créer un climat de chaos favorable à un putsch.

L'ex-général Dogan, qui commandait au moment des faits la Première armée basée à Istanbul, a affirmé que les documents saisis par la justice provenaient d'un séminaire et n'étaient qu'un scénario parmi d'autres, décrivant une situation fictive de tension pour évaluer les meilleures façons de réagir à une telle crise.

Une trentaine de militants de l'association islamiste Özgür Der (Association liberté) ont manifesté à l'extérieur du tribunal, avec une banderole portant l'inscription: "Les putschistes seront vaincus, les résistants vont gagner".

"Ce procès est une avancée en soi, même s'il n'aboutit pas. Avant, il était impossible d'arrêter un officier supérieur, pour lui demander des comptes", a déclaré à l'AFP Rivdan Kaya, le dirigeant de l'association, qui selon l'accusation, faisait partie des groupes visés par le complot.

Le procès suscite la polémique car il intervient alors que plusieurs centaines de personnes ont déjà été inculpées ces deux dernières années dans diverses enquêtes sur des complots supposés visant le gouvernement.

Les milieux proches de l'AKP voient dans cette procédure une avancée majeure vers la démocratisation de la Turquie et le respect de l'Etat de droit par l'armée. Celle-ci a renversé quatre gouvernements, depuis 1960.

Les cercles pro-laïcité y voient en revanche un moyen de pression du gouvernement pour réduire au silence l'opposition et pouvoir poursuivre un "agenda" caché d'islamisation rampante du pays. Ceux-ci mettent notamment en question l'authenticité de certaines preuves fournies par le ministère public.

La prochaine audience a été fixée au 28 décembre. (AFP, 16 déc 2010)

Beginning of "Sledgehammer" Coup Plan Trial

Today (16 December) the first hearing of the trial about the so-called "Sledgehammer" ('Balyoz') coup plan will be heard in Istanbul. The coup plan initially made the headlines of Taraf newspaper in 2003, alleging that the 1st Army Command had plotted to overthrow the government of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP). 196 defendants are indicted in the scope of the Sledgehammer Coup Plan Trial.

According to documents published on 20 January 2010, the "Sledgehammer Operation Plan" was prepared by the military junta under General Çetin Doğan, then 1st Army Commander. Plans with the code names "Chador", "Beard", "Suga" and "Thunderstorm" were prepared with the aim to create the basis for a coup.

Furthermore, it was said that the Fatih and Beyazit Mosques, two major mosques in Istanbul, should be bombed in order to force the government to declare martial law. It was supposedly planned to make a Turkish jet plane crash over Greek air space with the aim of creating tension between the neighbouring countries. Additionally, it was apparently part of the plan to arrest democratic-minded journalists after the coup.

Retired General Doğan was accused of being the brain behind the plan but he rejected the allegations.

The Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) had announced that these plans were part of scenarios of Planning Seminars held on 5-7 March 2003.

A suitcase full of documents

On 30 January 2010, Taraf newspaper reporter Mehmet Baransu submitted a suitcase with 5,000 documents to the Beşiktaş (Istanbul) Courthouse.

On 22 February, prosecutors on duty Mehmet Berk, Bilal Bayraktar and Ali Haydar took 49 military officers into custody, among them retired generals and active army officers. For days later, on 26 February, another 18 military officers were taken into custody.

One released, one arrested

On 1 April, the judge on duty of the 12th High Criminal Court, Oktay Kuban, released 19 suspects because of a "lack of strong suspicion". The prosecutor decided to re-arrest the suspects.

Judge on duty Yılmaz Alp from the Istanbul 9th High Criminal Court released again 26 suspects claiming that their detention could not be continued only due to legal or hypothetical implications.

968-page indictment accepted

On 19 July, the Istanbul 10th High Criminal Court accepted the indictment and opened a trial against 196 military officers.

The defendants stand accused of the "attempt to overthrow executive organs of the Turkish Republic by force and to hinder them from fulfilling their duty by force". The court decided to arrest 102 defendants on the grounds of "strong suspicion" on 23 July.

However, only retired Colonel Ahmet Şentürk was arrested. The other defendants appealed against the arrest decision. The Istanbul 11th High Criminal Court decided by majority vote to accept the appeals of the 101 defendants, even though the prosecutor had pleaded otherwise. Judge Metin Özçelik put an annotation to the decision. It was said that the arrest warrant could be lifted in case of no risk of flight.

Some defendants requested a recusation of the judge but their demand was rejected by the Istanbul 12th High Criminal Court.

Judge changed two days prior to the start of trial

On Wednesday (15 December), one day prior to the beginning of the trial, it turned out that inspectors of the Ministry of Justice launched a disciplinary investigation on 25 August 2009 about Zafer Başkurt, Court President of the Istanbul 10th High Criminal Court, and Erkan Canak, Court President of the 14th High Criminal Court. Judge Ömer Diken was appointed to the case. (BIA, Berivan TAPAN, 16 December 2010)
Le procès d'officiers accusés de putsch débute jeudi à Istanbul

Le procès de quelque 200 militaires turcs, dont de nombreux officiers de haut rang, accusés d'avoir préparé un coup d'Etat pour chasser du pouvoir le gouvernement issu de la mouvance islamiste, débute jeudi à Istanbul.

Jamais dans l'histoire de la Turquie, l'armée, gardienne de la laïcité et qui n'a guère fait mystère de son hostilité au Parti de la justice et du développement (AKP) du Premier ministre Recep Tayyip Erdogan, n'a vu son rôle dans la société turque autant remis en cause que par cette procédure.

Au total, 196 conjurés supposés, parmi lesquels figurent les anciens commandants de l'aviation et de la marine, encourent de 15 à 20 ans de prison pour "tentative de renversement du gouvernement ou utilisation de la force et de la violence pour l'empêcher d'accomplir ses fonctions".

L'acte d'accusation leur reproche d'avoir fomenté en 2003, l'année suivant l'accession au pouvoir de l'AKP, une série d'actes de déstabilisation, allant d'attentats contre des mosquées au crash d'un avion de combat turc lors d'un accrochage avec la chasse grecque, pour créer un climat de chaos favorable à un putsch.

Il désigne l'ex-général Cetin Dogan, qui commandait alors la Première armée, basée à Istanbul, comme le "cerveau" de ce plan intitulé "Opération masse de forgeron".

Celui-ci a cependant démenti ces accusations, affirmant que les documents saisis par la justice provenaient d'un séminaire tenu en mars 2003 et n'étaient en fait qu'un scénario parmi d'autres, décrivant une situation fictive de tension pour évaluer les meilleures façons de réagir à une telle crise.

Le procès, qui intervient alors que plusieurs centaines de personnes ont déjà été inculpées au cours des deux années dans le cadre de diverses enquêtes sur des complots supposés visant le gouvernement, suscite la polémique.

Les milieux libéraux et proches de l'AKP voient dans cette procédure une avancée majeure vers la démocratisation de la Turquie et le respect de l'Etat de droit par l'armée.

Celle-ci a en effet déjà renversé quatre gouvernements depuis 1960.

En 2007 encore, l'état-major s'est immiscé dans le jeu politique en accusant dans un communiqué le gouvernement d'inaction face au développement d'activités islamistes et en prévenant que "les forces armées turques sont une partie dans ce débat et sont des protectrices déterminées de la laïcité".

Les cercles pro-laïcité voient en revanche dans ce procès et les autres accusations de complots des moyens de pression du gouvernement pour réduire au silence l'opposition et pouvoir poursuivre un "emploi du temps" caché d'islamisation rampante du pays.

Ils doutent notamment de l'authenticité de certaines preuves fournies par le ministère public, dénonçant des anachronismes --la présence supposée d'un officier au séminaire alors qu'il était en mission à l'étranger, des référence à des institutions qui n'existaient pas ou portaient un autre nom en 2003-- laissant supposer qu'il s'agit de faux. (AFP, 15 déc 2010)

Conférence: La Turquie est-elle vraiment démilitarisée?

Conférence

La Turquie est-elle
vraiment démilitarisée?


Ragip Zarakolu
Jean Sirapian
Dogan Özgüden

Le mercredi 8 décembre 2010 à 18h00
Ateliers du Soleil - Rue de Pavie 53 - 1000 Bruxelles

Cliquez pour les détails

La conférence au sujet de "La Turquie est-elle vraiment démilitarisée?" s'est tenue le 8 décembre 2010 au siège des Ateliers du Soleil à Bruxelles. Après la projection du documentaire d'Info-Türk, "La Turquie, d'un coup d'Etat à l'autre", les trois intervenants, Jean Sirapian, directeur des éditions Sigest et Président de l'Institut Tchobanian, Ragip Zarakolu, membre du Comité pour la liberté d'édition de l'Association internationale d'éditeurs (IPA), et Dogan Özgüden, directeur des éditions Info-Türk, ont précisé que les militaires, malgré certaines réformes cosmétiques, continuent toujours à déterminer les lignes rouges du régime et obligent les dirigeants civils à poursuivre les politiques répressives concernant les droits de l'Homme et des minorités. La conférence a été organisée à l'occasion de la parution de deux livres sur le militarisme en Turquie: Turquie: Le putsch permanent par Erol Özkoray et Le livre noir de la "démocratie" militariste en Turquie par Dogan Özgüden.

Is the military retreating from open battle with government?

From the outset, the existence of a duality in the Turkish justice system -- i.e., the military and civilian judiciaries -- has been one of the core obstacles in changing the civilian-military equation in favor of elected civilian governments if a democratic state is to be fully established.

The latest amendments made to the military-dictated 1982 Constitution and approved through a referendum on Sept. 12 only partially addressed the controversial status of the military judicial system. This system is not only limited to disciplinary acts of officers but also covers areas that fall under the jurisdiction of civil courts.

Apart from the military appeals court, another military court that has become highly controversial is the Military High Administrative Court (AYİM), which is equivalent to the Council of State, which deals with disputes between civilians and the state.

The AYİM was established and inserted into the Constitution soon after the 1971 memorandum issued by the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) against the government. The military judiciary system as a whole has been the product of military coups, which Turkey has witnessed five times in various forms since 1960.

The ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party) has fallen victim to what can be described as its hesitant policies when it comes to reducing the political power of the TSK by not inserting in the latest constitutional amendment package the abolition of both AYİM and the military appeals court. This hesitation of the government also partly stems from the absence of a capacity among the three opposition parties to vigorously push for democratic reforms in Parliament. That leaves the government alone and thus hesitant in pushing for reforms.

The problematic nature of the AYİM has resurfaced as it prompted civilian-military polemics on the legal status of an admiral and two generals who are going to be tried later this month together with around 22 active duty and retired admirals and generals on charges of involvement in a coup plot codenamed Sledgehammer and seeking to overthrow the government. Around 196 Sledgehammer suspects are awaiting trial.

Furthermore, two of the generals involved in the latest legal polemics are accused of negligence during the fight against the outlawed Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK).

However, the AYİM, contrary to a decision it made in August that has been regarded by many as having been made under the influence of top commanders challenging the civilian authority's legal right, handed down a verdict last Friday rejecting appeals filed by three high-ranking commanders of earlier decisions by two ministers to suspend them from their duties.

Retired military judge Faik Tarımcıoğlu hailed the court's verdict because the two ministers' decision to remove the two generals and an admiral from duty were legally correct. “In any case, the AYİM's structure runs against the Constitution,” he, however, stressed.

The AYİM's latest verdict rejecting the appeals of the three senior officers in question against earlier decisions by the two ministers to suspend them will mean they cannot be promoted. They are now expected to retire.

The AYİM's two separate and contradictory verdicts -- one in August and the other last Friday -- on the generals once again pushes us to rethink the future of the TSK's position in politics and the strength of civilian elected authorities.

Professor Ümit Cizre of İstanbul Şehir University's department of political science and international relations sheds light on the verdict and civil-military relations in general in comments included below:

This verdict can be interpreted in two ways.

1. The court has of its own volition decided that promoting officers suspected of wrongdoings cannot serve justice and that the court agrees that the ministers' actions are perfectly in line with their legally defined authority.

The upshot is that this is a hopeful sign that civil-military relations are gradually getting normalized without any need for radical intervention by the government.

2. More realistically, this is one of a series of other moves of retreat by the military from waging an open battle with the government to a more quiet/reasonable/behind-the-scenes role. It has happened before -- remember the post-Dolmabahçe position (a meeting that took place between Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and then-Chief of General Staff Gen. Yaşar Büyükanıt). It is happening now and will probably happen again.

There is a cautionary story here. It would be very helpful and instructive for the public to know what is being discussed behind closed doors between Chief of General Staff Gen. Işık Koşaner and the prime minister as they did on this occasion, too, prior to the court's decision. Only then can we conclude whether this is part of a permanent trend for the democratic civilian control of the armed forces or a temporary strategy by the military to recoup its losses -- because it is on the losing side at this time. Furthermore, the public also has the right to know whether the civilian government is offering any concessions to the military institution behind the scenes to achieve a minimal sign of normalcy. Isn't the WikiLeaks incident (under which secret cables of US diplomats are being leaked) also a lesson to be learned over the usefulness of transparency? A little bit of courage to be more transparent wouldn't hurt anybody -- neither the government nor the military.

Needless to say, we also expect the government to continue ceaselessly and with commitment to establish principles of democratic control over the armed forces.

I will add to Cizre's comments that what Turkey also lacks is brave, courageous and democratically minded opposition parties, which currently stand with their militaristic mentality as a serious roadblock before the country's drive to democratization. (todayszaman.com, LALE KEMAL, December 6, 2010)

Announcement of conscientious objection from eleven young people

Eleven more announcements for conscientious objections was made in Diyarbakır in the context of campaign against serving for military. Ahmet Demiray, a founder of Kurdish Conscientious Objector, made the common announcement through a press conference in the Human Rights Association’s Diyarbakır Branch building.

“We are not going to be a part of massacre, we are not going to serve for military” was their common slogan as it was used in entire campaign against recruitment.

“We have been migrated to the metropolises where we do not know. We had to move on despite our dramatic traumas of our childhood. Then, our
brothers were marked as our enemies and Kurds forced to kill their brothers. Any young people, particularly Kurdish people shouldn’t serve for military and kill anyone. Do not shed blood of your brothers,” said Demiray.

Mehmet Mehdi Güler, Vice President of the Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) Diyarbakır Branch, congratulated youngsters due to their decisions.

Mother Latife Savuran, a member of Initiative of Peace Mother, also addressed the attendees and said that she may set herself on fire if her two sons were recruited since her other son was killed when he was soldier in 1992. (DIHA, December 4, 2010)

USA Wants to Keep Nuclear Weapons in Turkey
Cables published in WikiLeaks confirmed that the USA have tactical nuclear weapons in Turkey, Germany, the Netherlands and Belgium.

A document of the Berlin Embassy dated 12 November 2009 comprises a record of a meeting of US Ambassador to Germany, Philip D. Murphy, and the Undersecretary of the US Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Philip Gordon, with Christoph Heusgen, National Security Advisor of Germany.

The cable includes talks about the plan to remove all nuclear weapons as part of a government agreement in Germany.

Merkel critical, Westerwelle insisting

Heusgen apparently informed the US officials that German Chancellor Angela Merkel was not too fond of the plan but Guido Westerwelle, German Minister of Foreign Affairs, was insisting on the topic.

According to the cable, Gordon asked Heusgen whether the coalition government was going to fulfil its commitment on removing all nuclear weapons. Heusgen replied, "We mentioned that there are '20' nuclear weapons in Germany. It does not make sense to withdraw them unilaterally as long as there are thousands of nuclear weapons in Russia. This must be done bilaterally".

Gordon said that this proposal and its possible results should be evaluated carefully. He was furthermore quoted as saying, "If these nuclear weapons will be withdrawn from Germany, Belgium and the Netherlands, it might become politically very difficult to retain Turkey's stock of nuclear weapons".

Harsh Criticism from NATO

After the cable emerged on WikiLeaks, NATO harshly criticized the publication of the cable that confirmed the fact that the USA has nuclear weapons in Turkey and the other three countries. NATO Spokesperson Oana Lungescu said on Tuesday (30 November) that the leaking of this document was "illegal and dangerous". (BIA, Burçin BELGE, 2 December 2010

Affaires religieuses/Religious Affairs

Provocation During Commemoration of Maraş Massacre
About a thousand people came together in Istanbul on 19 December to commemorate the deaths of the "Maraş massacre" 32 years ago. The meeting was disturbed by a group of ultra-nationalists ('ülkücü') who tried to provoke the crowd during a press release.

Mustafa Pastırmacı, Provincial Chair of the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), Governor Mehmet Niyasi Tanılır and Chief of Police Mustafa Aydın eventually managed to "persuade" the group to leave the square.

Ali Balkız, Head of the Alevi Bektashi Federation (ABF), claimed that the group of nationalists gained courage for their provocation from the government's discriminating attitude. In an event organized in Maraş (southern Turkey), Balkız reiterated his claim to punish the ones that are responsible for the massacre.

Alevis came together once more to mark the 32nd anniversary of the massacre. According to official numbers, 111 people died in the events starting on 23 December 1978, more than a thousand people were injured.

"For what reason do they attack?"

Balkız said about the attack, "We understand from the news that the attackers were young people between 15 and 25 years old. They were born years after the massacre. The crucial points are in what kind of homes these young ones were raised, which schools they attended, in which climate did they grow up that they attack people who came to town with carnations in their hands and a message of brotherhood".

Balkız criticized that the young attackers were encouraged by the discriminative attitude towards Alevis exhibited by the government members and the prime minister. According to Balkız, the fact that the perpetrators of the massacre remained unpunished also played an important role.

"Neither the Kurdish nor the Alevi question have been solved yet. A social environment of peace has not been created. This paves the way to that sort of tension. [...] What reasons do these young people have to attack us?"

Massacre

The massacre started with the killing of two teachers and the bombing of a cinema. Alevi and people associated with the left wing and the Republican People's Party (CHP) were being targeted. A significant part of the Alevi population left the city after the massacre.

Alevis later on claimed that the courts of the martial law after the military coup on 12 September 1980 prevented the disclosure of all details about the massacre. The Alevis request to re-open the files.

Ökkeş Şendiller

Ökkeş Kenger allegedly threw a bomb on the Çiçek cinema in Maraş on 19 December 1978. He was acquitted about one month prior to the military coup in 1980. Later on, he assumed the surname 'Şendiller'. He became Member of Parliament for Kahramanmaraş as a member of the Nationalist Labour Party (MÇP) which afterwards became the MHP.

In 1992, Şendiller became one of the executive members of the Great Union Party (BBP). In a television program for the state channel TRT he was able to claim that slain Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink was involved in the Maraş massacre. Years later, he was invited by the government to the Alevi Workshop in 2009.

According to the news, he did not attend the workshop due to objections and the "kind request" of Minister Faruk Çelik. (BIA, Erhan ÜSTÜNDAĞ, 21 December 2010)

La communauté alévie de Turquie perd espoir de faire entendre ses droits

Les alévis, la plus grosse communauté religieuse de Turquie après les sunnites, perdent espoir de voir leurs revendications satisfaites par un gouvernement qui affirme pourtant, à l'appui de sa candidature à l'Union européenne, qu'il tend la main aux minorités.

"Notre façon de vénérer Dieu est très différente du rite sunnite", explique Cahit Albayrak, un représentant à Sivas (Anatolie de l'est) des alévis, une communauté connue pour son interprétation tolérante du Coran, mais qui fait figure d'"hérétique" aux yeux de nombreux sunnites.

L'Etat turc cherche à nous "assimiler" car nous n'allons pas à la mosquée, nous ne prions pas cinq fois par jour et ne jeûnons pas pendant le ramadan, affirme ce militant, qui réclame que sa foi soit reconnue dans un pays qui prétend rejoindre les valeurs européennes.

Les alévis, qui constituent le deuxième groupe religieux de Turquie, rassembleraient 20% des 73 millions de Turcs.

Dans ses rapports de progrès vers une adhésion éventuelle, la Commission européenne dénonce régulièrement la situation de cette communauté, qui a derrière elle une longue histoire de persécutions.

Leur foi n'est pas reconnu officiellement, malgré une timide volonté d'ouverture du gouvernement islamo-conservateur, comme la visite l'an dernier du chef de l'Etat Abdullah Gül dans une "cemevi", le lieu de culte alévi.

Le sunnisme en revanche est en quelque sorte une religion d'Etat dans un pays pourtant laïque: il est financé et encadré par la direction des affaires religieuses (Diyanet), un empire colossal dépendant du Premier ministre.

Chez les alévis, contrairement au rite sunnite, hommes et femmes prient ensemble. Côte à côte, ils se livrent à un rituel mystique: le cem (la réunion).

Dans leur lieu de prière de Sivas, ils se vouent à l'admiration d'Ali, gendre du prophète Mohammed, et prêchent l'humanisme, avant que les maîtres de cérémonie, les "dede", n'invitent les fidèles à danser le "semah", qui se rattache à la tradition soufie.

Leur religion, distincte du chiisme, mêle toutes sortes d'influences, jusqu'au chamanisme, et se montre souple: "Il y a une voie, il y a mille et un itinéraires".

Le 2 juillet 1993, à quelques centaines de mètres de ce lieu, 37 intellectuels venus commémorer le poète alévi Pir Sultan Abdal, qui a vécu au 16è siècle à Sivas, sont morts à l'hôtel Madimak, dans un incendie allumé par une foule d'islamistes intégristes.

L'Etat turc a récemment décidé de racheter cet hôtel.

Les alévis veulent que le bâtiment devienne un musée mais, comme leurs autres revendications, celle-ci restera insatisfaite, prévoit M. Albayrak, pour qui "les plaies du massacre de Madimak sont toujours ouvertes".

"L'alévisme doit sortir de sa situation officieuse. Les cours obligatoires de religion dans l'enseignement public, jusqu'au lycée compris (où l'on enseigne le sunnisme) doivent être abolis et les cemevis doivent avoir un statut légitime", déclare le président de la Fédération des alévis, Ali Balkiz.

"Les alévis ont été forcés de cacher leur foi et ont été persécutés. Ils doivent sortir de l'ombre", souligne-t-il.

Le Parti de la justice et du développement (AKP), une formation d'inspiration sunnite, qui brigue un troisième mandat à la tête du pays lors des élections générales de juin, a lancé une initiative pro-alévie en 2007,
restée sans suite.

"L'alévisme est la vraie religion des Turcs", affirme sans modestie M. Balkiz, qui définit ainsi sa foi: "progrès, modernité, égalité des sexes et attachement à la laïcité".

L'alévisme, une minorité religieuse propre à la Turquie

La confession alévie, courant progressiste de l'Islam particulier à la Turquie, regroupe environ 15 millions de personnes, et ses pratiquants dénoncent une volonté d'assimilation forcée par la majorité sunnite.

Cette minorité religieuse rassemble 15 à 20% de la population turque (73 millions) et peut-être davantage, car nombreux sont ceux qui dissimulent leur foi.

Les alevis sont présents tant dans la communauté turque que dans la communauté kurde du pays.

L'alévisme est né en Asie centrale et est empreint d'Islam chiite, mais il a très peu à voir avec la forme actuelle du chiisme d'Iran. Il mêle aussi le mysticisme à des influences chamaniques.

Son interprétation du Coran et des cinq piliers de l'islam est particulière: les alévis ne prient pas cinq fois par jour, et ne vont pas à la mosquée mais dans leur lieu de culte ("cemevis"), où ils dansent le "semah", hommes et femmes réunis. Ils ne font pas le pèlerinage de La Mecque et ne jeûnent pas pendant le ramadan.

Particulièrement attachés à la laïcité et son instaurateur en Turquie, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, ils sont aussi tolérants en ce qui concerne l'usage de l'alcool et de ce fait ne sont pas considérés par certains comme de "vrais musulmans".

Ils ont une longue histoire de persécutions, car le culte qu'ils vouent à l'imam Ali, gendre du prophète Mahomet, fait d'eux des hérétiques aux yeux des sunnites.

L'alévisme continue de susciter une certaine méfiance dans la société turque. Il n'est pas officiellement reconnu en tant que religion par l'Etat mais comme une variante du sunnisme.

Il ne bénéficie ni du statut de religion minoritaire accordé aux cultes orthodoxe, arménien ou juif, ni du statut d'islam officiel dont fait l'objet le sunnisme hanéfite.

Les alévis demandent le respect de leur religion dans la Constitution turque, pourtant laïque, et que leur enfants soient dispensés des cours de religion obligatoire.

Ils veulent un statut officiel pour leurs lieux de culte et leurs chefs spirituels, les dedes, dans l'esprit des efforts affichés par Ankara pour intégrer les valeurs de l'Union européenne. (AFP, Burak AKINCI, 7 déc 2010)

Europe warns Turkey about religion box on ID cards

The EU’s Council of Ministers has said Turkey must implement a European Court of Human Rights decision to allow the country’s Alevis to declare themselves as such on identity cards or it will face severe sanctions.

“The decision is obligatory,” said Rıza Türmen, a former European court judge. “Turkey … must change the relevant law.”

Alevi citizen Sinan Işık initially pursued domestic legal avenues to change the religion box on his ID card from “Muslim” to “Alevi” in 2004.

Turkey’s Religious Affairs Directorate, however, argued in court that Alevism was “a sect, not a religion,” leading the court to reject Işık’s request.

After losing an appeal at the Supreme Court of Appeals, Işık took his case in 2005 to the European court, which ruled that not only was the lack of an option for Alevis a violation of human rights, the very existence of a “religion” category on mandatory government identity cards was itself a violation of fundamental human rights.

The Turkish state has failed to implement the European court’s ruling and Işık’s card still reads “Muslim.” Işık recently took his case and Turkey’s noncompliance to the EU’s Council of Ministers, which supervises European court rulings and their implementation.

If the ruling remains unimplemented, Turkey could face sanctions, such as dismissal from the council, according to sources.(Milliyet, November 30, 2010)

Socio-économique / Socio-economic

Le FMI salue la croissance mais entrevoit des risques financiers

Le Fonds monétaire international a salué vendredi la reprise d'une croissance vigoureuse en Turquie, qui devrait excéder ses prévisions initiales, mais a entrevu pour le pays des risques élevés dans un secteur financier trop peu surveillé à son goût.

A l'issue d'une mission de suivi dans le pays, le FMI a relevé son estimation de la croissance, qui "devrait dépasser les 8%" en 2010 et atteindre 4,5% en 2011, alors qu'il tablait en octobre sur 7,8% et 3,6%.

Dès la fin 2010 "l'activité dépassera aisément son niveau d'avant la crise, dans l'un des rares pays d'Europe à atteindre ce jalon. L'emploi continue également à se reprendre", s'est félicité le Fonds.

Il s'est cependant inquiété des déséquilibres de l'économie turque, qui s'est mise à emprunter beaucoup en profitant de l'abondance de capitaux. "Par conséquent, le déficit des comptes courants devrait plus que doubler en 2010 à près de 6% du PIB", le plus élevé des pays du G20, a-t-il relevé.

Par ailleurs, l'insuffisante compétitivité de l'économie turque "attire les capitaux depuis les secteurs exportables vers l'immobilier, l'énergie et la distribution", a souligné l'institution.

D'après elle, ces éléments "mettent en exergue l'exposition persistante de la Turquie aux humeurs des marchés, y compris aux inquiétudes de contagion des problèmes connus par l'Europe".

Le FMI a appelé les autorités à réguler plus étroitement le secteur financier.

"L'assouplissement décidé pendant la crise des règlements encadrant la restructuration des prêts et les provisions pour pertes n'est plus nécessaire et il devrait y être mis un terme. De plus, les normes et lignes directrices réglementaires devraient être durcies", a-t-il conseillé.

La Turquie et le FMI avaient longuement discuté, de la fin 2008 au début 2010, de la possibilité d'un prêt au pays. Aucun accord n'avait été trouvé sur ses conditions, et le gouvernement avait finalement décidé de s'en passer. (AFP, 17 déc 2010)

Murderers of Women from all Ages and Social Groups
According to our scanning of newspapers, websites and news agancies, male culprits killed at least 18 women in the month of November, 15 women were injured.

The news do not always include information on age, profession, environment or the perpetrators. In general, the reviewed news were based on the statement of the perpetrators or on police reports. Yet, despite the missing information, a general view revealed that males from all age group expose women from all age groups to violence. Harassment and rape of children has increased in particular.

According to the news, males from all age groups and professions imposed physical and sexual violence to women in November this year.

The perpetrators are usually from the direct environment of the women and children: spouses, boy-friends, fathers, older brothers or acquaintances.

Violence was experienced in all regions and also males and children became victims of male violence; they were injured or killed.

Five of the murders were committed for reasons of "honour/moral". Five women were killed because they wanted to leave their husbands or boy-friends or because they refused to reconcile.

Suspicious deaths

Five women lost their lives under suspicious circumstances in the past month. Two women were found dead at their homes. Another woman allegedly committed suicide on the day her husband returned home to Giresun (Black Sea coast) after having worked in Istanbul for the past nine months.

Court decisions could not protect women

A male who was under a restraining order because he had exposed his wife to violence stabbed his wife and his son at home.

An eleven-year-old child wounded her father with a knife after he had beaten the child, the mother and the sisters. A 17-year-old juvenile killed his step mother in a heated discussion.

21 men and one juvenile appeared at court for murder, 15 males and one juvenile for causing injury; 37 men were taken to court on allegations of harassment and rape.

Culprits are workers, policemen, politicians, teachers, employers

One of the murderer suspects that belong to a wide range of social groups was a temporarily suspended convict, one was a labourer. One woman was killed by her boss.

The girl-friend of a police officer "accidentally shot herself when she was playing around with the weapon of her friend". The wife of a policeman was alleged to have committed suicide with the weapon of her husband. The wife of another policeman was injured, her niece was killed.

The perpetrators involved in injuring women were peasants, stallholders, labourers, bosses, taxi drivers and police officers.

A former minister, a worker and an employee of a private security company were charged with harassment. A chief of police and a former minister were among the males accused of rape.

A primary school teacher who allegedly harassed a student four years ago was arrested.

Perpetrators are no strangers

Nine children and five women were sexually harassed in November, six children and three women were raped. Five girls were harassed or raped by their cousin, uncle or step father. One girl was harassed by the former fiancé of her older sister.

Also in November, women were killed by men from their direct environment, i.e. their father, brother, ex-husbands, husbands, boy-friends and step sons. Only one woman was killed by a man she did not know.

Fathers, uncles, boy-friends, husbands and brothers wounded women with knives, sticks, weapons and their fists. Only two women were injured by men they did not know.

Children as victims of harassment and rape

Mostly children became victims of sexual harassment and rape. Eight out of ten incidents of harassment reported by newspapers concerned girls younger than 17 years old; five out of eight reported incidents of rape were related to girls younger than 18.

It turned out that most of these children were harassed by their relatives or people they knew. Rapes were committed by cousins, boy-friends, step fathers or other males that the women/children knew.

The age of women harassed and raped ranged between 16 and 67 years.

Men victims of male violence

Seven men and four children died in the course of these incidents, four male adults and two children were injured.

One man killed the boy-friend of his ex-wife. Another man killed a male adult who supposedly had harassed his wife. One male injured another because he thought him to be his wife's lover. One man who was living together with a couple was killed by the husband and his brother in law.

Union of "honour guards"

A male adult who got to know that his wife was at home with another man beat his wife and the other man. He called his neighbour and asked him to bring a rope. He tied the other man up and dragged him to the forest. The police took the beaten woman and the violently treated man into custody. The husband was released after he had given his statement. The neighbour who had supplied the rope stated at the police, "I told him that he could beat or kill whoever he wanted but that I would not be in for that".

Death and injuries in every region

As reported by the papers and websites, people who were killed in November came from the Mediterranean, two from the Aegean region, two from teh South-East, six from central Anatolia, one from the Black Sea region and six from the Marmara region. One person died in each of the cities of Adana, Ankara, Aydın, Balıkesir, Çorum, Eskişehir, Giresun, Malatya, Sakarya and Van, two each in Bursa and Gaziantep and three people died in each of the cities of Istanbul, Izmir and Konya.

As far as injuries are concerned, one incident each was reported from East Anatolia, the Mediterranean, two each from the Aegean region and South-East Anatolia, three from the Black Sea region, four from Central Anatolia and six from the Marmara region. One person each was injured in the cities of Bursa, Çorum, İzmir, Kocaeli, Malatya, Mersin, Muğla, Samsun, Sinop and Zonguldak, two in Şanlıurfa, three in Konya and four in Istanbul.

Rapes not reported in Anatolia

Incidents of sexual harassment in November were reported from the Mediterranean, the Marmara region, Central Anatolia, South-Eastern Anatolia, the Aegean and the Black Sea coast. One woman or girl each was exposed to harassment in Antalya, Eskişehir, Gaziantep, İzmir, Manisa and Mersin, two in Samsun and three in Bursa. Regarding rape, there are no reports in the media from places in Central Anatolia and East and South-East Anatolia. There were news of one rape incident each on the Black Sea coast (Trabzon), two in the Marmara region (Bursa and Kocaeli) and the Mediterranean (Antalya and Kütahya) and four incidents in the Aegean region (Izmir).

Males killed 199 women in 2010

According to the tally based on bianet news, male culprits killed 23 women in October 2010, 17 in September, 35 in August, 23 in July, 10 in June, 16 in May, 25 in April, 20 in March, 14 in February and 16 in January. In 2009, a total of 198 women were killed by men. In November 2009, 28 women were murdered. (BIA, Burçin BELGE, 13 December 2010)

Children in Turkey face violence and murder

Despite Turkey's signature on the United Nations' Convention on the Rights of the Children on December 9, 1994, the situation of Turkish children looks grim. Last two decades, three hundred seventy-six children died due to the political conflict in East and Southeast Turkey, with fourteen children murdered just last year.

Sixteen years after signing the Convention, Turkey has failed to improve its record on children's human rights. According to the findings of Caller for Justice for Children, children face violence, physical threats and oppression particularly at official protection home, increasing the number of children who run away and live on the streets and the number whom become addicted to drugs. Around twenty thousand children live on the streets while 22% of children reported that their teachers beat them.

There are 2,814 children in the prisons, 1,056 children were on trial by Heavy Penal Courts since 2006. Two hundred and eight children were convicted by Heavy Penal Courts while 16 of them were on trial because of thought crime (Turkish Criminal Code's famous article 301)

According to the OECD's first report of comparative figures of prosperity between 30 countries, Turkey was the last country on the list regarding children's financial situation, education, health condition and environment. (DIHA, Dec 9, 2010)

Violence Caused by Homophobia in Turkey

"The Politics' stance on Hate against Transphobia" was the topic of the second session of the "Meeting to Commemorate the Trans Individuals who Became Victims of Hate Crime" on 27 November in Ankara.

The session was lead by Damla Çimen from the Turkish LGBT association Pink Life. The first speech was delivered by Nicole Maes, Head of the Department of Political Affairs of the Embassy of the Netherlands. Before the background of her close following up of the LGBTT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transvestite, and transsexual) situation in Turkey, Maes highlighted the situation in the Netherlands:

"The Netherlands look back onto a history of diversity and tolerance. This reputation is also valid for the topic of transgender, even though I cannot say that we do not experience any problems. The most important issue is the social acceptance. We are trying to promote principles against discrimination with our diplomatic work. We try to move transgender away from being perceived as a crime and to make it acceptable world-wide".

Tuncel: "LGBTT struggle should be brought into politics"

Sebahat Tuncel, member of parliament of the Peace and Democracy Party (BDP), indicated that hate murders were not only aimed at LGBTT individuals but at anyone who was considered different and perceived guilty by the society. Tuncel summarized the situation at parliament and suggested ways to prevent hate crimes and to make problems of LGBTT individuals visible.

"Unfortunately, the problems of LGBTT persons are not a topic in focus of the parliamentary agenda and the political developments. The sexist attitude within the political parties is also a big problem. In order to prevent hate crimes, we need legal regulations that guarantee the right to freedom and to life for LGBTT individuals".

"Even if the AKP leaves the new constitution to after the general elections, the LGBTT persons should not bear any further delay. They have to say that they want a new constitution as well. It is very important to create a social opposition. It is crucial to bring the struggle into the streets and into politics. There can be no justice in a place where there is no equality".

Karakaş: 'Left-wing movements leave LGBTTs alone'

Şenol Karakaş from the Revolutionary Socialist Workers Party criticized the left-wing movement for the insufficient support of the LGBTT struggle.

"The Turkish left leaves the LGBTT individuals alone with their struggle, they do not see them. The left in Turkey lives on Stalinism and Kemalism. The Stalinist bureaucracy does not accept homosexuality and thereby harms the family as a new group of capital. Kemalism is an entirely bourgeois moral. We see that the left supports the LGBTT struggle just marginally when these two concepts come together. We have to create a revolutionary left altogether including the LGBTT individuals", Karakaş demanded.

Other sessions of the Meeting to Commemorate the Trans Individuals who Became Victims of Hate Crime were held on the topics of "Pathologizing Transsexuality" and "Artists Against Hate". (BIA, Çiçek TAHAOĞLU, 29 November 2010)

Relations turco-européennes / Turkey-Europe Relations

Ankara fails to open new EU chapter during Belgian presidency
Ankara has failed to meet requirements to open the competition chapter in its negotiations with the EU. The European Commission had requested clear deadlines to finalize the state aid portion, which Ankara prefers to keep in general terms due to its economic plans

Turkey's chief negotiator for EU talks Egemen Bağış. AA photo

Turkey and the European Union have failed to open the competition chapter in Ankara’s accession negotiations during Belgium’s EU term presidency, which will conclude at the end of this year.

The European Commission was not satisfied with the preparatory work for benchmarks that would enable the opening of the chapter, Turkish diplomatic sources told the Hürriyet Daily News & Economic Review on Tuesday. According to experts who wished to remain anonymous, Turkey was unwilling to assume strict obligations on the issue of state aid due to its economic program, especially in the period leading up to next year’s general elections.

In October, Ankara ratified the EU-required law on “Monitoring and Supervising State Aid,” which sets out general conditions and rules for authorization, implementation, monitoring and recovery of state aid in accordance to bilateral agreements between Turkey and the European Union. The Turkish government, however, failed to fulfill other requirements to open the competition chapter.

Among the other benchmarks, the commission had asked Ankara to present an action plan with a timetable for aligning all remaining aid schemes or equivalent measures. The commission was not satisfied with the plan Ankara provided and requested clarification.

“We had to provide an inventory of state aid that had been given so far, including details such as where it had been spent,” one anonymous source told the Daily News. “However the European Commission was not satisfied, saying that the information was not clear enough.”

In free-market conditions, state aid should be restricted in order to protect competition, but developing counties such as Turkey can use the aid for public benefit. “Turkey is in a pre-election period, and also in a period of accelerating economic growth,” one expert said. “Turkey has engaged in the short- and medium-term with the European Commission on general deadlines on state aid, but the commission requested specific dates.”

Economic officials in Ankara prefer to not assume obligations over state aid, the Daily News has learned.

Ankara also needed to establish a “State Aid Monitoring and Supervision Board,” which is planned under the auspices of the Undersecretary of the Treasury. However, no one has yet been appointed to the board, sources said.

The earliest the competition chapter could now be opened would be in January 2011, during Hungary’s EU term presidency. The Belgian presidency will be the second, after Finland, to conclude without Turkey opening a single new negotiating chapter. Belgium wants to include a note in the declaration of the upcoming EU Summit that says the preparations for the competition chapter with Turkey were almost ready.

According to diplomatic sources, two chapters – on public procurement and competition policy – could potentially be opened in the near future. Other chapters are blocked for political reasons due to the Cyprus dispute. (Hürriyet Daily News, December 14, 2010)

L'Union européenne tiraillée sur la poursuite de son élargissement

La politique d'élargissement de l'UE bat de l'aile, éprouvée par la crise économique et une certaine lassitude des Européens, mais plusieurs pays, comme la Grande-Bretagne, la Finlande, l'Italie et la Suède, tentent d'inverser la vapeur.

Mardi à Bruxelles, les ministres européens des Affaires étrangères ont officiellement réaffirmé leur "ferme soutien à la politique d'élargissement".

En coulisses cependant, pour beaucoup "l'heure n'est pas à l'élargissement, qui devient une politique des tout petits pas", concède un diplomate bruxellois.

Après avoir intégré dix pays en 2004, l'UE a réalisé avoir été un peu vite en besogne en acceptant des pays mal préparés comme la Bulgarie et la Roumanie en 2007, juge un autre diplomate: "Du coup le club a durci ses règles, il traîne des pieds, et c'est aujourd'hui un peu frustrant pour les pays qui aspirent à le rejoindre".

Les négociations d'adhésion de la Turquie en témoignent. Elles sont aujourd'hui proches du point mort, alors que la Croatie - qui a commencé en même temps, en 2005 - espère les boucler au premier semestre 2011, en vue de rejoindre l'UE dès 2013.

La présidence belge de l'UE espérait franchir une nouvelle étape en ouvrant ce mois-ci un nouveau chapitre thématique de pourparlers avec Ankara, sur la concurrence.

Mais le ministre belge des Affaires étrangères Steven Vanackere a reconnu que ce ne serait pas le cas, affirmant toutefois: "Ce n'est pas un recul".

Surtout, des pans entiers des pourparlers sont bloqués du fait de l'impasse dans les négociations en vue d'une réunification de l'île de Chypre et du refus d'Ankara de reconnaître la République de Chypre qui a rejoint l'UE en 2004.

Fondamentalement, des pays comme la France ou l'Allemagne sont très réticents à l'idée d'une adhésion pleine et entière de ce pays de 78 millions d'habitants.

Mais la Turquie a aussi ses défenseurs, à l'instar du chef de la diplomatie britannique William Hague. Il a jugé à Bruxelles que les Européens devaient poursuivre leur travaux "en vue d'une adhésion de la Turquie" à l'UE.

"D'ici là, il faut améliorer notre coopération en matière de politique étrangère", a-t-il ajouté, une allusion notamment aux divergences qui ont opposé cette année Ankara aux Européens sur les sanctions contre le programme nucléaire iranien.

Dimanche, dans une tribune de presse commune, William Hague et ses homologues italien Franco Frattini, suédois Carl Bildt et finlandais Alexander Stubb ont plaidé pour que l'Europe "se tourne à nouveau vers l'extérieur".

Selon eux, c'est précisément la crise qui doit motiver l'UE à s'ouvrir à de nouveaux membres, qui peuvent "l'aider à renouer avec le dynamisme économique".

Pour le secrétaire d'Etat français aux Affaires européennes Laurent Wauquiez, cependant, même les Britanniques ont moins "la fleur au fusil sur l'élargissement" qu'auparavant, du fait de l'évolution de l'opinion publique.

A peine lancées en juillet dernier, les négociations d'adhésion de l'Islande sont elles très affectées par des différends sur la pêche, et l'UE s'apprête à prendre des mesures de rétorsion en interdisant le débarquement de maquereau islandais dans ses ports.

Pays candidat depuis 2005, la Macédoine attend toujours l'ouverture formelle de négociations d'adhésion, bloquée par sa querelle avec la Grèce au sujet de son nom.

Mardi, les ministres ont aussi décidé de transmettre aux chefs d'Etat et de gouvernement la responsabilité d'octroyer le statut de candidat au Monténégro. L'Albanie et la Serbie, qui ont déposé une demande en avril et en décembre 2009, ne se sont pas encore vu octroyer ce statut. (AFP, 14 déc 2010)

Rasmussen plaide devant l'UE pour un rapprochement avec la Turquie

Le secrétaire général de l'Otan Anders Fogh Rasmussen a insisté jeudi auprès des pays de l'Union européenne pour qu'ils développent leurs relations militaires avec la Turquie et lèvent ainsi un obstacle à la normalisation, toujours bloquée, des relations UE-Otan.

"J'ai répété aujourd'hui mes propositions pour pouvoir aller de l'avant" dans ce dossier, a-t-il déclaré à la presse, à l'issue d'une réunion avec les ministres de la Défense de l'UE.

Il faut d'une part "conclure un accord de sécurité avec la Turquie et lui donner une place dans l'Agence européenne de défense (EDA)" et de l'autre "mettre l'accent sur le fait que la coopération doit impliquer tous les pays de l'Otan et de l'UE", et donc n'en exclure aucun, a-t-il expliqué.

M. Rasmussen a reconnu que le "problème de fond, c'est-à-dire la division de Chypre et la querelle correspondante, persiste".

La Turquie n'étant pas membre de l'UE et Chypre de l'Otan, le différend a paralysé toutes les tentatives menées jusqu'à présent pour que les rapports entre les deux organisations n'en pâtissent pas.

Aujourd'hui, par exemple, l'UE et l'Otan sont empêchées d'échanger des informations sensibles alors qu'elles mènent des opérations côte-à-côte exigeant une parfaite coordination.

Refusant de parler de blocage, M. Rasmussen a néanmoins estimé qu'un "pas en avant" avait été fait à l'occasion du sommet de l'Otan, qui a fixé le 20 novembre à Lisbonne un "cadre politique" aux futurs rapports de coopération entre les deux organisations.

Les dirigeants de l'Otan ont reconnu le rôle de l'UE comme partenaire privilégié dans les opérations de stabilisation.

Mais, a souligné M. Rasmussen, "nous avons besoin de mesures concrètes" pour surmonter ce problème turco-chypriote, qui empêche l'Otan et l'UE d'avoir des relations normales et formelles. (AFP, 9 déc 2010)

European Parliament to call for new constitution in Turkey

European Parliament's Turkey rapporteur Ria Oomen-Ruijten penned the draft resolution that calls on Turkey to embark on comprehensive constitutional reform.
The European Parliament is expected to reiterate its call on Turkey to adopt a new constitution to better protect human rights and freedoms in a draft resolution due to be discussed at its Committee on Foreign Affairs this week.

The draft resolution penned by the European Parliament’s rapporteur on Turkey, Ria-Oomen Ruijten, welcomes the adoption of constitutional amendments in a referendum on Sept. 12 but underlines “the pressing need for an overall constitutional reform transforming Turkey into a full-fledged pluralistic democracy, with the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms at its core.”

The resolution praises progress made in reforming the judiciary and on military-civilian democracy, urging “the parliament to become active in ensuring parliamentary oversight of security forces, including full oversight of the defense budget.”

In other areas, however, the document says difficulties persist, citing laws that continue to limit freedom of expression, deterioration of freedom of the press and a growing self-censorship in the Turkish media, and restrictions of Internet sites.

The draft resolution on Turkey will first be discussed at the Committee on Foreign Affairs on Thursday. A second debate at the same committee will take place in February and the document will be brought to the European Parliament in March, when it will be debated and voted on.

The constitutional changes pushed by the government include measures to further curb powers of the military and reform the judiciary. The EU, which Turkey aspires to join, has welcomed the amendments and called for more efforts for further changes. It is not clear, however, if any further reform can be carried out in a near future, given the upcoming parliamentary elections that are likely to take place in June.

The resolution expressed concern about “lack of readiness of government and opposition to work towards consensus on key reforms” and urges the government to strengthen “political plurality in State institutions by involving the opposition into responsibility for the modernization and democratization of the State and society” while also calling upon all opposition forces to constructively engage in the reform process.

It also regrets that the constitutional changes did not include any amendment on closure of political parties and urges the government to bring Turkish laws into line with EU standards. It calls for new reforms to reduce the election threshold which currently stands at 10 percent, and laments that no effort has been made to limit the immunity of parliamentarians for corruption-related offenses.

According to the document, the government also should do more to advance its Kurdish initiative, to prevent honor killings and to address problems of Alevis and non-Muslim communities, “notably concerning their ability to obtain legal personality, to open and operate houses of worship, train clergy and to solve property problems not tackled by the Law on Foundations.”

On terrorism, the resolution “strongly condemns the continuing terrorist violence by the PKK and other terrorist groups in Turkish soil” and says Turkey should intensify its cooperation with the EU.

On the ongoing Ergenekon investigation, which looks into a clandestine organization accused of plotting to incite a coup against the democratically elected government, the document says this and other investigations into coup plans “have to prove the strength and the proper and transparent functioning of Turkish democratic institutions” and expresses concern about “the excessively long pre-trial detention periods and stresses the need for effective judicial guarantees for all suspects.”

European Parliament deplores vote against Iran sanctions

The European Parliament resolution also notes Turkey’s increasingly active foreign policy -- praising Turkish efforts in Afghanistan, the Balkans and calling for a Turkish role in efforts to foster dialogue in the Middle East -- and calls on both the EU and the Turkish government to coordinate their foreign policy objectives.

Reflecting disagreements between Ankara Turkey and the West over how to deal with Iran’s nuclear program, the document urges the Turkish government “to fully support efforts of the international community to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons and deplores Turkey’s vote against the relevant UNSC resolution,” referring to Turkey’s vote in May against the imposition of new sanctions on Iran. Ankara says sanctions are counterproductive and calls for a negotiated settlement to an international dispute over Tehran’s nuclear program.

It also criticizes Turkey for its refusal to open its ports and airports to traffic from Greek Cyprus, regrets that NATO-EU cooperation is blocked by NATO member Turkey, and urges Ankara to withdraw a 1995 decision to declare any unilateral Greek move to extend its territorial waters in the Aegean as a “casus belli,” or a reason to declare war. (Today's Zaman, SELÇUK GÜLTAŞLI, 8 December 2010)

European Parliament draft resolution on Turkey's progress report 2010

The European Parliament,

1.Commends Turkish citizens and civil society for their support for further democratisation of Turkey and their commitment to an open and pluralistic society;

2.Is concerned about the ongoing confrontation between the political parties and the lack of readiness of government and opposition to work towards consensus on key reforms; urges the government to enhance political plurality in State institutions by involving the opposition into responsibility for the modernisation and democratisation of the State and society; calls upon all opposition forces to constructively engage in the reform process;

3.Points to the crucial role of a system of checks and balances in the governance of a modern democratic State, which must be based on the principle of separation of powers and balance between the executive, the legislative and the judiciary, on respect of human rights and freedoms, and in particular the media freedom, and on a political culture truly reflecting the plurality of a democratic society;

4.Underlines the role of the Turkish Grand National Assembly as the institution which should crucially contribute to the strengthening of a system of checks and balances, and support, actively and constructively, on the basis of a cross-party commitment, the modernisation reforms, whilst ensuring the democratic scrutiny of government's policies;

5.Welcomes the adoption of constitutional amendments and urges their proper implementation, fully respecting the ECHR standards; underlines however the pressing need for an overall constitutional reform transforming Turkey into a fully-fledged pluralistic democracy, with the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms at its core; welcomes the declared readiness of the government as well as of the opposition to undertake such a reform, and calls upon the government to ensure that all political parties and civil society are closely involved in the whole constitutional process;

6.Welcomes a number of the government's symbolic and goodwill gestures in the areas of religious freedoms, protection of minorities and cultural rights; insists however that systematic improvements are needed; in particular encourages the government to provide the democratic opening with a new impetus, and calls upon the opposition to constructively support and engage in this process;

Fulfilling the Copenhagen criteria

7.Is concerned about the deterioration of freedom of the press and the growing self-censorship within the Turkish media; underlines that independent press is crucial for a democratic society, and points in this context to the essential role of the judiciary to protect and enhance the freedom of the press, thereby guaranteeing the public space for a free debate and contributing to a proper functioning of the system of checks and balances; recalls the need for a new media law to be adopted, addressing, inter-alia, the issues of independence, ownership and administrative control;

8.Regrets that a number of laws continue to limit freedom of expression; reiterates its previous calls to the government to finalise the review on the legal framework on freedom of expression and to bring it, without delay, in line with the ECHR and the ECtHR case law; regrets the repeatedly disproportionate closure of websites and asks the government to prepare amendments to the internet law (No. 5651) in order to make sure that it does not any more limit freedom of expression and restrict the right of citizens to access information;

9.Appreciates the progress made in reforming the judiciary and reiterates its view that judicial independence and impartiality are one of the keys to the functioning of a pluralistic democratic society; asks the government to implement the constitutional amendments adopted in this area in full respect with the separation of powers between the executive and judiciary branches, and in line with European standards;

10.Welcomes that the adopted constitutional amendments finally provide the basis for the establishment of an ombudsman institution and urges the government to prepare and the parliament to adopt the relevant law, allowing for an appointment based on a democratic procedure which would bring into this new office a broadly respected personality;

11.Commends the progress made on civil-military relations, and urges the parliament to become active in ensuring parliamentary oversight of security forces, including full oversight of the defence budget;

12.Underlines that investigations of cases of alleged coup plans such as ERGENEKON have to prove the strength and the proper and transparent functioning of Turkish democratic institutions; is concerned about the excessively long pre-trial detention periods and stresses the need for effective judicial guarantees for all suspects;

13.Regrets that the recent reform of the constitution did not include amendments on the closure of political parties, and urges the government to bring the relevant legislation in line with European standards, pointing in particular to the relevant opinion of the Venice Commission;

14.Reiterates its calls from its previous resolutions for the electoral system to be reformed by reducing the threshold of 10%, thereby strengthening party pluralism and better reflecting the plurality of Turkish society; asks the government to tackle this issue as a priority in order to apply the reform ahead of 2011 parliamentary elections; encourages political parties to reinforce internal party democracy and to strengthen the accountability of elected members vis-à-vis their constituencies;

15.Regrets that no progress has been made in limiting the immunities of members of parliament concerning corruption-related offences, while at the same time there is concern about the adequate protection of expression of non-violent opinions in the parliament; calls therefore upon the government and the parliament to agree on an appropriate reform of the system of parliamentary immunities;

16.Takes note of Turkey's current chairmanship of Council of Europe Committee of Ministers and encourages Turkey to reflect its commitment to the values of the Council of Europe by signing and ratifying the Framework Convention for the protection of national minorities and by ratifying all additional protocols to the ECHR;

17.Is disappointed that the ratification of the Optional Protocol to the UN Convention against torture has been pending since 2005 and urges the parliament to ratify it without any further delay;

18.Supports the ongoing dialogue of the government with religious communities, including the Alevis and the Christian communities, is however disappointed that no progress has been made with regard to the legal framework for the functioning of these communities, notably concerning their ability to obtain legal personality, to open and operate houses of worship, train clergy and to solve property problems not tackled by the Law on Foundations;

19.Calls therefore upon the government to systematically address these issues without any further delay by amending legislation and by ensuring its proper implementation at all levels of government, including the municipalities; points in this context also to the recommendations adopted by the Venice Commission in spring 2010 concerning the legal personality of religious communities and the ecclesiastical title "Ecumenical" of the Orthodox Patriarchate; reiterates its expectation that the government's announcements concerning the re-opening of the Halki Greek Orthodox seminary are soon followed by concrete steps;

20.Strongly condemns the continuing terrorist violence by the PKK and other terrorist groups on Turkish soil; encourages Turkey to intensify its cooperation with the EU, notably its counter-terrorism coordinator and Europol, as well as with the EU Member States in the fight against terrorism;

21.Calls upon the government to revitalise its efforts in the framework of the democratic opening to comprehensively address the Kurdish issue, notably by ensuring a consistent interpretation of laws allowing for use of the Kurdish language in political and public life and in education, by amending anti-terror legislation in order to avoid abuse or extensive interpretation, by addressing efficiently the problems of persons displaced from their home regions as a consequence of, inter alia, the long conflict, and by improving further the socio-economic situation in the south-east;

22.Welcomes the strengthening of the legal framework guaranteeing women's rights and gender equality through the constitutional package; urges the government, and the business and civil society, to take comprehensive measures tackling the poverty of women, increasing women's social inclusion and participation in the labour market, such as actively supporting the access of girls to secondary education or providing child care facilities; furthermore, encourages the introduction of a system of reserved quotas in order to ensure a meaningful presence of women at all levels in business, the public sector and government; calls in particular upon the political parties to use the opportunity of the upcoming elections to strengthen women's active engagement in politics;

23.Deeply deplores the increase in honour killings, and urges the government to step up its preventive efforts at all levels, in particular by obliging municipalities to provide sufficient shelters for women in danger, by effectively monitoring full compliance with this obligation, and by putting in place a system of follow-up assistance for women leaving the shelters; urges the judiciary to ensure that violence against women is consistently and consequently punished;

24.Believes that Turkey should pass legislation introducing civil or social service as an alternative to military service, based on free choice; asks the government to ensure full compliance with the ECtHR judgement Ülke vs. Turkey;

Enhancing social cohesion and prosperity

25.Commends the resilience of the Turkish economy vis-à-vis the global economic crisis; stresses that this economic revival is a unique opportunity to increase labour force participation and employment rates, which are still very low, barely reaching 50% only, and to set in motion a process of progressive social inclusion; points to the shared responsibility of the government and social partners, and encourages them to intensify cooperation in order to strengthen the anchors of a socially oriented market economy;

26.Notes the interdependence of the EU and the Turkish economies and points to its potential for enhancing prosperity in both, the EU and Turkey, as Turkey's integration into the EU market advances;

27.Takes note of the improvements introduced by the constitutional amendments in the area of social dialogue, insists however that also here the key lies in proper implementation into the legal framework, which still needs to be brought in line with ILO standards; encourages all parties of the Economic and Social Council to strengthen their engagement and cooperation to advance this goal;

28.Reiterates the need to strengthen cohesion among Turkish regions and between rural and urban areas; points in this context to the particular role of education and to the need to tackle persisting large regional disparities as far as quality of education and enrolment rates are concerned;

29.Urges the government to fully consider the sustainability and environmental consequences of its plans on new water and energy infrastructure pursued under the South-East Anatolia project (GAP) which risk to destroy the environment and the unique landscape of many regions; in particular stresses the need to ensure that the draft law on nature protection and biodiversity is amended so as to fully respect European standards, and to clearly allocate the responsibility for nature protection within the executive;

Building good neighbourly relations

30.Calls on the Turkish Government to actively support the ongoing negotiations, to contribute in concrete terms to the comprehensive settlement of the Cyprus issue and to facilitate a suitable climate for negotiations by immediately starting to withdraw its forces from Cyprus; strongly urges the two communities in Cyprus to work intensively as asked for by the SG of the UN to capitalise on the progress already made in the negotiations in order to reach a sustainable solution, in line with the relevant UNSC resolutions and the principles on which the EU is founded, to the benefit of the Cypriot citizens, the EU and Turkey;

31.Encourages Turkey to intensify its support for the Committee on Missing Persons in Cyprus, in particular by facilitating its access to military zones in the north;

32.Urges Turkey to ratify the protocols with Armenia, to open the border with this neighbour, and to use its regional weight as one of the key powers in the Caucasus to enhance confidence building measures and to contribute to the solution of the frozen conflict around Nagorno Karabach;

33.Takes note of the intensified efforts between Turkey and Greece for improvement of their bilateral relations; regrets however that the casus belli declared by the Turkish Grand National Assembly towards Greece has still not been withdrawn;

34.Appreciates the deepening of relations between Turkey and Iraq, including its Kurdish regional government, and points in particular to Turkey's contribution to the stabilisation of Iraq;

Advancing EU-Turkey cooperation

35.Deplores the fact that the Additional Protocol to the EC Turkey Association Agreement has still not been implemented by Turkey, which continues to affect the process of negotiations; calls on the government to fully implement it;

36.Takes note of the progress achieved by Turkey on the energy chapter and urges the Council once again to open negotiations on this chapter without any further delay; calls on the Turkish government to step up its efforts in negotiations on joining the Energy Community Treaty; welcomes the ratification of the Nabucco Intergovernmental Agreement;

37.Welcomes the substantial progress that has been made towards finalising negotiations on an EU-Turkey readmission agreement, and calls upon the Turkish government to ensure that, until this agreement enters into force, existing bilateral agreements are fully implemented; underlines the importance of intensification of the cooperation between EU and Turkey on migration management and border controls, also given the large percentage of illegal immigrants entering the EU territory via Turkey; is of the view that once the readmission agreement enters into force, the Commission will prepare negotiations on a visa facilitation agreement, easing in particular the entry conditions of businesspeople and students travelling to the EU;

38.Takes note of Turkey's increasingly active foreign policy, aimed at strengthening its role as regional player; urges the HR/VP to take this dimension in full consideration and engage with Turkey for the coordination of objectives and the proper valorisation of EU interests; calls upon the Turkish government to step up its foreign policy coordination with the EU;

39.Urges the Turkish government to fully support efforts of the international community to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons, and deplores Turkey's vote against the relevant UNSC resolution; is of the view that Turkey could contribute to the democratisation and the strengthening of human rights in Iran, whilst coordinating its efforts with the EU;

40.Believes that Turkey should play an important role in fostering dialogue in the Middle East Peace process, and calls upon Turkey to resume its constructive mediation and in particular to contribute to the strengthening of the Palestinian Authority;

41.Appreciates Turkey's constructive engagement supporting the efforts of the transatlantic partners in Afghanistan and in the Balkans; regrets however that NATO-EU strategic cooperation beyond the "Berlin Plus" arrangements is blocked by Turkish objections;

42.Calls on the Turkish Government to sign and submit for ratification the Statute of the International Criminal Court, thus further increasing Turkey's contribution to, and engagement in, the global multilateral system;

43.Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, the Secretary General of the Council of Europe, the President of the European Court of Human Rights, the governments and parliaments of the Member States and the Government and Parliament of the Republic of Turkey.

Turquie-USA/ Turkey-USA

Génocide arménie: la Turquie en appelle au président Obama

Le président turc Abdullah Gul a demandé à son homologue américain Barack Obama d'empêcher le vote d'une résolution qualifiant de génocide le massacre des Arméniens en 1915-1917, a annoncé mercredi l'agence turque Anatolie.

"Des initiatives pour mettre cette résolution à l'ordre du jour" de la Chambre des Représentants provoque "des inquiétudes sur l'avenir des liens entre la Turquie et les Etats-Unis", selon le message cité par l'agence.

Le président Gul a demandé à M. Obama "d'empêcher que cette question ne prenne les relations entre la Turquie et les Etats-Unis en otage", a ajouté l'agence.

Le Premier-ministre Recep Tayyip Erdogan avait envoyé auparavant à M. Obama un message semblable après des informations selon lesquelles le lobby arménien aux Etats-Unis faisait pression pour que la Chambre des Représentants adopte cette résolution.

Le problème avait déjà provoqué une crise diplomatique entre les deux alliés au sein de l'OTAN quand la commission des Affaires étrangères de la Chambre avait failli adopter la résolution.

Les Arméniens qualifient de "génocide" les massacres et déportations qui ont fait, selon eux, plus d'un million et demi de morts au sein de leur communauté.

La Turquie reconnaît qu'entre 300.000 et 500.000 personnes ont péri, non pas victimes d'une campagne d'extermination mais, selon elle, dans le chaos des dernières années de l'Empire ottoman.

La qualification de ces événements de génocide a été reconnue par la France, le Canada et le Parlement européen. (AFP, 22 déc 2010)

Génocide arménien: La Turquie menace d'une brouille avec Washington

Le Premier ministre turc Recep Tayyip Erdogan a écrit au président américain pour lui demander d'intervenir afin d'empêcher que les représentants américains n'adoptent une résolution qualifiant de "génocide" les massacres d'Arméniens en 1915-17, a affirmé lundi son ministre des Affaires étrangères.

Le Premier ministre a adressé une lettre à Barack Obama demandant son intervention au sujet d'une adoption de ce texte qui serait une "erreur", a indiqué Ahmet Davutoglu, cité par l'agence turque Anatolie.

La Turquie a dit dans le passé que la résolution brouillerait ses relations avec les Etats-Unis. En mars après que la Commission des Affaires étrangères de la Chambre ait approuvé la résolution proposée, la Turquie a retiré son ambassadeur de Washington, avant de le renvoyer plusieurs semaines après.

La résolution qui pourrait arriver devant les représentants dès mardi, selon les médias turcs, appelle Obama à "qualifier de façon précise l'extermination systématique et délibérée de 1.500.000 Arméniens, de génocide".

"Nos interlocuteurs américains pensent comme nous et nous ne croyons pas que le texte passera", a souligné le ministre turc, en mettant l'accent sur l'importance des relations stratégiques entre les deux alliés de l'Otan, mais de prévenir aussi: "Espérons que la Chambre des représentants n'adoptera pas un texte qui engagera nos relations bilatérales dans une nouvelle épreuve".

Ahmet Davutoglu a souligné avoir eu aussi une conversation téléphonique avec la Secrétaire d'Etat américaine Hillary Clinton qu'il a pressé de n'épargner aucun effort pour empêcher un vote sur la résolution concernée.

Les Arméniens qualifient de "génocide" les massacres et déportations qui ont fait, selon eux, plus d'un million et demi de morts au sein de leur communauté.

La Turquie reconnaît qu'entre 300.000 et 500.000 personnes ont péri, non pas victimes d'une campagne d'extermination mais, selon elle, dans le chaos des dernières années de l'Empire ottoman.

La qualification de ces événements de génocide a été reconnue par la France, le Canada et le Parlement européen. (AFP, 21 déc 2010)

Colonisation israélienne: Erdogan très inquiet de l'échec des Etats-Unis

Le Premier ministre turc Recep Tayyip Erdogan s'est dit très inquiet de l'échec de Washington à obtenir un nouveau moratoire sur la colonisation israélienne, dans un entretien publié lundi par l'agence officielle syrienne Sana.

"L'échec des tentatives américaines pour convaincre Israël de geler la construction des colonies est une source d'extrême inquiétude pour la Turquie", a affirmé M. Erdogan.

Les Palestiniens exigent un nouveau gel de la colonisation pour reprendre les négociations de paix.

"Le comportement d'Israël a suscité beaucoup de doutes au sujet de sa volonté de paix", a-t-il estimé.

"En poursuivant la construction des colonies, Israël a contredit la loi internationale et placé le processus de paix dans une impasse", selon le Premier ministre turc.

D'autre part, M. Erdogan a estimé que les négociations sur le volet syro-israélien étaient d'"une importance cruciale pour la réalisation de la paix au Proche-Orient".

"Israël devrait prouver par des actes sa volonté de paix. Les Etats-Unis et l'Union européenne devraient reconnaître l'importance du volet syrien et du rôle de la Turquie, et faire pression sur Israël pour qu'il modifie sa politique actuelle qui entrave la paix et la stabilité dans la région", a poursuivi M. Erdogan.

La Syrie et Israël avaient engagé en mai 2008 des négociations de paix indirectes par le biais de la Turquie, mais celles-ci avaient été suspendues en décembre 2008 après l'offensive israélienne dans la bande de Gaza. (AFP, 20 déc 2010)

Obama: la relation américano-turque "plus importante que jamais"

Le président américain Barack Obama estime que les relations américano-turques sont "plus importantes que jamais" pour empêcher l'Iran de se doter de l'arme nucléaire, dans une interview au journal turc Hurriyet dimanche.

Dans cette optique, le président américain presse Ankara, son allié de l'Otan, de restaurer ses liens avec Israël.

"Les intérêts, les valeurs que nous partageons (...) constituent le fondement de nos relations même quand nous ne sommes pas d'accord", déclare M. Obama dans cette interview accordée au grand journal turc.

"Compte tenu des défis de plus en plus complexes auxquels le monde est confronté, je pense que la coopération américano-turque est plus importante aujourd'hui que jamais", ajoute le président américain.

"Je crois que la Turquie a le même objectif qui est d'empêcher l'Iran de se doter de l'arme nucléaire", poursuit-il.

"La Turquie et Israël sont deux alliés-clés des Etats-Unis (...) J'encourage les deux pays à faire tout leur possible pour restaurer leurs relations", dit-il.

Les relations entre la Turquie et Israël, autrefois alliés stratégiques, connaissent de vives tensions depuis l'offensive israélienne menée fin 2008/2009 contre la bande de Gaza contrôlée par le mouvement islamiste Hamas.

Elles se sont encore détériorées après l'assaut donné par l'armée israélienne contre une flotille d'aide humanitaire à destination de Gaza, qui s'est soldé par la mort de neuf Turcs le 31 mai. (AFP, 19 déc 2010)

La Turquie prête à collaborer avec les Etats-Unis malgré Wikileaks

Le Premier ministre turc Recep Tayyip Erdogan a affirmé au président américain Barack Obama que la Turquie était déterminée à collaborer avec les Etats-Unis en dépit des informations publiées par le site internet Wikileaks, selon un communiqué diffusé dimanche par ses services.

"Il est important de ne pas permettre que notre ordre du jour commun soit perturbé artificiellement" par la diffusion sur Wikileaks fin novembre de câbles diplomatique américains décrivant en des termes peu flatteurs certains dirigeants turcs, a déclaré M. Erdogan samedi lors d'un entretien téléphonique avec M. Obama, indique le document.

"Il est évidemment dérangeant au plus haut point que des informations fondées sur des racontars malveillants soient reproduites dans des documents officiels, de même que le style employé et la place donnée à ces allégations", a souligné le chef de gouvernement.

"Mais nous sommes prêts à accomplir en partenariat avec vous tout ce qui nous incombe dans ce processus", a-t-il poursuivi.

Dans une note diplomatique du 30 décembre 2004, l'ambassadeur américain à l'époque en poste à Ankara, Eric Edelman, a écrit avoir "entendu de deux contacts qu'Erdogan a huit comptes dans des banques suisses" et estimé que les explications d'Erdogan au sujet de sa fortune personnelle sont "boiteuses".

En outre, selon les notes publiées par Wikileaks, Ahmet Davutoglu, le ministre turc des Affaires étrangères a été qualifié "d'exceptionnellement dangereux" par un informateur des diplomates américains en poste à Ankara qui les met en garde contre son influence islamiste sur M. Erdogan.

Visiblement en colère, le Premier ministre a démenti début décembre cette information et a appelé Washington à "demander des comptes" aux auteurs des télégrammes mettant en cause sa personne et son pays, un allié important des Etats-Unis, pour leur "commentaires erronés" et "diffamations".

La Maison Blanche a indiqué samedi que M. Obama s'était entretenu avec M. Erdogan et avait "exprimé ses regrets pour les actes déplorables de WikiLeaks". (AFP, 11 déc 2010)

Turkey's Order in the Mirror of WikiLeaks
These documents are the dreadful hypocrisy of the international system that is working under the hegemony of the USA. They utterly confirm the opinions put forward by the social and political opposition and anti-militaristic and democratic forces on the topic of mutual distrust and calculations based on elections.
Ertugrul KÜRKCÜ
Istanbul - Özgür Politika
"Turkey's counter-terrorist efforts against the PKK have evolved in the past year and have expanded beyond military action alone. Although the government's renamed National Unity Project (initially called the "Kurdish Opening") was not fully developed when launched and appears to be moving slowly, the government has increased social and economic support to ethnic Kurds in southeast Turkey, dramatically broadened the rights of Kurds to use their own language, and increased educational opportunities as well. It is post's [Washington Post] view that the military success against the PKK, supported by our intelligence-sharing operation, has given the civilians the political space to explore this opening and to deal directly with Masoud Barzani and other Iraqi Kurds. [...]Our November 2007 decision to share operational intelligence was a turning point for the bilateral relationship. [...] Our cooperation has helped to improve the bilateral relationship across the board, particularly by making it difficult for PKK terrorists to use northern Iraq as a safe haven".

The above lines were taken from a cable of the USA Ministry for Foreign Affairs published on WikiLeaks. The document is dated January 2010 and signed by James Jeffrey, US American Ambassador to Ankara.

The following quotation stems from Nancy McEldowney, employee of the USA embassy in Ankara. The cable is from July 2007.

"Despite analysts' claims of military confidence, the generals are clearly working behind the scenes, using ongoing PKK terrorism and the debate over the necessity of a cross-border operation into northern Iraq to portray the AKP as weak on terrorism. We also detect the military's hand behind recent allegations that the U.S. has, either directly or indirectly, provided weapons to the PKK in northern Iraq.   This is also designed to weaken AKP's national security credentials and encourage undecided voters to turn to "tougher" pro-secular parties".

"Selling a rope to the one who intends to hang you"

The leakage of secret documents from the US Ministry of Foreign Affairs is assisting the struggle for democracy and freedom in the world, in Turkey and in Kurdistan in three ways.

* First of all, we see once again that Lenin's depiction of competition between capitalists is not just an empty phrase. He said, "If you tell a capitalist that you are going to hang him he will try to sell you a rope". These documents fully confirm the opinions posed by the political and social opposition, by the anti-militarist and democrtaic forces that the present international order under US hegemony works within an environment of based on dreadful hypocrisy, mutual distrust and mutual calculations directed at undermining each other. Not only is this a confirmation but very clear and concrete proof straight from the horse's mouth. By documenting the USA's and its allies' role in the decaying of humanity, it reaffirmes the untrustworthiness of all states not only in th eyse of the intellectuals but also in the eyes of the peoples of the world.

* Secondly, these documents provide concrete indicators it also provides concrete evidence for the pointlessness and discrepancy of a the conspiracy theories which portray that nothing might change in this world without the will and activity of the US. Looking at how how ignorantly, biased and assine the US American ambassadors and embassy employees might interpret the very devolopments unfolding in front of their eyes, we are once agin convinced that the depictions of invi,ncible and infallile imperialism are nothing but crap fabricated in order to weaken the self conifdence of the peoples.

* Thirdly and for us even more important, the documents show us that for the US, the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Turkish military the misery of the Kurdish people and the ongoing war are not a cause of concern, a struggle to be won or a problem to tackle with but just a lever to impose pressure on ecah other, that none of them are concerned about peace.

War as a lever for the USA, the army and the government

The most important thing very clearly revealed by the WikiLeaks documents based on sources in Ankara is the following: For the military, the government and for their ally USA, the lives and security of neither the PKK members [outlawed armed Kurdistan Workers Party] and the Kurds nor the soldiers of the Turkish Armed Forces and Turks worth a penny.

The documents leaked from the US embassy openly confirm: The US intelligence-sahirng operation aims at extending the the regional hegemony of the Turkish government; the army urges for a cross-border operation under no militray concern but underminin g the security credentials of the Turkish government, the government prentends to have granted their own language to the Kurdish people, but not for peace but for domination yet remains deaf to their demands for the recognition of their ethinc identity.

Meanwhile, dozens, hundreds and thousands of young people are continuously being deprived of their right to life and their freedoms.

The Prime Minister did not say in vain that "WikiLeaks is untrustable" as soon as the documents emerged. The classified documents from the US made it very clear that, despite the anti-American and anti-Western rhetoric, behind the curtains both rivals, the government and the military are maneuvering to gain the US support on their own side against each other and against the PKK, and the US remains as an enemy of of the fight for freedom of Turkey's Kurds unless they are linked with Mesoud Barzani.

The Wikileaks documents further clarify that socialists' assesment of the Kurtdish liberation struggle as a strategic ally is not a fancy or deception with lies but is based on concrete realtiy and contributes in the enlightment of the Turkish and international public. (BIA, 6 December 2010)

Turkish papers pick and choose among WikiLeaks

Press outlets critical of the AKP chose to focus on cables discussing Erdoğan's alleged secret bank accounts and embezzlement accusations against the AKP.
The confidential diplomatic cables released by WikiLeaks dominated Turkish press headlines Monday and Tuesday, though what the newspapers’ editors chose to focus on served as a kind of Rorschach test of their political leanings.

Documents containing comments verifying coup threats by the Turkish military and saying Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan is not a despot and does not plan to introduce shariah (Islamic law) to Turkey were played high by media outlets that have good relations with Erdoğan’s ruling Justice and Development Party, or AKP.

Nationalist figures and publications in the media, meanwhile, ironically highlighted the U.S. diplomats’ disapproval of Turkey’s recent foreign policy and their uneasiness with Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu.

AKP-friendly dailies, including Yeni Şafak, Zaman, Sabah, Star, Yeni Akit and Takvim, all ran Erdoğan’s comments questioning WikiLeaks’ credibility on their front pages Tuesday, the second day of “Cablegate” coverage.

“WikiLeaks’ seriousness is in question. Let all the [WikiLeaks come] out, then we will see,” the prime minister said Monday.

Likewise, papers critical of the ruling party omitted mention on their front pages of the cables discussing military coup allegations, or ran the news so small it required a magnifying glass to read.

Leftist dailies Evrensel and Birgün also turned a blind eye to certain aspects of the leaks, running only negative comments about the ruling party on their front pages. Evrensel highlighted the bank account allegations against Erdoğan and the remarks by some diplomats that the prime minister is “lacking in vision.” Birgün focused on Defense Minister Vecdi Gönül badmouthing Davutoğlu and President Abdullah Gül to the U.S. diplomats.

There were exceptions to this rule, of course, and the WikiLeaks revelations created some strange bedfellows as well. Daily Taraf, whose anti-military stance generally makes it sympathetic to the government, used the same headline as daily Sözcü, the media’s fiercest enemy of the AKP. Both asked about Erdoğan’s alleged foreign accounts.

Using a headline Tuesday that spanned its entire front page, Takvim lashed out at Taraf for its coverage Monday of a cable that charged Sadık Albayrak, the prime minister’s son-in-law, with embezzlement. Takvim was also the sole Turkish page to criticize WikiLeaks itself, calling the cables “gossip” and accusing the website’s founder of being in cahoots with the U.S. and Israeli intelligence organizations.

Some cables were covered equally by most papers, regardless of their political stance, including the document saying the main opposition Republican People’s Party, or CHP, “amounts to no more than a bunch of elitist ankle-biters.”

Most papers were also incensed at former Ambassador to Ankara James Jeffery’s comment about Turkey being a Rover in terms of foreign policy but believing itself to be a Rolls Royce, a remark that made daily Habertürk’s front page headline. Azerbaijani President İlham Aliyev’s anti-AKP statements and the gossip about Libyan leader Moammar Gadhafi having an affair with his nurse were also popular items with the Turkish editors.(Hürriyet Daily News, ÖZGÜR ÖĞRET, November 30, 2010)

Relations régionales / Regional Relations

Netanyahu exclut des excuses, prêt au compromis

Israël exclut des excuses mais envisage un compromis avec la Turquie après le raid contre une flottille d'aide humanitaire en partance pour Gaza en mai, au cours duquel neuf Turcs ont été tués, a affirmé lundi soir le Premier ministre israélien Benjamin Netanyahu.

"Nous ne voulons pas nous excuser, mais exprimer nos regrets à la Turquie", a déclaré M. Netanyahu lors d'une interview exclusive à la chaîne de télévision privée israélienne Dix.

"Nous ne voulons pas que nos soldats puissent être traînés devant des tribunaux internationaux (...) Nos soldats ont agi conformément aux normes", a-t-il ajouté, laissant entendre que des excuses pourraient être interprétées comme une reconnaissance de responsabilité de leur part.

La veille, le ministre israélien des Affaires étrangères, l'ultranationaliste Avigdor Lieberman, avait affirmé qu"il n'y aura pas d'excuses. Celui qui devrait s'excuser, c'est le gouvernement de Turquie pour soutenir le terrorisme"

Interrogé à ce propos par la chaîne Dix, M. Netanyahu a répondu: "dans ma coalition gouvernementale, il y a différents points de vue, mais c'est le Premier ministre qui exprime la voix du gouvernement".

Le 31 mai, neuf Turcs étaient morts lors d'un raid mené par les commandos de marine israéliens dans les eaux internationales contre le ferry turc Mavi Marmara, navire amiral d'une flottille humanitaire qui se dirigeait vers Gaza, sous blocus israélien.

La Turquie a rappelé son ambassadeur à Tel-Aviv, et réclame depuis des excuses et des indemnisations pour les familles des victimes.

Samedi, le chef de la diplomatie turque, Ahmet Davutoglu, a assuré que son pays souhaitait se réconcilier avec Israël après l'épisode du raid de la flottille vers Gaza, mais qu'il fallait pour cela que l'Etat hébreu présente des excuses et verse des indemnisations.

Dimanche, des milliers de personnes, agitant les drapeaux turcs et palestiniens, ont accueilli à Istanbul le Mavi Marmara, après plusieurs mois de réparations dans un port turc de la Méditerranée.

L'ONG islamiste turque IHH, qui en est propriétaire, a annoncé qu'il ferait partie d'une nouvelle flottille humanitaire devant partir pour Gaza le 31 mai 2011. (AFP, 27 déc 2010)

Des milliers de personnes accueillent le ferry attaqué par Israël

Des milliers de personnes, agitant les drapeaux turcs et palestiniens, ont accueilli dimanche dans un port d'Istanbul le ferry turc Mavi Marmara, à bord duquel neuf activistes turc ont été tués lors du raid de l'armée israélienne, le 31 mai, a constaté l'AFP.

Le navire qui a subi pendant plusieurs mois des réparations dans un port turc de la méditerranée devrait, selon l'ONG islamiste turc IHH qui en est le propriétaire, faire partie d'une nouvelle flottille humanitaire qui partira pour Gaza le 31 mai 2011.

"Allah est grand" ont scandé les manifestants, rassemblés sur les lieux, à l'appel d'organisations islamistes et du IHH, qui a dénoncé l'Etat hebreu et sa politique envers les Palestiniens.

La cérémonie d'accueil sur le port de Sarayburnu d'Istanbul commémore, selon l'IHH, le premier jour de l'Opération Plomb Durci, l'offensive d'Israël contre Gaza, violemment dénoncé par les dirigeants turcs qui a entamé la dégradation des rapports turco-israéliens, aujourd'hui très mal au point après l'incident de la flottille.

Un raid militaire israélien contre le ferry turc, navire amiral d'une flottille humanitaire pour Gaza, sous blocus Israélien, avait tué neuf Turcs, dans les eaux internationales.

La Turquie a rappelé son ambassadeur à Tel Aviv, et réclame depuis des excuses et compensations pour les familles des victimes, ce qu'Israël refuse.

L'attaque a entraîné une condamnation quasi-unanime de la part de la communauté internationale, tandis que les soldats impliqués dans l'assaut ont reçu des citations pour leur bravoure de l'armée israélienne.

Samedi, le chef de la diplomatie turque Ahmet Davutoglu a affirmé que la Turquie souhaitait se réconcilier avec Israël, autrefois son allié régional, mais insistait sur des excuses et des compensations. (AFP, 26 déc 2010)

Quatre Turcs et leur chauffeur afghan enlevés dans l'est de l'Afghanistan

Quatre Turcs travaillant pour une entreprise de construction et leur chauffeur afghan ont été enlevés dimanche dans la province de Paktia, dans l'est de l'Afghanistan, a annoncé à l'AFP le vice-gouverneur de la province.

"Quatre Turcs et leur chauffeur afghan ont été kidnappés par des inconnus armés", a déclaré le vice-gouverneur Abdul Rahman Mangal.

Il a précisé que les quatre Turcs travaillaient pour une entreprise de construction chargée de bâtir des postes-frontières dans la région.

Selon le vice-gouverneur, les cinq hommes rentraient d'un chantier dans le district de Dand Wa Patan, frontalier des zones tribales pakistanaises, et se dirigeaient vers la capitale provinciale Gardez.

"Une opération à grande échelle est en cours dans la zone, mais pour l'heure nous n'avons aucune information ni sur les otages ni sur leurs ravisseurs", a-t-il poursuivi.

Les zones tribales pakistanaises sont considérées comme un sanctuaire d'Al-Qaïda et des talibans pakistanais, et une base arrière d'où les talibans afghans partent mener des attaques contre les forces internationales de l'autre côté de la frontière.

L'enlèvement n'a pour l'heure pas été revendiqué.

Les rapts sont monnaie courante en Afghanistan, perpétrés par les talibans ou des groupes criminels, essentiellement en vue d'obtenir des rançons ou la libération de détenus, et visent aussi bien les étrangers que les Afghans.

Le 18 décembre, cinq employés bangladais d'une entreprise sud-coréenne de travaux publics chargée d'un chantier routier dans le nord de l'Afghanistan ont été enlevés, et un sixième a été tué par les ravisseurs au cours de l'attaque.

Deux des otages ont depuis été libérés.

Neuf jours plus tôt, 18 Afghans travaillant pour une ONG locale de déminage avaient été enlevés dans l'est de l'Afghanistan, sur une route près de la ville de Khost, un bastion des talibans à environ 70 km au sud-est de Gardez.

Par ailleurs, deux journalistes français de la chaîne France 3 sont retenus en otage depuis le 30 décembre 2009, après avoir été enlevés à 60 km de Kaboul, dans la province montagneuse de Kapisa.

La Turquie, seul pays majoritairement musulman membre de l'Otan, a déployé 1.815 soldats dans le cadre de la force de l'Otan en Afghanistan (Isaf), forte de 140.000 hommes.

Elle assume le commandement de l'Isaf pour la région de Kaboul mais, contrairement à d'autres militaires de l'Isaf, les soldats turcs ne participent pas aux combats.

Le président turc Abdullah Gül a rencontré vendredi à Istanbul ses homologues afghans Hamid Karzaï et pakistanais Asif Ali Zardari. (AFP, 26 déc 2010)

Ahmadinejad estime "très importantes" les négociations à Istanbul

Le président iranien, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, a déclaré jeudi à Istanbul que les prochaines négociations, fin janvier, dans cette métropole turque avec les pays du groupe 5+1, montreront si le différend sur le programme nucléaire de son pays pourra être réglé par la diplomatie.

"Nous pensons que ces discussions sont très importantes", a-t-il dit lors d'une conférence de presse après avoir participé au sommet de l'Organisation de la Coopération économique (ECO).

M. Ahmadinejad, dont le pays est soupçonné par les grandes puissances occidentales de vouloir fabriquer l'arme nucléaire, a indiqué que l'Iran avait proposé que "la politique de confrontation soit remplacée par celle de la coopération" à Istanbul et ce "dans l'intérêt de toutes les parties" en question.

Après 14 mois d'interruption, l'Iran et les pays du groupe 5+1 (Etats-Unis, France, Grande-Bretagne, Russie, Chine et Allemagne) ont repris début décembre à Genève le dialogue à propos du dossier nucléaire. Ils ont décidé de se retrouver à Istanbul pour poursuivre les discussions.

"Dans la politique de coopération nous aurons une situation de gagnant-gagnant. Il n'y aura pas d'échec ni de défaite pour aucune des parties", a estimé le président iranien.

Créé en 1985 par la Turquie, l'Iran et le Pakistan pour promouvoir la coopération économique, l'ECO regroupe aujourd'hui dix pays, dont l'Afghanistan et d'autres pays d'Asie centrale riches en pétrole et en gaz comme l'Azerbaïdjan.

Le sommet s'est déroulé dans un ancien palais ottoman sur le Bosphore. Il a été précédé mercredi par une réunion des ministres des Affaires étrangères, une occasion pour l'Iranien Ali Akbar Salehi, nommé la semaine dernière au poste de ministre des Affaires étrangères par intérim, de faire sa première apparition internationale.

Le programme nucléaire de son pays été évoqué lors d'un entretien qu'il a eu avec son homologue turc, Ahmet Davutoglu. Jeudi, ce dernier a refusé un rôle de médiateur attribué à son pays, soulignant que la Turquie se contenterait d'organiser le nouveau round de discussions sur le nucléaire iranien.

Mais, a-t-il précisé, "si les deux parties demandaient à la Turquie un soutien quelconque, nous serons toujours prêts à le donner". "L'objectif est clair: éliminer la région et le monde de menaces nucléaires", a-t-il ajouté.

M. Salehi conserve aussi ses fonctions de chef du programme nucléaire iranien à la tête de l'Organisation iranienne de l'énergie atomique (OIEA).

Longtemps considéré comme l'allié d'Israël dans la région, la Turquie s'est
rapprochée des pays arabes et de l'Iran, notamment après l'offensive d'Israël contre la bande de Gaza fin 2008 puis son attaque contre une flottille
humanitaire destinée à Gaza qui a coûté la vie à neuf Turcs. Ce qui a quasiment réduit les rapports turco-israéliens au point mort.

La Turquie a voté contre de nouvelles sanctions contre Téhéran en juin à l'ONU.

Peu avant, elle avait présenté avec le Brésil et l'Iran une proposition d'échange de combustible nucléaire entre l'Iran et les grandes puissances, visant à faciliter un compromis sur le dossier nucléaire, mais qui a été rejetée par les grandes puissances.

Une initiative qui a augmenté les interrogations sur le maintien du cap pro-occidental de la Turquie, membre de l'Otan et dirigée depuis 2002 par un gouvernement islamo-conservateur. (AFP, 23 déc 2010)

La Turquie accueille les présidents afghan et pakistanais

Les présidents afghan Hamid Karzaï, et pakistanais Asif Ali Zardari se retrouvent vendredi à Istanbul sous les auspices du président turc Abdullah Gül.

Ce rendez-vous est le cinquième du genre depuis que la Turquie, seul pays majoritairement musulman membre de l'Otan, a mis en place en 2007 un mécanisme régulier de consultations pour encourager les deux pays à surmonter leurs divergences et à coopérer contre les extrémistes.

Les précédentes réunions entre les présidents afghan et pakistanais et les dirigeants militaires et du renseignement des deux pays se sont soldées par l'engagement des parties à mieux coopérer.

Le Pakistan et l'Afghanistan devraient aussi évoquer à Istanbul les initiatives destinées à promouvoir les rencontres entre les représentants de leurs forces de sécurité et accroître leur coopération contre le trafic de drogue, a-t-on précisé de source turque.

Les ministres des Affaires étrangères et de l'Intérieur des trois pays ainsi que les milieux d'affaires devaient aussi tenir des réunions séparées.

Jeudi, les trois présidents s'étaient retrouvés dans ce même endroit, un ancien palais ottoman sur le Bosphore, pour un sommet de l'Organisation de la coopération économique (ECO), un forum régional des pays d'Asie centrale.

Le Pakistan et l'Afghanistan, alliés clé des Américains dans la guerre contre le terrorisme lancée par Washington dans la région après les attentats du 11 septembre 2001, entretiennent des relations difficiles, Kaboul accusant régulièrement Islamabad de soutenir les rebelles talibans en Afghanistan. (AFP, 24 déc 2010)

Israël se tourne vers les Balkans, résigné au froid avec Ankara

Israël est forcé de faire son deuil de ses relations privilégiées avec la Turquie, longtemps son unique allié stratégique dans la région, et se tourne désormais vers les Balkans.

"Il y a une étonnante et constante amélioration de nos relations avec la Grèce, Chypre, la Bulgarie, la Roumanie et d'autres, avec lesquels notre coopération s'est accrue à tous les niveaux", a déclaré à l'AFP le porte-parole du ministère israélien des Affaires étrangères, Ygal Palmor.

"Ce réchauffement est un développement naturel dont nous nous réjouissons, et ne constitue pas une mesure de substitution dirigée contre un pays tiers", a toutefois souligné M. Palmor, faisant allusion à la Turquie.

Les relations entre Israël et la Turquie, jadis alliés, sont au plus bas depuis l'incident du 31 mai, au cours duquel neuf Turcs ont été tués par un commando israélien sur un ferry turc qui transportait de l'aide humanitaire destinée à la population palestinienne de la bande de Gaza.

Les deux pays sont liés depuis 1996 par d'importants accords portant sur la défense et la haute technologie. Epaulés par Washington, ils participaient régulièrement à des manoeuvres militaires conjointes aériennes et navales.

Signe de la confiance mutuelle, des négociations indirectes de paix syro-israéliennes étaient même menées par l'intermédiaire d'Ankara jusqu'à l'offensive israélienne contre la bande de Gaza pendant l'hiver 2008-2009.

Le président américain Barack Obama a encouragé récemment Israël et la Turquie, "deux alliés-clés des Etats-Unis, à faire tout leur possible pour restaurer leurs relations", des pourparlers bilatéraux s'étant engagés en ce sens au début du mois à Genève.

Mais, interrogé sur la réorientation d'Ankara en direction des pays arabes et surtout de l'Iran, ennemi juré de l'Etat hébreu, un haut responsable israélien reconnaît, en privé, que "les relations avec la Turquie ne seront plus jamais les mêmes".

L'impact économique le plus visible est le tourisme: les quelque 300.000 visiteurs israéliens qui fréquentaient chaque année la Turquie ont déserté ce pays en 2010.

Toutefois, la rupture est loin d'être consommée, puisque les échanges commerciaux bilatéraux ont augmenté de 30% durant les onze derniers mois par rapport à la même période de 2009.

Les importations israéliennes depuis la Turquie ont atteint 1,6 milliard de dollars et les exportations 1,2 milliard (contre respectivement 1,2 milliard et 974 millions en 2009), sans compter les échanges liés aux armements.

Mais parralèlement, Israël a profité du rééquilibrage de la politique de la Grèce, traditionnellement pro-arabe et hostile à Ankara, scellé en août par la visite à Athènes de Benjamin Netanyahu, la première d'un chef de gouvernement israélien, suivie d'accords de coopération militaire et économique.

L'Etat hébreu envisage d'exporter vers l'Europe via la Grèce du gaz naturel émanant de gisements découverts au large de son littoral méditerranéen.

Un accord dénoncé par la Turquie vient en outre d'être signé entre Israël et Chypre, délimitant les zones économiques des deux pays en Méditerranée.

Désormais privé de l'espace aérien turc pour les entraînements de son aviation, Israël, vu son territoire exigu,
procède à présent régulièrement à des exercices aériens conjoints avec la Grèce, la Roumanie et la Bulgarie.

"Nos relations avec la Turquie sont au plus bas, et nous avons donc cherché de nouveaux amis dans les Balkans. C'est très intéressant, mais c'est un pis-aller car Israël se trouve au Proche-Orient", explique à l'AFP Allon Liel, ex-ambassadeur d'Israël à Ankara.

Il relève que la Turquie a récemment signé à un "très important" accord de coopération économique et culturelle quadripartite avec la Syrie, le Liban et la Jordanie, et met en garde contre "l'isolement régional d'Israël, si le processus de paix continue de piétiner".(AFP, 23 déc 2010)

Israël déterminé à défendre ses champs gaziers en Méditerranée

Israël est déterminé à défendre avec "toute la force nécessaire", face au Liban ou à tout autre pays, les champs gaziers très prometteurs découverts en Méditerranée qui pourraient assurer son indépendance énergétique pour la première fois de son histoire.

L'enjeu porte sur deux gisements offshore découverts récemment, Tamar et Léviathan.

Les réserves de Tamar sont estimées à 8 milliards de m3 de gaz naturel et celles de Léviathan "pourraient atteindre le double et assurer la consommation d'Israël pour 25 ans", a déclaré à l'AFP le ministre des Infrastructures nationales, Uzi Landau.

Selon lui, les résultats des tests pour Léviathan devraient être annoncés dans les prochaines semaines.

"Israël pourrait devenir un exportateur de gaz vers l'Europe. Nous sommes d'ailleurs prêts à collaborer à un tel projet avec des investisseurs étrangers, mais aussi avec la Grèce et Chypre", prévoit le ministre.

Mais ces richesses se trouvent dans des zones maritimes contestées. Les frontières maritimes avec le Liban ne sont pas délimitées alors que les deux pays sont techniquement en état de guerre. En outre, la Turquie, un ancien allié d'Israël, estime avoir son mot à dire.

"Toutes les revendications du Liban sont sans aucun fondement juridique, économique et cartographique. Israël saura défendre ses intérêts avec toute la force nécessaire face à toutes les menaces", avertit M. Landau.

Ankara a pour sa part protesté contre un accord de délimitation des zones économiques exclusives conclu le 17 décembre entre Israël et Chypre. Cet accord doit permettre la poursuite des recherches sous-marines d'hydrocarbures sans crainte de conflits d'exploitation.

Selon Uzi Landau, l'accord avec Chypre "trace la limite de la frontière maritime nord d'Israël et fixe de fait la frontière avec le Liban".

A propos de la Turquie, le ministre met davantage les formes en soulignant que "l'accord avec Chypre définit clairement nos droits en Méditerranée".

En Israël même, le filon gazier a aussi déclenché une vive polémique. Jusqu'aux découvertes de Tamar et Léviathan, Israël maintenait des taux de royalties et d'impôts très faibles afin d'encourager des compagnies locales et étrangères à prospecter.

La perspective d'énormes profits a incité le gouvernement à créer une commission chargée de définir de nouvelles règles du jeu. Dans ses pré-conclusions, cette commission préconise un quasi doublement de la charge fiscale, qui pourrait être imposée rétroactivement.

Parmi les protagonistes, figure le groupe américain Noble Energy, qui détient notamment 39,6% des droits pour Léviathan. Selon les médias, l'entreprise basée au Texas a fait intervenir l'ambassade des Etats-Unis "au plus haut niveau" pour assurer la défense de ses intérêts.

Concrètement, les pressions se sont traduites par des retards dans le raccordement de Tamar au continent.

Au sein même du gouvernement israélien, deux clans s'opposent. Youval Steinitz, le ministre des Finances, souhaite augmenter les impôts. En revanche, Uzi Landau veut "mettre fin à l'incertitude actuelle qui a poussé les banques impliquées dans les projets gaziers à geler le versement de 3,5 milliards de dollars de crédits".

"Le temps presse", plaide M. Landau en faisant allusion à Yam Tethys, seul champ gazier en activité, qui sera épuisé d'ici trois ans. Yam Tethys assure actuellement 70% des besoins d'Israël.

Autre argument: le retard pris pour Tamar a incité des groupes israéliens à conclure ce mois-ci des accords d'importation de gaz égyptien d'un montant évalué entre 5 et 10 milliards de dollars. (AFP, 242déc 2010)

Ankara et Damas signent un accord de lutte anti-terroriste

La Turquie et la Syrie ont signé mardi à Ankara, à l'occasion d'une visite du Premier ministre syrien Naji Otri, une série d'accords de coopération bilatérale dont l'un prévoit un combat conjoint contre le terrorisme, a rapporté l'agence turque Anatolie.

L'accord, selon Anatolie, stipule que les deux pays voisins luttent ensemble contre les organisations terroristes et le terrorisme en général, sans apparemment citer nommément une organisation précise.

D'autres accords, notamment dans les domaines de l'énergie, de l'environnement, de l'habitat, des banques et de la culture ont également été signés par les responsables des deux pays à l'issue d'un Conseil de coopération stratégique de haut niveau syro-turc, un mécanisme mis en place l'an dernier.

Les relations entre la Turquie et ses voisins arabes se sont développées de manière importante au cours des dernières années, sous l'impulsion du gouvernement islamo-conservateur du Premier ministre turc Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

Douze ans auparavant, en 1998, la Turquie et la Syrie étaient arrivées au bord de la guerre en raison du soutien fourni par Damas aux rebelles kurdes de Turquie sur son territoire.

Les relations bilatérales se sont considérablement améliorées au cours des dernières années après un foisonnement de visites de part et d'autre. Les deux pays ont supprimé leurs visas en 2009.

Assad incite l'UE à intégrer la Turquie pour ne pas rester un club chrétien

Le président syrien Bachar al-Assad a incité les Européens à intégrer la Turquie dans l'UE, afin que l'Union ne soit "pas un club chrétien", dans un entretien mardi au journal le plus lu d'Allemagne, Bild.

"Vous devez prier la Turquie d'adhérer à l'UE, car l'UE a besoin d'elle en tant que pays musulman, afin que l'UE ne devienne pas un club chrétien", a déclaré au quotidien populaire ce très laïque président.

"Vous parlez toujours d'ouverture, de dialogue entre les différentes cultures. Mais vous ne pouvez pas mener de dialogue, si vous vous isolez et vous vous limitez à une culture, un type de société", a-t-il ajouté.

L'Allemagne compte la plus importante communauté de Turcs vivant à l'étranger.

Les négociations ouvertes entre l'UE et la Turquie en 2005 ne progressent qu'au compte-gouttes, en raison du blocage persistant sur plusieurs chapitres thématiques liés notamment à la non-reconnaissance par Ankara de la partie de l'île de Chypre qui a rejoint l'UE en 2004.

La France et l'Allemagne, deux poids lourds européens, sont très réticentes à l'idée de voir un Etat majoritairement musulman de 73 millions d'habitants rejoindre l'UE et préfèreraient s'en tenir à un "partenariat privilégié".

Berlin répète régulièrement que l'issue des négociations d'adhésion avec Ankara est "ouverte". (AFP, 21 déc 2010)

Barzani revendique le droit à l'autodétermination pour les Kurdes

Le président de la région autonome du Kurdistan irakien, Massoud Barzani, a revendiqué samedi lors du congrès de son parti le droit à l'autodétermination pour les Kurdes, ce qui pourrait être un prélude à une scission de l'Irak.

"Nous allons soumettre aujourd'hui la question de l'autodétermination aux personnes participant à ce congrès, car nous considérons que nous avons droit à l'autodétermination", a-t-il déclaré lors d'un discours au début du 13e congrès du Parti démocratique du Kurdistan (PDK), dont il est le chef.

C'est la première fois que le dirigeant kurde propose en des termes aussi clairs à son parti de se prononcer sur une possible indépendance du Kurdistan irakien, qui bénéficie depuis une vingtaine d'années d'une large autonomie vis-à-vis du gouvernement central de Bagdad.

Le congrès du PDK s'est ouvert en présence notamment du président irakien Jalal Talabani, chef de l'Union patriotique du Kurdistan (UPK), du Premier ministre désigné Nouri al-Maliki et d'Iyad Allawi, chef de file d'Iraqiya, liste laïque soutenue par une majorité de sunnites et qui a obtenu le plus de sièges au Parlement de Bagdad lors des dernières législatives.

Les 1.300 membres du PDK seront appelés à voter sur la question de l'autodétermination, a indiqué une source au sein du parti, sans préciser quand ce scrutin aurait lieu.

Le PDK constitue la principale force politique du Kurdistan, et la coalition qu'il forme avec l'UPK est majoritaire au Parlement régional depuis les élections de 2009.

Le parti doit en outre se doter de nouvelles instances dirigeantes, composées d'une cinquantaine de membres.

Le PDK est l'une des composantes de la coalition au pouvoir en Irak. Et M. Barzani vient de jouer un rôle crucial pour dénouer la crise politique dans laquelle l'Irak s'est enfoncé après les élections du 7 mars.

C'est en effet lui qui est parvenu à arracher le mois dernier aux dirigeants des principales formations irakiennes un accord de partage de pouvoir, qui a ouvert la voie à l'attribution des plus hautes charges du pays, après huit mois d'impasse.

M. Maliki a encore 15 jours pour former son prochain gouvernement.

Après une première forme d'autonomie obtenue dans les années 1970, le Kurdistan, qui rassemble trois provinces du nord de l'Irak (Erbil, Dohouk et Souleimaniyeh), s'est véritablement émancipé de la tutelle de Bagdad après la guerre du Golfe, en 1991.

Mais le Kurdistan a ensuite été divisé par la guerre impitoyable que se sont livrée l'UPK et le PDK de fin 1994 à 1998, qui a fait 3.000 morts.

Les deux partis se sont réconciliés sous les auspices de Washington au point de s'allier pour les élections de 2005, qui ont porté Massoud Barzani à la présidence de la région.

Le Kurdistan possède son propre Parlement et dispose de prérogatives étendues dans tous les domaines, à l'exception des Affaires étrangères et de la Défense.

Une autonomie qui s'est maintes fois heurtée ces dernières années à l'autorité du gouvernement central, notamment sur la question des contrats pétroliers qu'il a signés avec des compagnies étrangères, et que Bagdad ne reconnaît pas.

Les Kurdes revendiquent en outre de vastes portions de territoires hors de leurs frontières administratives actuelles, principalement dans la province riche en pétrole de Kirkouk, mais aussi dans celles de Ninive (nord), Salaheddine et Diyala (centre).

"Quand Kirkouk reviendra dans le giron de la région, nous en ferons un exemple de coexistence (...) et de gouvernance partagée, mais nous ne négocierons pas son identité", a déclaré M. Barzani dans son discours.

Fils de Moustafa Barzani, dirigeant de l'éphémère république kurde proclamée en 1946 à Mahabad, en Iran, Massoud Barzani dirige le PDK depuis 1979.

L'autodétermination kurde suscite la stupeur des Arabes irakiens

La revendication d'un droit à l'autodétermination lancée par le président de la région autonome du Kurdistan irakien, Massoud Barzani, a suscité la stupeur des Arabes sunnites et chiites qui y voient le prélude à une scission de l'Irak.

"Le droit à l'autodétermination concerne les peuples sous occupation mais ce n'est pas le cas du Kurdistan qui jouit d'un statut spécial en Irak", a affirmé dimanche à l'AFP la députée Alia Noussayef, de la liste laïque Iraqiya soutenue par une majorité de sunnites.

"Je me demande si le fédéralisme réclamé par les Kurdes (durant les négociations sur la Constitution irakienne) visait en fait à former une région pour mieux se séparer de l'Irak", a-t-elle ajouté.

"C'est honteux que tous les politiciens présents au congrès n'aient pas réagi", a déploré Alia Noussayef.

La consternation dominait également chez les partisans du chef radical chiite Moqtada Sadr. "Ces déclarations ne servent pas les intérêts de l'Irak et suscitent des tensions", a déclaré le député Jawad al-Hasnawi.

"Je crois qu'un Irak uni de Zakho (province du Kurdistan, ndlr) jusqu'à Bassora (sud du pays, ndlr) est bien meilleur qu'un Irak divisé. Les chefs politiques présents au congrès n'ont pas réagi pour ne pas mettre de l'huile sur le feu", a-t-il souligné.

Dimanche, le Premier ministre de la région kurde a enfoncé le clou. "Il y a un consensus au sein des Kurdes sur le fait qu'il est légal et légitime d'avoir le droit à l'autodétermination", a affirmé aux journalistes Barham Saleh.

En 1920, le traité de Sèvres prévoyait la création d'un Etat kurde sur les restes de l'Empire ottoman détruit, comme pour les autres peuples de la région.

Mais le traité de Lausanne de 1923, qui a remplacé le traité de Sèvres, a divisé le Moyen-Orient en plusieurs pays, sans prendre en compte le droit des Kurdes à disposer de leurs terres. Le Kurdistan se situe à cheval sur la Turquie, l'Irak, la Syrie et l'Iran.

Pour Hamid al Fadel, professeur de sciences politiques à l'Université de Bagdad, "les Kurdes se sentent aujourd'hui assez forts" et estiment que "c'est le bon moment pour réclamer l'autodétermination en raison des divisions parmi les Arabes irakiens entre sunnites et chiites".

"Je crois que les Kurdes n'ont jamais envisagé un Irak uni", assure-t-il.

Le PDK constitue la principale force politique du Kurdistan et la coalition qu'il forme avec l'UPK (Union patriotique du Kurdistan) est majoritaire au Parlement régional depuis les élections de 2009.

Après une première forme d'autonomie obtenue dans les années 1970, le Kurdistan, qui rassemble trois provinces du nord de l'Irak (Erbil, Dohouk et Souleimaniyeh), s'est véritablement émancipé de la tutelle de Bagdad après la guerre du Golfe, en 1991.

Le Kurdistan possède son propre Parlement et dispose de prérogatives étendues dans tous les domaines, à l'exception des Affaires étrangères et de la Défense. (AFP, 11 déc 2010)

Réconciliation Turquie-Israël: la question des "excuses" fait débat

Israël et la Turquie veulent tourner "immédiatement" la page de l'épisode tragique de la flottille vers Gaza, mais il y a débat sur la formulation des "excuses" que présentera Israël, a déclaré jeudi à l'AFP un officiel turc présent aux réunions bilatérales de Genève.

"Il y a débat sur la formule, sur le mot excuse", a expliqué Özdem Sanberk, qui a participé dimanche et lundi à des réunions à Genève avec des responsables israéliens, pour tenter de surmonter la grave crise diplomatique entre les deux pays, jadis alliés stratégiques dans la région.

"Concernant la partie turque, elle n'a jamais négocié un autre mot que le mot excuse", a ajouté cet ancien ambassadeur et haut responsable du ministère des Affaires étrangères.

Selon la presse israélienne, certains dirigeants israéliens refusent ce terme et préfèreraient d'autres formulations, comme celle de "regret".

Un raid militaire israélien contre le ferry turc Mavi Marmara, navire amiral d'une flottille humanitaire en route vers Gaza, avait tué neuf ressortissants turcs, le 31 mai, dans les eaux internationales.

La Turquie avait rappelé son ambassadeur à Tel Aviv, et réclame depuis des excuses et compensations pour les familles des victimes.

Lors des réunions de Genève, les deux parties ont élaboré un accord d'une page et demie, qui a été soumis aux dirigeants des deux pays.

Il prévoit des excuses d'Israël, des compensations présentées en annexe, et "l'engagement de restaurer immédiatement les bonnes relations qui existaient" entre les deux pays avant la crise. Ce qui signifie le retour d'un ambassadeur turc en Israël, l'ambassadeur israélien à Ankara n'ayant pas quitté son poste, a précisé M. Sanberk.

"Il n'y a pas de nouvelle réunion prévue pour l'instant, on attend la décision" des deux dirigeants, a-t-il ajouté.

La volonté de réconciliation entre les deux pays s'est concrétisée avec l'envoi le week-end dernier de deux avions-citernes turcs pour aider Israël à combattre un incendie meurtrier dans le nord du pays.

Ce geste représente "une ouverture pour améliorer les relations entre les deux pays", a déclaré mardi une source israélienne, citant le Premier ministre Benjamin Netanyahu.

"Ceux qui veulent ouvrir un nouveau chapitre (dans les rapports turco-israéliens) doivent d'abord accepter leur faute, s'excuser et verser des compensations", avait pour sa part déclaré mardi le Premier ministre turc Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

M. Erdogan avait aussi exigé la fin du blocus imposé par Israël contre la bande de Gaza, contrôlé par le mouvement islamiste palestinien Hamas.

"Dans l'accord (de Genève), on ne parle pas de Gaza", a cependant expliqué M. Sanberk.

L'ouverture de ces négociations bilatérales ont étonné nombre d'observateurs en Turquie, qui pensaient que M. Erdogan attendrait les élections générales de juin en Turquie pour se réconcilier avec Israël.

Le soutien affiché aux Palestiniens et les attaques virulentes contre Israël sont un des arguments électoraux préférés de M. Erdogan, selon ces analystes.

Tel n'est pas l'avis de M. Sanberk, qui affirme que pour le Premier ministre, "c'est une question de justice, sans arrière-pensée électoraliste,
et c'est pour cela qu'il place les excuses avant les compensations".

"Jamais aucun Turc n'a été tué par une armée étrangère en temps de paix, c'est unique, et c'est cela qui importe aux yeux de M. Erdogan", a-t-il ajouté. (AFP, 9 déc 2010)

Erdogan continue de réclamer des excuses à Israël après des contacts à Genève

La Turquie réclame toujours des excuses et une indemnisation pour les neuf Turcs tués par les soldats israéliens à bord d'une flottille d'aide pour Gaza, a déclaré mardi le Premier ministre turc, alors qu'une rencontre a eu lieu à Genève pour un dégel des liens bilatéraux.

"Ceux qui veulent ouvrir un nouveau chapitre (dans les rapports turco-israéliens) doivent d'abord accepter leur faute, s'excuser et verser des compensations", a dit Recep Tayyip Erdogan lors d'un discours au Parlement devant les députés de son parti de la justice et du développement (AKP, issu de la mouvance islamiste).

"Tant que cela n'est pas fait, personne ne doit s'attendre à ce que la Turquie fasse un pas", a souligné M. Erdogan qui a aussi exigé la fin du blocus imposé par Israël contre la bande de Gaza, contrôlé par le mouvement islamiste palestinien Hamas.

Les autorités israéliennes ont dit qu'elles ne présenteraient pas d'excuses.

Le Premier ministre s'exprimait au lendemain de deux jours d'entretiens à Genève entre deux diplomates turc et israélien pour tenter de surmonter la crise qui a éclaté fin mai entre les deux pays avec l'épisode du convoi humanitaire.

"Des entretiens ont eu lieu dimanche et lundi", a indiqué mardi à l'AFP un diplomate turc sous couvert de l'anonymat. Cette source n'a donné aucune précision sur le résultat des rencontres ni indiqué si elles se poursuivraient.

Les rapports entre la Turquie et Israël, jadis alliés stratégiques, sont entrés dans une grave crise le 31 mai lorsqu'un commando israélien a effectué un raid sur un navire turc faisant partie d'une flottille en route pour Gaza, tuant neuf Turcs.

En réponse au raid meurtrier, Ankara a rappelé son ambassadeur à Tel Aviv.

La réunion de Genève a eu lieu alors que la Turquie avait envoyé deux avions-citernes pour aider Israël à combattre un incendie dans le nord du pays. Le Premier ministre israélien Benjamin Netanyahu a téléphoné à M. Erdogan pour le remercier de ce geste.

Ce dernier a réaffirmé mardi que l'aide apportée par son pays à Israël était dictée par un "devoir humanitaire".

Avant l'incident de la flottille, les liens bilatéraaux s'étaient déjà dégradés, avec les critiques de M. Erdogan contre l'assaut israélien sur Gaza, en 2008/2009.

Netanyahu: "très important" d'améliorer les liens avec la Turquie

Le Premier ministre israélien Benjamin Netanyahu a estimé mardi "très importante" l'amélioration des relations diplomatiques avec la Turquie, au plus bas depuis un raid meurtrier israélien contre un ferry turc au large de la bande de Gaza le 31 mai.

"Le Premier ministre Benjamin Netanyahu accorde une grande importance à l'amélioration des liens bilatéraux", a souligné une source diplomatique israélienne.

La décision d'Ankara de dépêcher deux avions-citernes le week-end dernier pour aider Israël à combattre un violent incendie dans le nord du pays représente "une ouverture pour améliorer les relations entre les deux pays", a ajouté cette source.

Mais M. Netanyahu est "déterminé à ce que les soldats et les officiers israéliens ne soient pas susceptibles d'être arrêtés ou poursuivis dans le monde entier", a affirmé la source, en référence à l'assaut israélien contre le ferry turc Mavi Marmara qui a fait 9 morts le 31 mai, pour lequel Ankara exige des excuses et des compensations.

"A présent, les deux parties sont en train de chercher une formule de compromis (...) et les contacts vont se poursuivre dans les tout prochains jours afin de trouver une solution", a poursuivi cette source. (AFP, 7 déc 2010)

Erdogan: Israël doit "nettoyer" la Méditerranée du sang des victimes turques

Le Premier ministre turc Recep Tayyip Erdogan a déclaré dimanche que les relations avec Israël ne s'amélioreront pas tant que ce pays n'aura pas "nettoyé" la Méditerranée du sang des neuf victimes turques du raid israélien sur un convoi humanitaire vers Gaza.

Il a répété que son pays exigeait des compensations et des excuses d'Israël, à la suite de ce raid meurtrier du 31 mai dernier, a rapporté l'agence de presse Anatolie.

Ces déclarations ont douché les espoirs, exprimés ces derniers jours dans la presse, d'un dégel dans les relations israélo-turques, du fait de l'envoi par la Turquie de deux hélicoptères dans le nord d'Israël, pour combattre un gigantesque incendie de forêt qui a tué 41 personnes.

"Un jour nous tournerons la page... Mais d'abord, des excuses doivent être présentées, et des compensations doivent être payées", a déclaré M. Erdogan dans un discours à Sivas (centre).

"Si une main est tendue, nous ne l'ignorerons pas... mais nous devons vérifier que cette main est tendue de manière sincère", a-t-il ajouté, selon Anatolie.

"Personne ne peut s'attendre que nous restions silencieux, que nous renoncions à la loi et à la justice, tant que le sang qui a coulé en Méditerranée n'aura pas été nettoyé", a-t-il dit.

M. Erdogan, qui est à la tête d'un gouvernement issu de la mouvance islamiste, a déclaré que l'aide apportée par son pays à Israël dans la lutte contre l'incendie était dictée par un "devoir humanitaire et islamique".

Les relations entre la Turquie et Israël, jadis alliés stratégiques, sont entrées dans une grave crise le 31 mai lorsqu'un commando israélien a effectué un raid sur une flottille humanitaire se dirigeant vers Gaza, tuant neuf ressortissants turcs, dont un Turco-américain.

Les relations bilatérales s'étaient déjà dégradées avec les critiques violentes de M. Erdogan contre l'offensive militaire israélienne sur Gaza, en 2008/2009.

Vendredi, le Premier ministre israélien Benjamin Netanyahu a téléphoné à M. Erdogan pour le remercier de son aide contre l'incendie.

Mais une remarque du ministre turc de l'Intérieur est venue assombrir le tableau, selon laquelle Israël semble "bénéficier" des informations contenues dans les câbles diplomatiques américains révélés par WikiLeaks.

Dans un de ces câbles, on lit que M. Erdogan "hait Israël", du fait de convictions "fondamentalistes", selon des propos de l'ambassadeur israélien à Ankara reprises à son compte par l'ambassadeur américain en Turquie.

Réunion israélo-turque à Genève pour améliorer les relations bilatérales

Des responsables turc et israélien se sont réunis dimanche à Genève pour tenter de surmonter la crise qui a éclaté fin mai entre les deux pays avec l'épisode tragique de la flottille humanitaire vers Gaza, a déclaré à l'AFP un responsable du ministère turc des affaires étrangères.

"Je suis en mesure de confirmer qu'une réunion a eu lieu aujourd'hui à Genève", a déclaré ce responsable qui a requis l'anonymat.

Il a précisé que le représentant turc est Feridun Sinirlioglu, sous-secrétaire du ministère des affaires étrangères, soit le plus haut fonctionnaire du ministère. Il n'a pas été en mesure de donner l'identité du responsable israélien.

La réunion de Genève a eu lieu alors que la Turquie vient d'envoyer deux hélicoptères pour aider Israël à combattre un gigantesque incendie meurtrier, dans le nord du pays. M. Netanyahu a téléphoné au Premier ministre turc Recep Tayyip Erdogan, pour le remercier de ce geste.

"Nous apprécions beaucoup cette mobilisation et je suis sûr que cela constituera l'amorce d'une amélioration des relations entre nos deux pays", a dit M. Netanyahu dans un communiqué. (AFP, 5 déc 2010)

Mahmoud Abbas en visite en Turquie

Le président de l'Autorité palestinienne Mahmoud Abbas est arrivé dimanche en Turquie pour une visite de deux jours, au cours de laquelle il s'entretiendra avec les dirigeants de ce pays du blocage du processus de paix au Proche-Orient, a annoncé l'agence de presse Anatolie.

Il devait rencontrer dans la soirée le Premier ministre Recep Tayyip Erdogan, et lundi le président Abdullah Gül, avaient-on appris plus tôt dimanche de responsables turcs.

Les dirigeants évoqueront "les relations bilatérales, la situation en Palestine et les développements dans la région, en particulier le processus de paix au Proche-Orient", a indiqué un communiqué du service de presse de M. Gül.

Les pourparlers de paix israélo-palestiniens, relancés le 2 septembre à Washington après 20 mois de suspension, sont menacés par la reprise fin septembre de la construction dans les colonies juives de Cisjordanie occupée, après un moratoire de dix mois.

Pour les Palestiniens, la colonisation vide de son sens la négociation sur les frontières d'un futur Etat palestinien, en créant des faits accomplis irréversibles.

M. Erdogan, dont le gouvernement est issu de la mouvance islamiste, se montre très actif dans son soutien à la cause palestinienne. Mais la dégradation sévère des liens diplomatiques entre la Turquie et Israël, cette année, risque de compromettre le rôle d'intermédiaire que peut jouer Ankara dans la région. (AFP, 5 déc 2010)

Ministre turc: "Les révélations de Wikileaks profitent à Israël"

Le ministre turc de l'Intérieur Besir Atalay a estimé jeudi qu'Israël semblait avoir "tiré profit" de l'impact des documents diplomatiques américains publiés par le site internet Wikileaks.

"Il faut analyser pourquoi cela s'est produit, qui l'a fait et pourquoi, qui en a tiré profit et qui en a été la victime", a affirmé M. Atalay en réponse à la question d'un journaliste sur les bénéficiaires des fuites organisées par Wikileaks.

"Il nous semble que le pays qui (...) n'est pas beaucoup mentionné, en particulier au Proche Orient, ou que ce développement semble favoriser est Israël (...) C'est comme cela que je le perçois, quand je regarde le contexte, qui profite et qui est victime", a-t-il déclaré.

Le ministère des Affaires étrangères a mis en place une équipe pour analyser l'incident, a ajouté le ministre.

Un cadre du Parti de la justice et du développement (AKP, issu de la mouvance islamiste) au pouvoir a avait déjà pointé du doigt Israël mercredi.

"Il faut voir quel pays est satisfait (des fuites). Israël est extrêmement satisfait", a déclaré le vice-président de l'AKP Hüseyin Celik, cité par l'agence de presse Anatolie.

Les relations entre la Turquie et Israël, autrefois alliés stratégiques, connaissent de vives tensions depuis l'offensive israélienne menée fin 2008/2009 contre la bande de Gaza contrôlée par le mouvement islamiste Hamas.

Elles se sont encore détériorées après l'assaut donné par l'armée israélienne contre une flotille d'aide humanitaire à destination de Gaza, qui s'est soldé par la mort de neuf Turcs le 31 mai.

Le Premier ministre israélien Benjamin Netanyahu a affirmé lundi "qu'Israël n'avait subi aucun dommage" après la publication des cables diplomatiques. (AFP 2 déc 2010)

La Turquie envoie deux avions en Israël pour combattre les feux de forêt

La Turquie a envoyé jeudi en Israël deux avions pour participer au combat contre le gigantesque feu de forêt, qui ravage le nord du pays, et ceci en dépit du net refroidissement des relations entre les deux pays, a rapporté la chaîne de télévision CNN Turk.

Ces deux avions de lutte anti-incendie ont été mobilisés sur ordre du Premier ministre turc Recep Tayyip Erdogan qui est très critique vis-à-vis de la politique israélienne envers les Palestiniens, a précisé la chaîne.

Au moins 40 personnes, presque tous des gardiens de prison, ont péri dans l'incendie de forêt, qui continuait de ravager jeudi soir le mont Carmel, dans le nord d'Israël.

L'Etat hébreu a lancé des appels à l'aide internationale pour combattre cet incendie, le pire au cours des 62 ans de l'histoire israélienne.

Les relations entre Israël et la Turquie, un allié stratégique de l'Etat hébreu dans les années 1990, sont au plus bas depuis la mort de neuf Turcs tués par l'armée israélienne le 31 mai au moment de l'abordage d'un bateau d'aide pour les Palestiniens, qui voulait rompre le blocus de la bande de Gaza imposé par les Israéliens. (AFP 2 déc 2010)

Chypre et la Grèce / Cyprus and Greece

Accord avec Chypre: Israël rejette les critiques turques

Israël a rejeté lundi les critiques de la Turquie contre un accord entre l'Etat hébreu et Chypre délimitant les zones économiques entre les deux pays en Méditerranée, a indiqué le porte-parole du ministère des Affaires étrangères.

"Cet accord est une affaire bilatérale entre Israël et Chypre qui n'affecte en aucune façon un pays tiers", a affirmé à l'AFP le porte-parole Yigal Palmor. "Nous ne voyons pas en quoi un pays tiers aurait son mot à dire", a-t-il ajouté.

"Nous avons mis au courant la Turquie des négociations avec Chypre qui ont été menées en toute transparence", a ajouté le porte-parole.

Un autre responsable israélien qui a requis l'anonymat a pour sa part recouru à un langage moins diplomatique.

"Les Turcs font preuve d'un culot monstre s'ils dénoncent l'accord en utilisant comme argument le fait qu'ils occupent la partie nord de Chypre", a souligné ce responsable.
Le ministère turc des affaires étrangères a convoqué jeudi, la veille de la signature de l'accord, l'ambassadeur d'Israël à Ankara Gaby Lévy pour protester contre cette initiative.

Le ministre chypriote des Affaires étrangères, Marcos Kyprianou, et le ministre israélien des infrastructures nationales, Uzi Landau, ont signé vendredi à Nicosie un accord bilatéral délimitant les zones économiques exclusives entre les deux pays.

Cet accord doit permettre la poursuite des recherches de gisements gaziers et pétroliers sous-marins sans crainte de conflits d'exploitation.

La Turquie refuse de reconnaître la République de Chypre, et elle est le seul pays à reconnaître la République turque de Chypre du Nord, autoproclamée.

Selon l'agence de presse turque Anatolie, le sous-secrétaire au ministère turc des Affaires étrangères, Feridun Sinirlioglu, a déclaré à M. Lévy que l'accord entre son pays et Chypre aura des conséquences néfastes sur les efforts en cours pour mettre fin à la division de Chypre entre communautés grecque et turque, qui dure depuis 36 ans.

La protestation de la Turquie, jadis allié stratégique d'Israël, a eu lieu alors que les deux pays sont engagés dans des négociations pour tenter de normaliser leurs relations, après la mort le 31 mai de neuf Turcs tués par un commando israélien, sur un navire turc défiant le blocus israélien en transportant de l'aide humanitaire destinée à la population palestinienne de la bande de Gaza.

A la suite de cet abordage sanglant, la Turquie avait rappelé son ambassadeur à Tel-Aviv tout en réclamant des excuses et compensations pour les familles des victimes.

Ce nouveau motif de tension survient également au moment où des compagnies israéliennes et américaines s'apprêtent à exploiter un très important champ gazier découvert en Méditerranée au large de Haïfa dont les réserves sont estimées à 8 milliards de m3. Un autre champ dont les réserves pourraient s'avérer encore plus importantes est actuellement prospecté dans une zone voisine. (AFP, 20 déc 2010)

Chypre propose des négociations directes avec la Turquie pour une solution

La République de Chypre propose des négociations directes avec la Turquie pour mettre un terme à la partition de l'île méditerranéenne, a affirmé son ministre des Affaires étrangères Markos Kyprianou dans un entretien à un journal turc, publié vendredi.

"Procédons à un échange de vues directes (avec la Turquie). Faisons part directement de nos revendications et de nos inquiétudes", a-t-il dit au journal Hürriyet.

La Turquie refuse tout contact direct avec la République de Chypre qu'elle ne reconnaît pas et qui ne représente que les Chypriotes-grecs, la communauté turque vivant dans le nord, en République turque de Chypre du nord (RTCN), où Ankara a déployé des milliers de soldats.

"Nous savons que la Turquie est opposée à des pourparlers officiels, mais nous pouvons nous rencontrer dans le cadre d'un format non officiel", a estimé le ministre.

Ankara a proposé des rencontres à quatre (Grèce, Turquie et les deux communautés de Chypre) mais Athènes et les Chypriotes-grecs n'y semblent pas enclins.

Interrogé sur le processus de négociations en cours entre Chypriotes grecs et turcs, sous l'égide de l'Onu, M. Kyprianou a affirmé qu'"il existe un bon potentiel pour une solution", tout en déplorant une perte de dynamisme.

Les discussions inter-chypriotes n'ont jusqu'à présent donné aucun résultat probant. Ce manque de résultat a suscité une certaine impatience à l'ONU qui a menacé de revoir son rôle dans ces discussions.

Chypre est divisée depuis 1974, lorsque la Turquie a envahi le nord de l'île à la suite d'un coup d'Etat fomenté par des nationalistes chypriotes-grecs et visant à rattacher le pays à la Grèce.

La République de Chypre est internationalement reconnue tandis que la RTCN est uniquement reconnue par Ankara.

Ce différend entrave l'adhésion de la Turquie à l'Union européenne, dont fait partie Chypre, et empoisonne une normalisation des rapports entre l'UE et l'Otan, dont la Turquie fait partie. (AFP, 17 déc 2010)

La Turquie proteste contre un accord entre Israël et Chypre

Le ministère turc des affaires étrangères a convoqué l'ambassadeur d'Israël à Ankara pour protester contre un accord entre Israël et Chypre délimitant les zones économiques entre les deux pays en Méditerranée, a-t-on appris dimanche de source officielle.

Un responsable du ministère a déclaré à l'AFP que l'ambassadeur israélien Gaby Lévy a été convoqué au ministère jeudi, à la veille de la signature de cet accord entre Israël et Chypre.

Cette protestation survient alors que la Turquie et Israël, jadis alliés dans la région, ont engagé des négociations pour tenter de normaliser leurs relations, après l'incident du 31 mai au cours duquel neuf Turcs ont été tués par un commando israélien, sur un navire turc défiant le blocus israélien en transportant de l'aide humanitaire destinée à la population palestinienne de la bande de Gaza. (AFP, 19 déc 2010)

L'UE attend des progrès "sans délais" sur la question chypriote

L'UE attend des progrès "sans délai" sur le différend turco-chypriote, faute de quoi une partie des négociations d'adhésion de la Turquie restera bloquée, selon un projet de texte qui doit être adopté lundi par les ministres européens des Affaires étrangères.

"Des progrès sont attendus sans délai supplémentaire" sur ce point, faute de quoi les mesures de rétorsion décidées en 2006 seront reconduites, souligne le document obtenu par l'AFP.

La Turquie refuse d'appliquer à la République de Chypre - qu'elle ne reconnaît pas - le "protocole d'Ankara", par lequel elle doit étendre son Union douanière avec l'UE à tous les Etats qui y sont entrés en 2004. En conséquence, les ports et aéroports turcs restent fermés aux navires et avions chypriotes.

Cette question bloque depuis 2006 huit des 35 chapitres thématiques qui jalonnent les pourparlers d'adhésion de la Turquie, ouverts en 2005.

Par ailleurs, le texte de l'UE se montre prudent sur la suite des négociations.

Concernant l'ouverture attendue d'un nouveau chapitre, sur la politique de concurrence, le projet de déclaration de l'UE se borne à indiquer que ce sera possible "dès que les critères (requis) seront remplis" par la Turquie. Il s'agit d'un des rares chapitres qu'il est encore possible d'ouvrir avec Ankara.

Sur 35 chapitres thématiques, seul un a été bouclé à ce jour. Dix-huit sont bloqués soit du fait de la question chypriote, soit parce qu'ils impliquent une adhésion pleine et entière, une perspective à laquelle la France, mais aussi l'Allemagne ou l'Autriche sont opposées.

Les pays européens comptent aussi lancer lundi une mise en garde à la Turquie en matière de politique étrangère, en lui demandant de ne pas se désolidariser de l'UE. La décision d'Ankara de s'opposer cette année aux sanctions internationales contre l'Iran dans le dossier nucléaire a été ainsi très mal vécue à Bruxelles.

Tout en reconnaissant le pays comme un "acteur important" sur la scène diplomatique, le texte européen veut "encourager la Turquie à développer sa politique étrangère de façon complémentaire et en coordination avec l'UE".

Le différend turco-chypriote empoisonne également une normalisation des rapports entre l'Union européenne et l'Otan.

La Turquie n'étant pas membre de l'UE et Chypre de l'Otan, le différend paralyse une bonne coopération entre les deux institutions. L'UE avait envisagé une série de gestes envers la Turquie pour apaiser Ankara, mais une source diplomatique française a indiqué jeudi que la Turquie les refusait. (AFP, 9 déc 2010)

Le projet de rapprochement UE-Otan bloqué par le différend turco-chypriote

Les efforts menés depuis plus d'un an par l'Union européenne et l'Otan pour pouvoir enfin coopérer sans entrave, restent vains et ne semblent pas près de déboucher à cause de la persistance du différend turco-chypriote, a-t-on appris mardi auprès de diplomates.

"La signature d'un accord bilatéral de sécurité entre l'UE et la Turquie comme celle d'un accord global entre l'UE et l'Otan ne sont ni l'une ni l'autre à l'ordre du jour", a indiqué à l'AFP un diplomate européen.

Le chef de la diplomatie de l'UE, "Catherine Ashton, doit faire un rapport oral à ce sujet aux dirigeants européens réunis le 16 décembre à Bruxelles", conformément au mandat qu'elle avait reçu d'eux lors de leur précédent sommet à la mi-septembre, a-t-il ajouté.

La Turquie, membre de l'Otan, n'est pas membre de l'UE, et vice-versa pour Chypre. Mais les deux organisations sont engagées côte à côte au Kosovo, en Bosnie, en Afghanistan et au large de la Somalie dans des opérations délicates, qui posent des problèmes à la fois juridiques et de sécurité à leurs policiers et leurs soldats.

Un responsable de l'UE, tout en affirmant que "sur le terrain, les contacts ont lieu de manière pragmatique", a dû reconnaître mardi que "la forte volonté de coopération entre l'UE et l'Otan, qui est nouvelle, bute toujours sur le différend politique turco-chypriote".

Dans l'espoir de sortir de cette impasse, les chefs d'Etat et de gouvernement européens avaient demandé le 16 septembre à Mme Ashton de "réfléchir à la manière dont la coopération UE-Otan dans le domaine de la gestion des crises pourrait encore être renforcée", autrement dit dont le conflit turco-chypriote pourrait être contourné.

"Mais toutes les pistes qui ont été explorées n'ont pour l'instant rien donné", a dit un diplomate. Qu'il s'agisse de "faciliter la coopération sur le terrain", ou de "conclure l'accord global entre l'UE et l'Otan", la Turquie et Chypre restent sur leurs positions.

Donc, a-t-il estimé, "il est exclu que l'on y arrive sans un règlement de fond au préalable de la question chypriote".

Or le secrétaire général de l'ONU, Ban Ki-moon, a souligné le 18 novembre que de "sérieuses divergences" perduraient entre les dirigeants chypriote grec et turc, empêchant toujours d'aboutir les négociations en vue de la réunification de Chypre, divisée depuis 1974.

Le secrétaire général de l'Otan Anders Fogh Rasmussen avait pourtant fait de ce dossier une priorité depuis son entrée en fonction en août 2009.

En mai, il avait demandé à l'UE de faire trois concessions:

--inclure les pays comme la Turquie qui n'en sont pas membres dans les délibérations sur ses opérations extérieures, en particulier en Bosnie où le contingent turc est le deuxième en importance.

--passer un "accord de sécurité" avec la Turquie.

--accorder à la Turquie le même statut d'invité que la Norvège --autre pays de l'Otan non membre de l'UE-- auprès de l'Agence européenne de défense (EDA).

Tout cela, escomptait avec optimisme M. Rasmussen, sans qu'il y ait besoin de lever deux préalables ultra-sensibles: la reconnaissance officielle de Chypre par la Turquie et l'adhésion de celle-ci à l'UE.

Toutefois, de source turque, on confirme qu'Ankara met la barre beaucoup plus haut que ce que le secrétaire général de l'Otan avait envisagé.

"En satisfaisant nos revendications sur ces trois points, l'UE ne ferait que tenir d'anciennes promesses. Cela ne serait pas en soi suffisant pour changer notre position sur Chypre", a déclaré un diplomate turc en poste à l'Otan. (AFP, 30 nov 2010)

Immigration / Migration

Un ancien cadre du parti turc pro-kurde DTP demande l'asile en Grèce

Un ancien cadre du parti pro-kurde pour une société démocratique (DTP), dissous par la Cour constitutionnelle turque en 2009, a demandé l'asile en Grèce après son arrestation à l'aéroport de Salonique (nord), a-t-on appris mercredi de source policière.

Ancien vice-président du DTP, Mustafa Sarikaya, 46 ans, a été arrêté il y a une semaine à l'aéroport de Salonique pour détention "de faux passeport" et "entrée illégale" sur le territoire, lors d'une escale de son avion en provenance de Paphos (Chypre) et à destination de Sofia (Bulgarie).

Après avoir été jugé en flagrant délit par la Cour correctionnelle de Salonique et acquitté car il se trouvait "en état de nécessité", M. Sarikaya a déposé une demande d'asile aux autorités grecques, qui doivent prochainement se prononcer.

Lors de sa déposition devant la cour, M. Sarikaya a indiqué qu'il avait passé vingt ans dans les geôles turques en raison de son activité politique et que sa vie serait en danger en cas de retour à son pays.

La décision de la Cour constitutionnelle turque de dissoudre le DTP en 2009 avait été qualifiée d'"inquiétante" par le ministre suédois des Affaires étrangères, Carl Bildt, dont son pays présidait alors l'Union européenne.

Parmi divers problèmes qui entravent le progrès des négociations entre l'UE et la Turquie engagées depuis 2005, figure le respect des libertés politiques. (AFP, 29 déc 2010)

Prison en Allemagne pour trois membres du DHKP-C

Trois membres du DHKP-C ont été condamnés jeudi par un tribunal allemand à des peines d'emprisonnement pour avoir levé des fonds pour fournir des armes à un groupe "terroriste" et recruté d'autres militants.

Le tribunal de grande instance de Düsseldorf (ouest) a condamné à sept ans et neuf mois de prison une ressortissante turque de 36 ans, dénommée Nurhan E., pour avoir dirigé le groupe turc DHKP-C (Parti-Front de libération du peuple révolutionnaire) en Allemagne.

Deux autres membres du DHKP-C, Ahmet I., 41 ans, et Cengiz O., 37 ans, ont été condamnés à des peines de prison de respectivement trois ans et neuf mois et six ans, pour leur appartenance à cette organisation.

"Entre 2002 et 2008, ces trois personnes ont levé des fonds pour financer la lutte armée du DHKP-C en Turquie, ont entraîné des militants et recruté de nouveaux membres", a déclaré le tribunal, dans un communiqué.

Le DHKP-C est interdit depuis 1998 en Allemagne --pays qui accueille la plus grande communauté turque hors des frontières de la Turquie--. En 1999, l'organisation avait annoncé mettre fin aux actes de violence sur le territoire allemand. (AFP, 16 déc 2010)

Le procès de la Fédération anatolienne à Düsseldorf

Le procès marathon en cours à Düsseldorf contre trois des membres de la Fédération anatolienne accusés de terrorisme, touche à sa fin. Nurhan Erdem, Cengiz Oban et Ahmet Istanbullu sont poursuivis en vertu du § 129 b (se référant à l'appartenance à une organisation terroriste étrangère) du Code pénal allemand pour leur supposée appartenance au “Parti-Front révolutionnaire de libération du peuple" (DHKP-C).

Le 5 novembre 2008, Nurhan, alors présidente nationale de la Fédération d'Anatolie, est arrêtée en compagnie de Cengiz Oban, lui aussi administrateur de la Fédération de l'Anatolie ainsi qu'Ahmet Istanbullu dans le cadre d'une opération visant l'organisation marxiste anatolienne. Leur procès a commencé le 11 mars 2010, la règle étant qu'une détention préventive ne peut dépasser un délai d'un an et demi. Il se poursuit depuis à un rythme effréné, à raison de deux audiences par semaine.

Créée il y a plus d'un siècle et demi pour juguler la contestation sociale et la lutte révolutionnaire, le paragraphe 129b sert de nos jours à museler les migrants vivant en Allemagne.

Cette législation d'exception est actuellement utilisée dans la répression contre les membres de la Fédération anatolienne, une organisation pourtant démocratique dénonçant les mesures antisociales allemandes, notamment la loi Hartz IV, les lois racistes sur l'immigration et ce, en concertation avec d'autres organisations citoyennes, des avocats et des parlementaires. Les activités culturelles de la Fédération telles que les animations pour enfants (chorale d'enfants, cours de danse, folklore et théâtre) sont elles aussi dépeintes par le procureur général comme des activités illégales.

Nurhan Erdem, Cengiz Oban et Ahmet Istanbullu sont, depuis leur détention, confinés en régime cellulaire strict. Cela signifie qu'ils sont enfermés 23h par jour et n'ont qu'une heure de sortie dans une cour individuelle. Tout contact avec d'autres détenus leur a été strictement défendu jusqu'il y a trois mois. Le père et l'époux de Nurhan sont interdits de visite. Ahmet, un opposant politique reconnu comme tel par la Belgique, n'a pas pu voir son épouse pendant plus d'un an. Les lettres de leurs parents et amis sont confisquées et leur contenu versé à leur dossier. Le régime d'isolement règne également dans le tribunal de Düsseldorf.

Les inculpés sont ainsi séparés du public et des juges par deux parois en verre de plusieurs mètres de haut. Durant le procès, toutes les demandes d'enquête supplémentaires de la défense ont été rejetées par la 6e Cour pénale. En revanche, les requêtes du procureur fédéral ont été acceptées avec beaucoup de zèle .

Le procès de Nurhan, Cengiz et Ahmet vise essentiellement à criminaliser leur travail démocratique. Avec ce procès, même les activités les plus anodines telles que les concerts et les camps d'été pour les enfants risquent d'être interdites. La charge visée par le § 34 du Code pénal (Loi sur le commerce extérieur), a cependant été rejetée par la Cour de justice de l'Union européenne qui a statué en urgence pendant le procès. La suppression du DHKP-C de la liste noire en 2007 par la CJCE doit être considérée comme un succès dans le cadre du procès. Plusieurs députés du parti “Die Linke" qui ont suivi le procès et dénoncé les conditions de détention inhumaines auxquelles les militants sont soumis, ont remarqué que l'utilisation d'aveux obtenus sous la torture en Turquie, notamment dans l'affaire Faruk Ereren, constituent une violation flagrante de la loi allemande. Ces parlementaires soulignent que c'est l'existence même du paragraphe 129 b du code pénal allemand qui banalise le recours à la torture. L'ensemble de la société civile allemande inquiète des conséquences de l'antiterrorisme appelle à participer ce jeudi 16 décembre à l'audience finale du procès de Nurhan, Cengiz et Ahmet. (www.anadolufederayonu.de, 15 décembre 2010)

(*) Affaire C-550/09. Arrêt de la Cour de justice européenne du 29 juin 2010

L’inscription du Devrimci Halk Kurtulus Partisi-Cephesi (DHKP-C) sur la liste prévue à l’article 2, paragraphe 3, du règlement (CE) n° 2580/2001 du Conseil, du 27 décembre 2001, concernant l’adoption de mesures restrictives spécifiques à l’encontre de certaines personnes et entités dans le cadre de la lutte contre le terrorisme, est invalide et, partant, ne peut pas contribuer à fonder une condamnation pénale liée à une violation alléguée de ce règlement, en ce qui concerne la période antérieure au 29 juin 2007.

13 membres présumés du TKP/ML devant le tribunal correctionnel de Paris

Des peines allant jusqu'à 6 ans de prison ferme ont été requises mercredi devant le tribunal correctionnel de Paris à l'encontre de 13 personnes d'origine ou de nationalité turque soupçonnées d'avoir contribué en France au financement d'un groupe d'extrême gauche turc considéré comme "terroriste" par l'accusation.

"La majeure partie de l'argent collecté finissait dans les caisses de la branche armée" de ce groupe, le TKP/ML (Parti communiste de Turquie/marxiste-léniniste), a déclaré la procureure Fanny Bussac.

Selon elle, l'association à laquelle appartenaient en France la plupart des prévenus n'était pas, comme ils l'affirment, à vocation culturelle ou caritative. Mais elle avait pour objet de financer les activités "terroristes" du groupuscule, bien que ce dernier ne soit pas inscrit sur la liste européenne des organisations terroristes, a-t-elle assuré.

Pour la défense, ce dossier est "un cas d'école de violation des droits de l'Homme", tant pendant la garde à vue des suspects que durant l'instruction, a déclaré en marge de l'audience Me Vincent Ollivier, avocat d'un des prévenus. "Nous ferons appel de tout ce qui ne sera pas une relaxe, et nous irons jusqu'à la Cour européenne des droits de l'Homme", a-t-il ajouté. (AFP, 15 déc 2010)

18 personnes, dont des dirigeants présumés du PKK, renvoyées en procès à Paris

Dix-huit personnes, dont des dirigeants présumés du Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK), ont été renvoyées devant le tribunal correctionnel de Paris pour des faits présumés de terrorisme et de financement de l'organisation séparatiste kurde, a-t-on appris mardi de sources proches du dossier.

Ces 18 personnes, essentiellement de nationalité turque, avaient été interpellées en France en région parisienne et en Bretagne en février 2007.

Présentées comme des membres actifs du Parti des Travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK), elles sont soupçonnées d'avoir participé au financement d'attentats commis en Turquie, ainsi qu'à des combats au Kurdistan irakien. La justice les suspecte également de blanchiment d'argent.

La chambre de l'instruction de la cour d'appel de Paris avait ordonné la libération de la majorité d'entre elles deux semaines après leur interpellation, infligeant un "désaveu" à la justice anti-terroriste, selon leurs avocats.

Au terme de trois ans d'enquête, le juge d'instruction Thierry Fragnoli a toutefois décidé du renvoi devant le tribunal correctionnel de Paris de ces 18 personnes et du Centre culturel kurde Ahmet-Kaya, en tant que personne morale, pour y être jugés pour association de malfaiteurs en relation avec une entreprise terroriste et financement d'une organisation terroriste, selon ces sources.

Parmi les personnes renvoyées figurent notamment Riza Altun, Attila Balikci et Nedim Seven, respectivement considérés comme le représentant du PKK en Europe, son "secrétaire" et le "trésorier" du mouvement. (AFP, 14 déc 2010)

Manifestation de protestation à Marseille après les arrestations de Kurdes

Comme en avril 2007 à Paris, en janvier 2009 et février 2010 à Marseille et à Montpellier, comme en mai 2010 à Rennes, des Kurdes ont été interpellés le mardi 7 décembre à Rennes et à Marseille.

Si les trois Kurdes mis en garde à vue à Rennes ont été relâchés, 2 personnes sur 7 sont toujours en garde à vue à Marseille et, pour la énième fois, la Maison du Peuple Kurde de Marseille a été perquisitionnée.

La manifestation de protestation de ce samedi 11 décembre a rassemblé plus de 2500 personnes : c’est l’une plus grandes manifestations jamais réalisées à Marseille par les Kurdes et leurs amis.

Pierre Laurent, Secrétaire national du Parti communiste français, a interpellé Michèle Alliot-Marie, Ministre des Affaires étrangères, en ces termes :

Je suis informé qu’une nouvelle opération de police a eu lieu le 7 décembre dans la Maison du peuple kurde à Marseille : perquisition (la troisième en moins de deux ans), locaux dévastés, arrestation de 7 personnes dont le nouveau Président de l’Association.

Au cours de cette opération, rien n’a été saisi qui pourrait accréditer l’idée que cette Maison du peuple kurde pourrait être liée au terrorisme.

Je m’étonne et je m’inquiète de cette insistance policière, proche du harcèlement, qui vise une communauté déjà victime d’une cruelle répression au Kurdistan de Turquie.

Vous n’êtes pas sans savoir le consternant procès que les autorités turques intentent actuellement à 151 personnalités kurdes, dont une bonne part sont des élus : maires, anciens maires, conseillers municipaux... J’observe que les autorités françaises n’ont pas élevé la moindre protestation crédible devant ce qui ressemble à un procès politique.

Il est profondément choquant de constater que la France puisse aider le gouvernement turc dans sa répression contre le peuple kurde. [1] (akbdrk.free.fr, André Métayer, 11 décembre 2010)

Interpellations de Kurdes à Rennes : les Amitiés kurdes de Bretagne réagissent

Communiqué par Amitiés kurdes de Bretagne:

Ce n’est pas la première fois que le Kurde sert de monnaie d’échange pour faciliter les relations franco-turques, diplomatiques ou commerciales. Les Kurdes de Rennes n’échappent pas à la règle ! La Direction centrale de la police judiciaire – et plus précisément la sous-direction de la lutte contre la criminalité organisée et de la délinquance financière (SDLCODF) - était déjà descendue à Rennes, en mai dernier, pour auditionner, sans résultat, une cinquantaine de nos concitoyens kurdes rennais, au moment où - coïncidence- les Présidents français et turc finalisaient à Paris des accords visant à "augmenter de 50%, à 15 milliards d’euros, le volume des échanges commerciaux d’ici 2012".

S’agit-il aujourd’hui de préparer un voyage de la présidence française du G.20 en Turquie ? Quoi qu’il en soit, des Kurdes ont été, mardi 7 décembre, interpellés à l’heure du laitier et leurs domiciles perquisitionnés : ordinateurs, téléphones portables, relevés bancaires ont été saisis ainsi que les économies trouvées en espèces chez l’un d’entre eux qu’on a menotté devant ses enfants. Placés en garde à vue pour une durée pouvant aller jusqu’à 72 heures, ils ont tous été remis en liberté au bout de trente huit heures sans "qu’aucune charge (ne soit) retenue contre eux en ce qui concerne, comme le note Ouest France, d’éventuels liens avec le PKK", toujours présenté comme une organisation terroriste, le mot qui fait peur et qui est lâché pour faire peur.

Rappelons une fois de plus que l’inscription du PKK sur une liste des organisations terroristes ne repose sur aucune base juridique.

L’avocat Selahattin Demirtaş, Député de Diyarbakir, co-président du parti pro-kurde BDP (Parti pour la Paix et la Démocratie) et Président du groupe parlementaire BDP ainsi que tous les députés kurdes que nous avons rencontrés, tous les maires kurdes démocratiquement élus, dont le très respecté Osman Baydemir, maire de Diyarbakir, avec qui nous sommes en relations constantes, refusent, même au prix de leur liberté, de considérer le PKK comme une organisation terroriste.

Comment ne pas voir qu’une majorité de Kurdes se reconnaisse et s’identifie à lui ? Seuls ceux qui ne connaissent pas cette réalité peuvent croire qu’une solution existe en niant la nécessité d’un dialogue avec le PKK ou en voulant l’éliminer de la scène politique. Même le gouvernement turc admet qu’il négocie avec le détenu et Président du PKK Abdullah Öcalan et les enquêteurs de la SDLCODF feignent de s’étonner que son portait orne les murs d’AMARA, la Maison du Peuple kurde !

Le PKK n’est ni plus ni moins une organisation terroriste que ne l’ont été l’ANC de Nelson Mandela en son temps ou le Conseil national de la Résistance dans une période difficile de notre histoire. (vendredi 10 décembre 2010)

6 membres présumés du PKK interpellés dans la région de Marseille

Six membres présumés du PKK ont été interpellés mardi matin dans la région de Marseille sur commission rogatoire d'un juge antiterroriste parisien, a-t-on appris de sources proches de l'enquête.

Ces six personnes, parmi lesquelles figure "un membre important au niveau européen" du PKK, ont été arrêtées dans la région de Marseille par des policiers de la Direction centrale du renseignement intérieur (DCRI) et des policiers marseillais.

Elles ont été placées en garde à vue à Marseille pour une durée pouvant atteindre quatre jours.

Elles ont été interpellées sur commission rogatoire d'un juge antiterroriste parisien qui enquête sur le financement du PKK.

A Marseille, environ 250 personnes, selon la police, ont manifesté dans l'après-midi pour protester contre ces arrestations.

Le cortège, composé d'hommes, femmes et enfants de la communauté kurde, a défilé pacifiquement sur la Canebière aux cris de "Libérez nos camarades!" La manifestation s'est dispersée sans incident. Une délégation de quatre personnes a été reçue par le procureur de la République de Marseille, Jacques Dallest. (AFP, 7 déc 2010)

Grèce : recul de 44% de l'immigration illégale en novembre à la frontière turque

Le nombre des migrants entrés illégalement dans l'Union européenne via la frontière terrestre gréco-turque a décru de 44% en un mois, après la mise en place des garde-frontières européens début novembre, selon l'agence européenne chargée de la surveillance des frontières (Frontex).

A la suite du déploiement début novembre de quelque "205 garde-frontières venus de 26 pays de l'Union européenne ainsi que d'Islande et de Suisse", accompagnés des forces de l'ordre grecques, le nombre des passages illégaux par la frontière terrestre entre la Grèce et la Turquie a été réduit de quelque 250 par jour en octobre à 140 environ en novembre, a déclaré mardi le directeur adjoint de Frontex, Gil Arias Fernandez, au cours d'une conférence de presse à Athènes.

En octobre, 7.586 personnes avaient été interpellées pour passage illégal de la frontière, et 4.270 l'ont été entre le 1er et le 29 novembre, ce qui représente une baisse de 44%" en un mois, a-t-il dit.

"Nous pensons qu'il ne s'agit pas uniquement du résultat de l'opération Frontex, mais aussi du changement de saison qui rend plus difficiles certains passages" a-t-il ajouté. Il a précisé que pendant le mois écoulé 13 passeurs avaient été arrêtés, de nationalités turque, afghane, bulgare, géorgienne et pour deux d'entre eux palestinienne.

Par ailleurs, depuis janvier, 41 personnes sont mortes en tentant de pénétrer en Grèce via la rivière Evros, qui marque la frontière avec la Turquie.

Au total, 91% des personnes entrées illégalement dans l'Union européenne sont passées par la Grèce en 2010, a-t-il ajouté, un chiffre en augmentation par rapport à 2009, alors que l'immigration illégale a, elle, décru, en volume global en raison de la crise économique dans l'Union européenne qui tarit l'embauche.

Frontex, qui interroge les migrants à la frontière gréco-turque près d'Orestiada, a déterminé quels étaient les prix payés aux passeurs par les candidats à l'émigration dans l'Union européenne.

Selon M. Arias Fernandez, le prix moyen payé par passage est de 400 euros. Pour un transfert entre Istanbul et la Suède, il est de l'ordre de 5.500 euros, et de 2.400 euros entre l'Afghanistan et Athènes.

D'après la même source, depuis le début de l'année, 11.165 interviews de migrants illégaux ont été réalisées : elles se sont soldées par 1.606 reconduites (volontaires ou forcées) dans le pays d'origine. (AFP, 30 nov 2010)

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