A non-government information service on Turkey
Un service d'information non-gouvernemental sur la Turquie


11th Year - N°127
May 1987
38 rue des Eburons - 1000 Bruxelles
Tél: (32-2) 215 35 76 - Fax: (32-2) 215 58 60
 Rédacteur en chef: Dogan Özgüden - Editrice responsable: Inci Tugsavul


        On the day Turkey applied for full membership to the European Community, April 14, 1987, thousands of students throughout the country refused their lunches in protest of the lack of democratic practices in the country and in the universities. In Izmir and Istanbul, groups of students started a protest march towards capital in hopes of submitting a letter to the Speaker of the National Assembly which consists of the complaints of students.
        The unrest among the students reached to a big dimension because of draft law which stipulates that all student associations will come under the control of the university deans and in each faculty students will have only one association.
        Four days earlier, a group of the Middle East Technical University (ODTU) students had gathered in front of the university presidential building and continued their protest with a sit-in in the garden. When a student started to sing a protest song, he was taken away by the gendarmerie.His comrades trying to prevent this harassing were also clubbed and taken to police stations.
        Protest actions have rapidly spread to six university cities: Istanbul, Ankara, Izmir, Bursa, Eskisehir and Adana. On April 15, in Istanbul, police used clubs to disperse more than 1,000 students and detained 73 among them. In Eskisehir, university students boycotted lunch and poured their food trays into the garbage. They also marched for 800 meters and carried banners which said they want a democratic university rather than rifle butts and police clubs. Eskisehir was the meeting place for the students marching from Istanbul and Izmir to Ankara.
        On growing actions the government bowed to students' demands. Premier Ozal personally intervened in the matter and the Education Commission in Parliament withdrew the draft law. Ozal aid that the government was not prepared to counter any students' protest at this stage. He claims also that the students had been provoked by various groups who saw some advantage in creating the unrest and warned against the "possible subversive aims" of these people.
        Despite the government's step back, on April 16, students continued their protests and about 250 of them were detained in the capital after a march.
        In Istanbul, the police used clubs to break up a demonstration with more than 1,000 students. Hundreds of students in different university cities of Turkey were taken into custody for holding unauthorized demonstrations.
        As for the marchers coming from Istanbul, Izmir and Eskisehir, they were halted by the police at the entrance of Ankara.
        State Security Courts ruled for the arrest of  52 students in Ankara, 31 in Istanbul and 300 in Izmir. While they were being questionned by courts, their comrades again went on hunger strikes for protesting against police terror. "The oppressive regime in Turkey is trying to keep the students from speaking out against its policies. We want the release of our friends. We want the government to show respect toward civil liberties and freedom of thought," said the strikers.


        As social unrest grew among workers who complain of low wages and the employers' refusal to sign a collective bargaining agreement on the new pay increases, several more trade unions have gone on strike in Turkey. With 9,000 more petroleum workers, affiliated to Petrol-Is, walking out in 56 plants, the number of workers who are on strike has reached 13,000 at the end of April 1987.
        The Turkish Road Workers Union (YOL-IS) has announced that nearly 115,000 workers will soon go on strike.
        Strikes are expected also in the sectors of wood, food, plastic and metal works.
        According to a survey published by the U.S. Labor Statistics Department, Turkish labour is indeed among the cheapest in the world:

        Countries                                Labor cost per hour ($)
        United States                                                       12.88
        Norway                                                                 12.22
        Belgium                                                                11.73
        FRG                                                                        9.60
        France                                                                      7.80
        Italy                                                                         7.66
        Gt Britain                                                               7.35
        Japan                                                                       6.45
        Hong Kong                                                            1.75
        Portugal                                                                  1.53
        Taiwan                                                                    1.50
        South Korea                                                            1.41
        TURKEY                                                                1.04
(Turkish Daily News, 23.1.1987)      
        The Petroleum Workers' Union (Petrol-Is) announced on April 10 that wage-earners have lost 57% of their purchasing power since the military coup of 1980.
        While the monthly food expenditures of a 4-person family (parents and two children) is reaching 120,000 TL (150 $) and the rent of a too modest habitation 100,000 TL (125$) at the end of April 1987, a petroleum worker having a 20-year length of service receives only 73,000 TL (91.25$).
        As for the legal minimum wage, paid at least to half a million workers, it is in one word ridiculous: 28,086 TL (35$). Whit this wage, a worker has to work for 1 hour and 28 minutes for buying 1 Kg bread, 18 hours and 54 minutes for 1 kg meat and 180 hours and 17 minutes for a pair of shoes. (Cumhuriyet, 2.3.1987).


        A planned march to Parliament of the Confederation of Turkish Labour Unions (TURK-IS), on March 24, 1987, by police who set up barricades around the union's headquarters.
        Barricades were broken up as the would-be marchers, about 500 strong, tried to leave the headquarters. They were confronted by policemen in crash helmets guarding metal fencing which sealed off the nearby streets.
        The incident was the first of its kind in Turkey since the military coup. The TURK-IS Presidents Council had decided earlier to make use of their citizenship rights, and march to Parliament to deliver a letter demanding full democracy and labour rights.
        On this police brutality, the union leaders burnt the letters addressing to Speaker of Parliament.


        A 55-year old retired teacher, Mehmet Bulgac, protesting the government's un respect to social rights, poured gasoline on his body and ignited it yesterday before the Prime Ministry building in a self-immolation act.
         He left three letters behind, one addressed to General Evren, the other two were for Premier Özal and his wife. The police refused to disclose the contents of the three letters.
        Earlier, on March 9, 1987, another teacher, 33-year old Emin Orpak, unable to pay his debt of 688,050 TL accumulated because of the insufficiency of his salary, committed suicide by getting poison.
        On the other hand, according to the data given by the State Statistics Institute, 234 people had died in 1984 because of hunger.


        The representative of the National Liberation Front of Kurdistan (ERNK), during a press conference held on May 6, 1987, in Brussels, announced that the Central Committee of the front decided on April 30, 1987, to pass from the phase of local armed actions up to the phase of a guerrilla war throughout Kurdistan, and with this end in view, to equip the Popular Liberation Army of Kurdistan (ARGK), issued from the Liberation Unity of Kurdistan (HRK).
        ERNK underlines that this popular war is being carried out under the leadership of the Workers' Party of Kurdistan (PKK).
        The Turkish General Staff announced on March 18, 1987 that for over seven years 147 members of the security forces had been killed by Kurdish militants. Of them eight are army officers, 14 NCOs, 105 soldiers, 16 village protectors and 4 policemen. Also 250 civilian people have lost their lives during the armed clashes. According to the same communiqué, the number of the Kurds shot dead rises to 216.
        After this date:
        19.3, security forces shot dead 5 Kurdish militants in Beytusebab (Hakkari) and four in Dicle (Diyarbakir).
        20.3, at the village of Atli in Mardin, three Kurdish militants shot dead.
        21.3, Kurdish militants attacked a military barrack in the district of Balveren. ERNK announced that 10 soldiers had been shot during this raid. Another clash in Sirnak ended in the death of two soldiers and one Kurdish militant.
        1.4, TKP-ML militants shot dead two pro-government peasants in Tunceli.
        5.4, in Egil (Diyarbakir), three Kurdish militants were shot dead by security forces.
        12.4, in Uludere, a Kurdish militants was shot dead and two others wounded.
        13.4, ARGK militants executed seven village protectors at the village of Kavuncuk (Sirnak) as a punishment for their collaboration with security forces.        
        13.4, a military vehicle fell into an ambush laid by ARGK in Cukurca. One soldier was shot dead, a NCO and three soldiers wounded.
        17.4, an armed clash between Kurdish guerrilla and an army unit ended in the death of a soldier and two militants.
        21.4, security forces killed five Kurdish militants in two separate clashes: three ARGK militants in Bingol and two TKP-ML militants in Tunceli.
        27.4, a military vehicle fell in a Kurdish ambush in Eruh during which a NCO was shot dead.
        28.4, a ARGK attack on a military depot in Kandilli (Erzurum) ended in the death of 7 soldiers.
        29.4, ARGK militants shot dead 2 lieutenant and 10 soldiers in Semdinli (Hakkari). Same day the headman of the village of Gulec (Tunceli) shot dead by Kurdish militants for his anti-guerrilla position.
        According to another press report appeared on April 30, 1987 in the daily Cumhuriyet,  within the last 3-year period, 449 armed conflicts with ARGK guerillas have resulted in the death of 149 security force members, 268 Kurdish militants and 222 civilian people.
        In a recent declaration, General-President Kenan Evren admitted that the security forces have not yet arrived to annihilate "separatist movement".


        Following are the extracts from an interview given to CEDRI in March 1987 by a European journalist who is the Turkey correspondent for several well-known daily newspapers:
        Question: In Europe there is much talk of the "democratisation" of Turkey. You have travelled a lot in the country and particularly in Turkish Kurdistan. What then are your impressions?
        "There is no way that one can speak of democratisation. The measures introduced by the government could be compared to those taken during the Second World War. People have no rights. The presence of policemen and soldiers is so overwhelming that there are about three soldiers for each civilian. In certain villages the population is not allowed the right to possess sufficient provisions. The press reports that each peasant only has the right to the food he needs on a day to day basis. Otherwise, he is suspected of supporting terrorists or separatists.
        "Two weeks ago, the Turkish newspaper Cumhuriyet wrote that 9 million persons were to be evacuated. That is probably not true, but it is safe to assume that over 100,000 persons will be transferred by force. The government is trying to establish a dead zone along the border with Iraq and Iran, what they call a security zone. There exists a plan to relocate these people in new towns which would be built in the plans where there are no forests or mountains -so that it is easy to control the population, even by plane. The houses are generally built out of corrugated iron and life is impossible in them. There is  another plan to turn these deported Kurds into a sub-proletariat in the large cities of Western Turkey -Izmir, Istanbul, Ankara and Adana, where there are no means of gaining a livelihood. Unemployment in Turkey is over 20% and there is no accommodation, work, nothing. They can only vegetate there.
        Question: We have heard that there is a curfew in many regions...
        "Over 1500 special units were brought to the region three months ago. They are called the "black beetles" or "super-commandos". Many of them have been trained in West Germany or in the United States and are equipped with ultra-modern weapons. They are also notorious for their Alsatian dogs. After 10 o'clock at night or midnight, depending on the area, the civilian population is not permitted to leave their houses. According to the Chairman of the Social Democrat Populist Party (SHP), these dogs are not fed throughout the day and are let loose in the villages at night. The one who leaves his house is attacked by the dogs.
        Question: What happens during a razzia in a village?
        "Early in the morning, policemen and soldiers surround the village. The entire population is assembled by force on the village square where some are tortured and the women are often raped. Worst of all for the peasants is that all of their harvest is confiscated, their possessions are stolen, even family heirlooms. These objects are later sold by the soldiers to supplement their miserable wages. These razzias are no more than torture, rape and robbery. I was not able to visit these villages myself as it is forbidden for foreigners to enter these regions and I was kept under constant surveillance by the police. But I have met many inhabitants of these villages who have sought refuge in towns.
        Question: What is the situation in the prisons in Kurdistan?
        "There is Mardin prison which has a sinister reputation. It is situated on a hill above the Syrian plain. Right at the top there is a NATO base from which one can see the whole of the Syrian plain and far into Iraq.This base was attacked by the PKK last August. The prison is just below the base. There is not one single tree in the area around the prison. The cells measure one meter by two meters and temperatures rise to 50 degrees in summer while the winters are very harsh. Recently a new prison was built in Kurdistan about which nobody speaks. It is at Siirt and is to become the new torture center for Kurds. Up until now, Diyarbakir prison fulfilled this function, but many European delegations have come to Diyarbakir. This is the reason why the new center was opened at Siirt six months ago. Siirt is near the Syrian border. Kurds from this region have told me that there are already over 3000 prisoners there. Hardly anyone knows about the prison, even Amnesty International. In Diyarbakir prison there are now about 4000 prisoners, in spite of the fact that it was built for only 360 inmates.
        Question: What do you think of the recent bombing raids by the Turkish air force against Kurdish villages in Iraq?
        "400 civilians were killed in the recent bombings on Kurdish villages in Iraq. The explanation given of a revenge action against the PKK is absurd. The PKK and Barzani's men are guerrilla armies operating outside the villages. The last bombings in 1986 had already caused civilian victims. Many villages have been destroyed and winter is very hard at the moment. Where are all the inhabitants of these villages to go? Here in Europe nobody is interested. It seems to be accepted that it is an act of vengeance.
        "I think that the Turkish airforce's bombing raids against the Kurds in Iraq are in fact the first step in the invasion of Kirkuk and Mosul. This plan to control the Kirkuk region became known in Turkey six months ago when a retired general revealed it. This resulted in considerable discussion in the press and in parliament and, ever since, there have been regular articles explaining Turkey's legitimate claim to the region. In order to justify this claim to public opinion they say that there are a million Turks living in the area. Over the last three months there have been many newspaper reports saying that this Turkish minority suffers opression. It is possible that the Turks will once again play the role of liberators of their minorities abroad; such an argument would certainly find approval at least in Turkish public opinion.
        "There was recently an important meeting of various NATO generals at Diyarbakir which received no publicity. A detailed plan was established: should the Iraqi army no longer be able to resist against Iran, Turkey would occupy Kirkuk and Mosul; the Soviet Union would oppose this and this would provide a pretext for the United States to send their Rapid Deployment Force in order to support their Turkish ally. They would be able to publicly establish military bases in the region, using the pretext of the Soviet threat. They have already begun the construction of certain infrastructures, but only in this way could they justify the sending of the RDF."


        Just after the introducing of the Turkish demand for accession to the European Communities, the trial of the Turkish Peace Association ended once more in condemnation of twelve out of 71 accused leading members. On April 28, 1987, the Military Tribunal of Istanbul sentenced:
        Chairman Mahmut Dikerdem and Mrs. Reha Isvan to 5-year prison term each,
        Erdal Atabek, Metin Ozek, Aykut Goker, Orhan Taylan, Huseyin Bas, Nedim Tarhan, Erol Saracoglu and Ataman Tangor to 18 months and 15 days each,
        Niyazi Dalyanci and Nurettin Yilmaz to 6 months each.
        The tribunal decided also closing down of the Turkish Peace Association.
        All defendants are accused of having served to the Soviet Union's interests under the guise of peace action.
        The trials had begun on April 14, 1982 and ended in condemnation for the first time on November 14, 1983.
        Since all of them had already served the prison terms under arrest, they will not be imprisoned. Nevertheless, the condemned pacifists have appealed against the verdict.


        Ex-colonel Alparslan Türkes, chief of neo-fascist Grey Wolves and responsible No. 1 of the pre-coup political violence, was condemned on April 8, 1987, to only a 11-year prison term, by the military tribunal of Ankara.
        At the end of the trial of the Nationalist Action Party (MHP), 148 Grey Wolves, including all the members of the party's administrative board, were acquitted.
        The tribunal condemned only some party activists for their armed actions: 5 to death sentences, 9 to life-prison and 219 to different prison terms.
        While all left-wing party leaders and militants, even if they had never been involved in terror acts, were being condemned for "political actions aiming at overthrowing the constitutional regime", Turkes and his companions were not considered liable to this charge and were condemned only for committing "common crime" by setting up armed gangs. That is to say, contrary to the case of left-wing leaders and militants, Turkes and Grey Wolves will never be deprived of their public and political rights.
        Turkes, released on April 9, 1985, has already taken part in political life by actively supporting the Nationalist Labour Party (MCP).
        When Turkes came to the first congress of this party, on April 19, 1987, in Ankara, nine sheep were sacrificed for him symbolizing the "nine lights", the neo-fascist principles of his defunct party. Five thousand delegates sang the "Basbug" (Führer) march as he entered the hall. They shouted also slogans saying "We are on the way of God, together with Basbug".


        As detailed in our preceding Bulletin, Saudi fundamentalism on the one hand, and the nationalism of Turkes on the other hand, have been developing for over ten years a new doctrine: "Turco-islamic synthesis".
        The principal promoter of this synthesis, the Foyer of Intellectuals, grouping in its ranks as well Islamists as Grey Wolves, recently organized a 3-day meeting in Ankara: The 4th Grand Scientific Convention of Nationalists.
        The meeting, opened on April 24, 1987, was attended by three ministers of Ozal Government, many deputies from all right-wing political parties and renowned right-wing intellectuals. What is more, Prime Minister Ozal, his ministers, Commander of Land Forces Necdet Oztorun sent their best wishes to the convention.
        Addressing to the convention, the State Minister Kazim Oksay announced that his government uses all possibilities for promoting religious services. For example, 346,000 youths have been educated at 4,067 Koran courses throughout Turkey and there are for the time being 144,000 new students at these courses.
        Chairman of the Foyer of Intellectuals, Prof. Suleyman Yalcin described, in his speech, the Turco-Islamic Synthesis in the following terms:
        "Turco-Islamic Synthesis is the expression of a fact existing for over 1,200 years. It promotes both the conscience of being Turk and the faith in God and Islamic values. Our foyer describes a Turk as a Moslem speaking Turkish."
        During the convention, many speakers drew attention to the "danger of being Europeanized and of losing all national and moral values" in the case of adhering to the European Communities.
        Just after this convention, on April 27, 1987, the University of Ankara, under the control of Turco-islamists, held a symposium on the subject of "Turks in the World"
        The university rector Tarik Somer, at his opening speech, reminding the existence of 100 million Turks out of Turkey, claimed that all of them are subjected to the danger of assimilation or annihilation and pointed out to the necessity of "the Turkish Republic's solidarity with all these Turks."
        It should be reminded that Prof. Tarik Somer is also one of the leading members of the Turkish Foyer (Türkocagi), opened in Ankara on May 29, 1986, on the occasion of the anniversary of the conquest of Constantinople (Istanbul) by Turks in 1453.
        The inauguration of this foyer was attended also by Premier Ozal and his ministers.


        The new legislative elections, in virtue of the Constitution, are to be held in 1988. However, according to rumors going around,  Premier Turgut Ozal, plans to hold these elections in 1987 with a view of benefiting from the rising of his popularity after the European Communities took a moderate position regarding Turkish demand of accession.
        The mini-elections to be held on June 7, 1987, in 81 new founded municipalities have a big importance for such a decision. If this vote gives results favoring the Motherland Party (ANAP), Ozal will not hesitate to take the decision of early elections.
        For the time being, Ozal's party holds absolute majority in the National Assembly. Thanks to some shifts in the 388-seat Parliament, the number of ANAP deputies has risen to 256.
        By the end of April 1987, the distribution of deputies to four parties as follows:
        Motherland Party (ANAP)                                    256
        Social Democrat Populist Party (SHP)              63
        Correct Way Party (DYP)                                      37
        Democratic Left Party (DSP)                                 24
        Independents                                                              18


        The Council of Ministers, following the directive of the National Security Council, has decided on March 12, 1987 to extended the martial law for more four months in four eastern provinces, Diyarbakir, Mardin, Hakkari and Siirt, and the state of emergency in five other provinces.
        Martial law had been declared on December 26, 1978, and extended throughout Turkey after the military coup of September 12, 1980.


        On February 26, 1987, the Turkish Government, in a reply note signed by Premier Ozal, told the Justice Committee of Parliament that under the present circumstances, lifting the death sentences in the Turkish Penal Code, is not regarded as being possible. The note said the issue should have been examined in detail from all aspects, including the social structure of the Turkish nation, as well as the reasons behind the death penalty, before giving a final decision on the issue.
        During his talks with Turkish journalists in Houston (USA) on March 13, 1987, Premier Ozal said: "There are many bandits caught by security forces. There are also many PKK militants who have already been condemned to death sentence. Who knows, the National Assembly may ratify tomorrow all these condemnations."
        By March 22, 1987, there were 136 death sentences to be ratified on the agenda of the Justice Committee of the National Assembly. 76 out of the condemned are left-wing militants, 11 right-wing militants and the rest are condemned for common crimes. The number of those who were condemned for PKK activities rose to 21.


        Minister of Justice Mahmut Oltan Sungurlu said on March 8, 1987, that so far 439 individuals have applied to authorities to benefit from the law publicly known as "The Repentance Law". He said 235 of those received reductions in their sentences or were pardoned after having denounced their comrades.
        In the law which will expire on June 11, 1987, it has been decreed that the state would take every precaution including an official change in the identity of the person who repented and gave information about his organization.
        The Minister said that he would take the subject of extending the effectuality of the Law to the ministerial council.


        Since the military coup of 1980, seven political parties which had been legal prior to the coup have been object of legal proceedings, namely the Nationalist Action Party (MHP), the National Salvation Party (MSP), the Workers' Party of Turkey (TIP), the Socialist Workers' Party of Turkey (TSIP), the Workers' and Peasants' Party of Turkey (TIKP), the Fatherland Party (VP) and the Socialist Fatherland Party (SVP).
        Although dissolved by the military junta, five other legal political parties have not been indicted, namely the Republican People's Party (CHP), the Justice Party (AP), the Republican Reliance Party (CGP), the Democratic Party (DP) and the Socialist Revolution Party (SDP). However some leading members of these parties have been tried before military tribunals for their personal declarations or acts.
        MSP Chairman Erbakan and 22 other officials have been acquitted on September 19, 1985.
        Military prosecutors opened four different cases against the members of the TIP. Three out of these four trials ended in the condemnation of 47 defendants in total.
        Two trials against the TSIP are still going on.
        TIKP Chairman Dogu Perincek and 24 other leading party officials were condemned to prison terms up to 8 years and these condemnations were ratified by the Court of Cassation. Recently another case was opened against 14 other leading members of the party.
        Beside these legal party trials, tens of thousands people have been tried before military tribunals since the coup d'état and many defendants have condemned to capital punishment or heavy prison terms.    Below are the party condemnations of the last two months:
        7.3, In Ankara, another legal proceeding against right-wing militants at military court ends in one capital punishment, 2 life-prisons and different prison terms for seven other defendants.
        18.3, in Istanbul, l9 members of the Workers' Party of Turkey (TIP) are sentenced to 5-year prison term each by a military tribunal and 149 others acquitted.
        30.3, in Istanbul, 11 members of the Communist Party of Turkey/Union (TKP/B) are condemned by a military tribunal to prison terms up to 8 years and 26 others acquitted.
        14.4, in Ankara, the trial of THKP/C Revolutionary Liberation ended in the condemnation of two members to life-prison and 16 others to prison terms up to 15 years.
        24.4, in Adana, three members of the Revolutionary Communist Party of Turkey (TDKP) are condemned to capital punishment, 7 others to prison terms up to 16 years.


        1.4, in Ankara, 20 people are brought before the State Security Court on the accusation of having carried out sabotages and assassinations. The prosecutor claims life-prison for 11 defendants and different prison terms of the others.
        11.4, in Istanbul, the trials of 14 people accused of anti-secular activities, of whom 11 are students of religious schools, begins at the State Security Court. They are liable to prison terms up to 15 years.
        29.4, in Ankara, Secretary General of the National Vision Organization in Europe, Hasan Damar is brought before the State Security Court on the charge of anti-secular activities abroad. He faces prison term up to 15 years.
        Besides, in Ankara, 6 people have been indicted for political activities under the directive of a forbidden political party. The prosecutor of the State Security Court claims prison terms up to 12 years for each. Their trials will starts on May 5, 1987.


        In March 1987, security forces have launched a new man-hunting in Istanbul by claiming that "ultra-left" groups of the pre-coup period started to reorganize with the purpose of overthrowing the regime.
        Police has arrested 18 young people in different raids by charging them of reorganizing the Revolutionary Left (DEV-SOL). Besides eight youths have been arrested for underground activities planned by the Marxist-Leninist Armed Propaganda Unity (MLSPB). 
        However, since police could not produce any proof against some of the Dev-Sol detainees, the State Security Court had to release all of them on March 18..
        One of the victims of this arbitrary arrest, publisher Ahmet Zengin, held a press conference on March 20 in Istanbul and declared that police made this operation in order to discredit the left-wing people and to intimidate young people who are interested in socialist thought.
        Parents of the other detainees said that their children had been tortured under arrest by police.
        Former university professor Yalcin Kücük accused, during this press conference, the daily Turkish press of publishing in a sensational way police's lies about the detainees and said he would complain the responsables of the dailies Hürriyet and Günes to international press organizations.
        On the other hand, a high school student in Adana, Refik Baytar said, in a petition addressed on April 26 to the leaders of SHP, that he had been expelled from school by rightist direction for having defended the theories of Darwin, and detained later on by police and tortured during 12 days in detention.


        On March 8, 1987, a group parents and relatives of political prisoners, in a petition addressed to the Minister of Justice, said that prison conditions were still against all hygienically rules and incompatible with human dignity.
        Prisoners are kept in cells invaded by snakes and rats and they are chained when they are taken to hospital.
        Protesting against ill-treatment, political detainees carry on their hunger-strikes in different prisons.
        Poet Nevzat Celik, defendant of the Dev-Sol trial, went on hunger strike from April 6, 1987 in the military prison Metris in Istanbul.
        On April 25, political detainees in the prison of Gaziantep boycotted meals in protesting against the restriction of their families' visits.
        Two days later, 11 left-wing detainees in Kastamonu prison went on hunger strike for protesting against the obligation to attend nationalist ceremonies organized by prison administration.


        While prisoners were carrying on their protest actions, on March 29, nine former political detainees too started a hunger strike in Istanbul.
        Strikers said they still could not enjoy their liberty though they had been released after having been kept for years in prison. They declared that they are not allowed to work neither in public nor private sectors. Moreover, police harass them whenever happens whatever incident.


        A group of German, Turkish and Kurdish democrats launched a campaign of solidarity with political detainees in Turkey. A newsletter published by this group announces that, in addition to ill-treatment to which they are subjected, political prisoners cannot get necessary nutrition because of bad quality of food served in prison. Many detainees whose families are poor cannot afford to buy supplementary food from the prison canteen and their health is getting worse and worse. They are also deprived of any reading material such as newspaper or book.
        According to the information given by this group, a former detainee of the Canakkale prison, Mr. Muammer Ozdemir, came to the FRG after his release and was immediately taken under medical care because of his health deteriorated in prison. But it was too late and  Mr. Ozdemir unfortunately died on March 12, 1987, in Hannover.
        Group says many political prisoners are exposed to the same danger even after their release.


        A group of Turkish intellectuals submitted, on April 27, 1987, a petition "on Rights and Bread", signed by 13,100 persons, to "the President of the Republic", the Prime Minister, the Speaker of National Assembly as well as to the leaders of the four political parties represented in Parliament.
        Recalling that Turkey goes through the gravest economic crisis of the period of Republic and criticizing the drastical economic measures imposed on January 24, 1980, the petition asks for a radical changment in economic and social policies.
        Famous Turkish intellectuals such as Aziz Nesin, Chairman of the Turkish Writers' Union (TYS), Prof  Fehmi Yavuz, Prof Sadun Aren, lawyers Halit Celenk and Nevzat Helvaci took part in the delegation of 13,100 signatories.


        According to the daily Cumhuriyet of April 6, 1987, the number of the Turkish citizens who have been deprived of Turkish nationality by government has risen to 13,788. While 4,843 people were subjected to this repressive measure during the 3-year period of the military government, the so-called "democratic" government of Ozal has deprived more 8,945 people of nationality within the last 3-year period.
        Of them 201 have been subjected to this measure because of their anti-regime stand abroad. The decision concerning 120 people has been decreed by the Ozal Government.
        Within the last 6-year period, 26,000 Turkish citizens have been called for yielding to authorities under the menace of being deprived of nationality.

        The Ministry of Interior announced on April 13, 1987 that 1,683,000 Turkish citizens have been labelled "suspect" at the end of a nation-wide security investigation. About 300,000 of these black-listed people are neither given national passport for travelling abroad nor allowed to work in all public and certain private sectors.
        Among them are also many renowned intellectuals such as Mehmet Ali Aybar (lawyer and socialist leader), Genco Erkal (theater director), Murat Belge (academic and editor), Selda Bagcan (singer), Timur Selcuk (singer), Zeki Okten (film director), Bekir Yildiz (writer) and Attila Ozkirimli (critic).


        1.3, in Ankara, Mr. Emin Deger, lawyer of the Chairman of the Turkish Writers' Union (TYS) Aziz Nesin, is indicted by the prosecutor of the Republic. He is accused of insulting the "President of the Republic" Kenan Evren in the petition of the legal proceeding he had opened, on behalf of Nesin, against Evren.
        2.4, in Istanbul, publishers of political review Yeni Cozum, Ertugrul Mavioglu, Nihat Aslanturk, Nezir Karakus and Cemal Ates, are brought before the State Security Court on the charge of reorganizing Dev-Sol, a pre-coup left-wing organization.
        3.3, in Istanbul, a criminal court begins to try Mr. Nejat Bayramoglu, responsible editor of Playboy (Turkish edition) for "publication harmful to minors".
        8.3, in Ankara, 46 teachers are condemned to 2-month prison term each for their participation in a protest action in 1978.
        20.3, in Istanbul, political reviews Zemin and Yeni Gündem are confiscated by the decision of the State Security Court. Both are accused of communist or separatist propaganda.
        24.3, Pinar Kür's novel entitled "Woman to be hanged" is confiscated by the decision of a criminal court. The novel have been printed five times since 1979.
        27.3, in Istanbul, a criminal court decided to destroy all copies of the Turkish translation of Ilya Ehrenburg's novel, "Wave coming from depth".
        28.3, in Istanbul, a book on the Chinese way of making law is confiscated by criminal court's decision.
        29.3, in Denizli, three booksellers face prison terms up to 23 years for having sold some postal cards considered "harmful to minors".
        30.3, another issue of the political review Yeni Cozum is also confiscated by court decision.
        2.4, in Istanbul, Dr. Haydar Dumen's book on sexual problems is confiscated by criminal court's decision. The book had been printed 15 times since 1967.
        7.4, in istanbul, author Kursat Istanbullu and his publisher Isfendiyar Erzik are brought before criminal court for the book entitled "Those disappeared in detention." They face prison terms up to 7 years. Same day, the responsible editor of the Turkish edition of Encyclopaedia Britannica, Hilda Hulya Potuoglu is tried before the State Security Court of Istanbul.She faces a prison term up to 15 years for having published the map of historical Armenia.
        10.4, Mrs. Fatma Yazici, responsible editor of the weekly 2000'e Dogru, is brought before a criminal court in Istanbul on the charge of insulting the "President of the Republic" in an article concerning an apartment bought by General Evren.
        15.4, in Diyarbakir, Mehmet Senol, correspondent of the weekly Yeni Gundem, is condemned to one-year prison term for writing "inaccurate news".
        21.4, novelist Pinar Kür and her publisher Erdal Oz are tried before a criminal court of Istanbul for the former's novel entitled "Unfinished Love".