Droits de l'Homme / Human Rights

Constituting Crimes with Every Word and by Every Step

The Malatya 3rd High Criminal Court convicted a total of 11 people, among them Labour Party (EMEP) Tunceli Provicial Chairman Hüseyin Tunç, Tunceli Associations Federation (TUDEF) President Özkan Tacar, Socialist Platform of the Oppressed (ESP) activists and former Democratic Society Party (DTP) Tunceli Provincial Chairman Murat Polat.

9 defendants were found guilty of "propaganda for an illegal organization" as defined by article 7/2 of the Anti-Terror Law (TMK) and sentenced to 1 year imprisonment. The other 2 convicts received a mitigated prison sentence of 10 months because of "good conduct". We were notified of the court's reasoned decision just a short time ago on 10 November 2009.

Reasoned decision: defendants said "guerrilla" and "Martyrs don't die"

11 PKK members were killed last year in a military operation in the rural area of Tunceli-Nazımiye-Büyükyurt in eastern Turkey. Upon this incident, Murat Polat and Hüseyin Tunç made a public press release in the town centre of Tunceli on 11 April 2008.

After the press release the Prosecutor's Office initiated an investigation. As a result, the Malatya 3rd High Criminal Court opened a case against 11 people under charges of article 250 of the Criminal Procedure Law (CMK). The trial resulted in the reasoned decision, read excerpts of the decision as follows:

"Defendant Murat Polat ended his speech by saying 'We got to know that 11guerrillas, members of HPG (People's Defence Forces), lost their lives during the announcement of the Tunceli Governorship'. 'We express our condolences to the families and friends of the HPG guerrillas that died that day in the clashes'. "Hüseyin Tunç used the phrase 'the military made our guerrilla youth martyrs'. The other defendants shouted the slogan 'Şehit Namırın' ('Martyrs Don't Die'). Several defendants also shouted the slogan 'Guerrilla is an honour, claim that honour'. It can be understood from the contents of the entire file that the defendants "... can be described as guerrilla. The members of the 'black gang', the PKK, characterized as a 'terror organization', conducted activities aiming to destroy the unity of the country. The PKK terror organization members aimed to make their actions look legal. Members of terror organizations and terrorists were not accepted and they turned the action labelled as press release into a meeting of the organization with the aim to get the people to accept them that way. By doing so, they opposed the legal actions of the security forces. They tried to persuade the crowd by claiming the killed terror organization members were martyrs. It is understood that after the killed organization members were taken to the hospitals mortuary, they spread propaganda with the aim of establishing the organization's ideas, views and opinions and aiming to reach a huge crowd of people with the organization's views and thoughts to win the people over..."

It must be said that the prosecutors and the courts evaluated the slogan "Martyrs Don't Die" under the aspect of article 215 of the Turkish Criminal Code on "Glorification of Crime and Criminals". In this case usually a monetary fine was handed to the defendants.

However, in the course of the amendments of the Anti-Terror Law no. 3713, dd. 29 June 2006 and law no. 5532, both the prosecutors and the courts evaluate this kind of slogans in the context of the Anti-Terror Law.

The penalty is a clear violation of the law

It has to be emphasized the Anti-Terror Law foresees concrete penalties. The punishments cannot be postponed or converted into a fine (article 13 TMK).

The punishment in this trial is clearly violating the law. First of all, "Guerrilla" is a linguistic term. The court evaluates the use of a linguistic term as propaganda. Again, it is legally not understandable how the crime of propaganda for an organization can be generated out of the term "Martyr".

The court did not even watch the CD showing records made by the police, footage the decision was actually based on. Tunceli Foundations President Özkan Tacar and several other defendants stated that they had not shouted slogans. Nevertheless, the court did not order an analysis of the CD records by an expert. The conviction was exclusively based on the police report.

However, the Criminal Procedure Law says, "The judge can base his/her decision on evidence brought and discussed before the court. This evidence can be evaluated freely in all conscience of the judge". According to this clause and in the context of the "right to a fair trial" the CD records in particular had to be analysed by a specialist and had to be watched and discussed in the hearing. Because, immediacy, completeness and discussion are the most important principles of prosecution.

Anything else but praising the Dersim Massacre is a crime!

The Diyarbakır High Criminal Court punished a candidate of pro-Kurdish Democratic Society Party (DTP) under charges of "propaganda for an illegal organization" in the context of CMK article 250 because the DTP candidate shouted slogans in the candidate's promotion meeting.

In provinces like Diyarbakır and Adana children throwing stones in demonstrations receive prison sentences of dozens of years...

In this country whatever you say and whatever you do is a crime, even a big crime... Except for praising and defending the Dersim Massacre and spreading "war propaganda"...

While the government is opening up, the judiciary gets locked up! (BIA, Barış YILDIRIM, 25 November 2009)

In Batman and Adana Children get 38 years prison sentence
 
7 children between the ages of 13 were charged over taking part in demonstrations in Batman on the anniversary of the capture of PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan, and throwing stones at the police. The indictment of Diyarbakır Public Prosecution with special powers said that the kids chanted pro-Ocalan slogans, and blocked some streets with garbage containers. Trial will begin in the coming days.

28 years prison sentence for kids in Adana
 
While in Adana 6  kids were condemned to 28 years prison sentence in total for throwing stones at police officers.

M.O., İ.G. and Ö.Ö. between the ages of 13 and 17 were given 5 years and 4 months each for being members to and armed organisation and making propaganda. İ.S., S.Ö. and C.K under the age of 15 were given 4 years prison sentence each. Murat K and Servet G who were on remand for "committing crime in the name of the organisation" were given 6 years and 3 months. (antenna-tr.org, November 24, 2

Peace activist Yuksel Mutlu and trade union members were released

Ms. Yuksel Mutlu, who is the spokesperson of the Turkey Peace Assembly and a member of the Honorary Board of the Human Rights Association (IHD), and 21 administrators and members of the Confederation of Public Employees Trade Unions (KESK), were released on Saturday, 21 November 2009. They had been in prison since 1 June 2009.

A hearing was held before the 8th District High Criminal Court of İzmir on 19-20 November 2009. At the end of hearing it was clear that the accusations against Ms. Yuksel Mutlu and the KESK administrators and members did not have a legal basis. Furthermore, the investigation conducted by the gendarmerie had been unlawful and that the indictment contained unfounded claims against the KESK and some other NGO’s.

We would like to thank the following institutions and people for their solidarity during the hearing for two days: the administrators and members of KESK, Diyarbakir Bar Association, the Izmir branch of the Progressive Lawyers Association, the representative office of the Human Rights Foundation of Turkey in Izmir, representatives of foreign and local institutions and the people who have been present at the court house during the hearing.  (ihd@ihd.org.tr, 23 November 2009)

Journée internationale: Liberté pour les enfants emprisonnés en Turquie

Le 20 novembre dernier, nous avons célébré la journée internationale des droits de l’enfant qui coïncidait avec le 20ème anniversaire de l’adoption de la Convention internationale sur les droits de l’enfant (1989).
 
Les autorités turques se targuent d’avoir proclamé « la seule fête nationale » pour les enfants. Or, pour ces derniers, la réalité est tout autre dans ce pays.
 
En effet, si on se réfère à l’histoire récente, Erdal Eren a été exécuté par pendaison le 13 décembre 1980 alors qu’il n’avait que 16 ans. Pour justifier ce crime, le chef de la junte militaire le général Kenan Evren déclara :
 
« Doit-on les [prisonniers politiques] nourrir en prison ? Bien sûr qu’on les pendra un à un. »
 
Depuis, l’armée turque mène une politique de terre brûlée contre le peuple kurde, rappelant les répressions féroces (massacres en masse, destructions de villages et de biens, tortures, déplacements forcées, expropriations, etc...) durant les années 1920-40 pour soumettre ce peuple.
 
Nous ignorons le nombre exact d’enfants tués ou morts lors de déplacements forcés d’environ quatre millions de paysans kurdes suite à la destruction de 3848 villages entre 1989 et 1999.
 
Selon les organisations de défense des droits de l’homme de Turquie, durant les 20 dernières années, 342 enfants kurdes ont été tués par les forces de l’ordre.
 
Un exemple parmi tant d’autres : le 21 novembre 2004, Ugur Kaymaz (12 ans) et son père ont été tués par les forces de l’ordre devant leur logement à Kiziltepe (sous-préfecture de Mardin). Le médecin légiste a extrait 13 balles du corps fébrile d’Ugur.
 
Bien que les dirigeants politiques tentent de se soustraire à leur responsabilité, tous ces crimes sont commis avec leur complicité, sinon suite à leur instigation à l’instar du Premier Ministre actuel qui déclara lors des émeutes de mars 2006 au Kurdistan turc: «Femme ou enfant, peu importe, nos forces de sécurité feront le nécessaire. Les parents de ces enfants pleureront demain en vain.»
 
Ainsi, entre le 28 mars et le 1er avril 2006, cinq enfants ont succombé sous les balles de la police. Il s’agit de Abdullah Duran (9 ans), Enez Ata (8 ans), Mahsum Mýzrak (17 ans), Emrah Fidan (17 ans) et Ýsmail Erkek (8 ans).
 
Faut-il le rappeler, les tueurs d’enfants, à une ou deux exceptions près, bénéficient d’une impunité totale en Turquie. En effet, seuls deux des policiers qui ont tué Ugur Çetin et Baran Tursun ont été condamnés respectivement à un et deux ans de prison alors qu’un enfant de 10 ans écope de 25 ans de prison pour avoir lancé des pierres…
 
Actuellement, les prisons turques abritent 2.637 enfants (2.814 selon la société civile) dont une grande majorité de Kurdes. Entre juin 2008 et avril 2009, 67 enfants ont été condamnés à 290 ans et trois mois de prison pour avoir lancé des pierres contre les forces de l’ordre lors des manifestations. Ces milliers d’enfants sont jugés dans des cours d’assises en vertu de la loi anti-terroriste « pour être membre » ou « pour avoir créé une organisation terroriste » !
 
Comme on vient de voir, les autorités turques utilisent un double langage : d’un côté elles lancent officiellement un processus dit «d’ ouverture démocratique » pour trouver une issue pacifique à la question kurde, mais en parallèle elles continuent à réprimer les revendications démocratiques et légitimes du peuple kurde, en s’en prenant aux enfants.
 
En tant que Maison populaire de Genève, nous appelons les autorités turques à abandonner leur politique hypocrite menée depuis 87 ans. Au lieu de se glorifier de la célébration de la « seule fête » des enfants, elles doivent :
 
·    Demander pardon aux enfants kurdes pour leurs crimes contre l’humanité qu’elles ont commis et libérer immédiatement les enfants emprisonnés.
 
·    Mettre fin aux jugements des enfants dans des cours d’assise en vertu de la loi anti-terroriste.
 
·    Respecter et appliquer leurs engagements en vertu du droit internationale en matière des droits de l’homme, en particulier la Convention internationale sur les droits de l’enfant, tout en retirant ses réserves concernant les articles 17, 29 et 30 de cette convention. (Demir SÖNMEZ, assmp@assmp.org, 21 novembre 2009)


Torture at Diyarbakır prison as narrated by witnesses

Çayan Demirel has turned the events that occurred at Diyarbakır Prison No.5 during and after the 1980 military coup into a documentary based on eye-witness accounts. DTP chairman Ahmet Türk is a former inmate of the prison.

Many politicians, artists, journalists and academics in Turkey were put on trial and then sent to prison during and after the coup. The torture they were subjected to in the prisons has been slowly revealed over the years.

Diyarbakır Prison No.5 holds the most significant place among these prisons. Many famous Turkish and Kurdish politicians and artists were detained there, including Ahmet Türk, the current chairman of the pro-Kurdish Democratic Society Party, or DTP.

Kurdish researcher and documentary filmmaker Demirel, who was born in Dersim, now called Tunceli, in eastern Anatolia, decided to contribute to revealing the torture that was carried out in the prison. He made a documentary called “Diyarbakır No.5,” which focuses on Kurdish prisoners, based on eye-witness accounts. The film was named Best Documentary at the last Antalya Golden Orange Film Festival in October.

Prison was ‘laboratory’ for Kurds

Demirel contacted the guards who were in charge of Diyarbakır No.5 at the time and tracked down the prisoners while making his award-winning documentary. With a team of volunteers, he found the martial prosecutors from the era and interviewed other military figures.

The filmmaker called the prison a “laboratory,” especially for Kurdish prisoners. He told the Hürriyet Daily News & Economic Review: “In light of what prisoners told us, we see that thousands of kinds of torture were experienced in the prison. The conclusion I get from what we were told is that fascism reached its peak.”

Demirel said Kurdish people who did not know Turkish were forced to learn 50 Turkish marches in three days. According to witnesses’ statements, he said: “Prisoners who couldn’t learn 50 marches were exposed to various torture. The Turkification policy was at its peak in the prison.”

A secret revealed in the dining hall

After gaining special permission from prison authorities, Demirel filmed shots inside the prison. Relying on the testimonies of 80 prisoners, he explored each part they described.

“Witnesses’ accounts were so impressive that I felt like I knew each corner of the prison, inch by inch. Witnesses told me that nationalist slogans were written on the walls by prison officials,” he said. “I saw a Turkey map drawn on the ceiling only in the tailor section; apart from that, there was no trace of the past. It was because the prison had been restored and its walls painted.”

Demirel said, however, that he came across one more writing exactly like witnesses said. “As the dining hall was a humid place, paint fell off and the writing became clear,” he said.

The director has put forward the idea that the prison should be turned into a museum. “Turning such a torture place into a museum would mean that we would face up to our past,” he said.

Demirel’s documentary will be screened at many national and international festivals in the coming months.

Dersim documentary still on trial

“Diyarbakır No.5” is not the first documentary Demirel has made. In all his films, he reveals the political and diplomatic events Kurdish people have been exposed to.

One of his previous movies is a documentary about "Dersim events" in 1938. That year the military intervened in a local uprising in an area dominated mostly by Alevis and Kurds, leaving thousands dead. In the 2006 film, Demirel used witnesses’ narrations to document the Dersim events, which have recently been debated among politicians.

The Ministry of Culture’s inspection board did not give permission for the documentary to be screened, leading Demirel to file a lawsuit against the ministry. The trial is still ongoing.

“A process called the Kurdish initiative is on the table, but I am not persuaded because our memories are still constricted by red lines. Going beyond these lines is still dangerous in Turkey,” he said. (Hürriyet Daily News, November 20, 2009)

MEP Takis Hadjigeorgiou in Turkey to attend the trial of 31 unionists
 
GUE/NGL Vice President, Member of the European Parliament of AKEL, Cyprus,  Takis Hadjigeorgiou is in Izmir, Turkey, where he has been attending, on behalf of the GUE/NGL, the trial of  31 trade unionists, members of the Confederation of Public Servants ECMR Turkey Federation and educational EGITIM SEN.
 
The trial is a culmination of the repressive policy of the Turkish state against trade unionism in the public sector. The 22 of the arrested, of whom the majority are women, are still in prison since May 28, 2009.
 
They are accused of supporting and harbouring terrorist activities associated with the action of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK).
 
MEP Takis Hadjigeorgiou, on behalf of GUE/NGL, has conveyed his full solidarity to the arrested, who are being tried because of their union activity. At the same time he expressed his concern as Turkey, a candidate country for EU membership, still has a legal framework, which is not aligned with the standards of the European Union, as well as those of the ILO, especially concerning the right of organization, the right to strike and to the collective bargaining. (gianfranco.battistini@europarl.europa.eu, November 20, 2009)

Des  témoins attestent de tortures ayant mené à la mort d’Engin Ceber

Plusieurs témoins ont corroboré lundi des allégations de torture lors du procès à Istanbul de gardiens de prison accusés d'avoir battu à mort un détenu, a rapporté l'agence de presse Anatolie.

La mort en octobre 2008 du militant de gauche Engin Ceber, âgé de 29 ans, après un séjour à la prison stambouliote de Metris, a provoqué l'indignation en Turquie et cette affaire est suivie de près par les défenseurs des droits de l'Homme, qui affirment avoir constaté une recrudescence de la torture dans le pays.

Quatre détenus qui partageaient la cellule de la victime ont affirmé lundi devant un tribunal stambouliote avoir vu des gardiens battre Engin Ceber.

Peu avant sa mort, le jeune homme s'est évanoui après avoir été battu mais les gardiens ont refusé de prendre en compte son état et ce sont ses compagnons de cellule qui l'ont conduit à un médecin plus tard dans la journée, a affirmé Murat Gevrek, un des témoins, cité par Anatolie.

Au cours de ces séances de coups, la tête de Ceber a violemment percuté un mur, a expliqué Giyasettin Sakiroglu, un autre détenu.

Soixante fonctionnaires sont jugés depuis janvier pour la mort du jeune homme: trois directeurs de prison, 39 gardiens, 13 policiers, quatre gendarmes et un médecin.

Le ministère public a inculpé quatre gardiens de prison pour actes de torture aggravés, un crime passible de l'emprisonnement à vie. Dix-sept prévenus encourent de deux à cinq ans de prison pour maltraitance et six autres risquent de quatre mois à un an de prison pour coups et blessures volontaires.

Les autres accusés doivent répondre de délits moindres.

Les principaux accusés ont nié toute responsabilité, affirmant que Ceber semblait malade et était tombé par terre en se cognant la tête contre un mur.

Un gardien a cependant fait état de coups de poing et de pied et un rapport
d'autopsie à conclu à des "coups violents" ayant entraîné une hémorragie cérébrale mortelle.

Engin Ceber avait été arrêté le 28 septembre 2008 avec trois autres militants au cours d'une manifestation contre les brutalités policières. (AFP, 16 nov 2009)

Le gouvernement turc est accusé d’avoir ordonné des écoutes illégales

Le gouvernement turc a été accusé la semaine dernière d'avoir ordonné des écoutes téléphoniques visant des dizaines de responsables du système judiciaire --dont le procureur général d'Istanbul-- en relation avec l'enquête sur le réseau putschiste présumé Ergenekon, actuellement en cours de jugement.

Le procureur de la Cour de cassation a annoncé avoir ordonné une enquête préliminaire pour déterminer si les enregistrements constituaient une violation de la Constitution susceptible d'entraîner l'ouverture d'un procès en interdiction du Parti de la justice et du développement (AKP), au pouvoir.

Dissoudre des partis politiques "n'est pas quelque chose que nous désirons, mais nous devons accomplir notre devoir", a déclaré le procureur, Abdurrahman Yalçinkaya, dans un entretien accordé la semaine dernière au quotidien Milliyet.

M. Yalçinkaya était déjà à l'origine d'un procès pour atteinte à la laïcité visant l'AKP, formation issue de la mouvance islamiste, qui s'est conclu en juillet 2008 par la décision de sanctionner financièrement ce parti.

Près de 200 personnes, dont plusieurs généraux à la retraite et des militaires d'active, ont été inculpées dans l'affaire Ergenekon, complot présumé qui aurait visé à semer le chaos en Turquie pour encourager un coup d'Etat militaire contre le gouvernement AKP.

Le procès d'un premier groupe de prévenus s'est ouvert en octobre 2008 à Istanbul.

Le Premier ministre turc Recep Tayyip Erdogan a rejetté lundi des accusations d'écoutes téléphoniques illégales visant de hauts responsables de la justice alors qu'une enquête préliminaire a été ouverte pour déterminer si elles étaient contraires à l'Etat de droit.

"Aucune des mesures prises par le gouvernement n'est illégale. Aucune mesure n'a été prise sans décision de justice", a déclaré M. Erdogan à la presse.

"Les représentants de la justice doivent eux-mêmes respecter les décisions rendues par les tribunaux", a-t-il ajouté. (AFP, 16 nov 2009)

Two Landmine Victims in Turkey Every Week

Muteber Öğreten from the Initiative for a Mine-Free Turkey indicated that every 3 days people are killed or wounded by landmines. According to Öğreten, this figure has not changed since the Ottawa Treaty was ratified by Turkey in 2003.

The Initiative for a Mine-Free Turkey and the International Landmine Ban Campaign published their report for 2009 in a press conference on 12 November. Apart from Öğreten, Hüseyin Demirdizen from the Turkish Medical Association (TTB), Erol Kızılelma from the Social Democracy Foundation (SODEV) and Ergün İşeri from the Disabled People Association commented on the current situation in the press conference.

Öğreten emphasized that Turkey is not fulfilling the requirements of the treaty. He evaluated the country's position as follows:

Öğreten: The purpose of the treaty is to eliminate losses and suffering caused by anti-personal landmines. The law regarding landmine clearing on the Syrian-Turkish border enforced in 2008 is not part of the treaty's conditions. The conditions defined by the Ottawa Treaty are not fulfilled just by landmine clearance, if at the same time physical and psychological support is not granted to the victims and personal damage is not being eliminated.

Öğreten continued that in order to reduce the number of mine victims measurements can be taken in the regions as risks. Local residents could receive corresponding education and children in primary school could have compulsory lessons on this topic.

Kızılelma: The public has to be mobilized as an element of pressure for the landmine clearance. Necessary measures for clearing the landmines are not being taken. It is important to open the cleared areas to public use, this is what is required in a democracy.

Demirdizen: The law issued in 2008 revealed that the government is looking at the matter from a perspective of annuities. In the context of mine clearance there are several goals on the agenda, the problems of the victims must be our priority. There are unavoidable health problems as well as health problems caused by the mines that could be prevented. Landmines have been created by humans and humans can stop them. At this point, the government has to take action urgently.

İşeri: The problems of the landmine victims can be summarized like this:

- They have problems to find a job. Their only income is a government allowance of 180-200 Turkish Lira (about € 80-90). Families of mine victims are supposed to live on that amount.

- Infrastructure is insufficient. Many victims of dismemberment do not even have a prosthesis.

- Limited education opportunities.

- Lack of required rehabilitation activities. No action for reintegration into the society.

- No research has been made on the number of victims in mined regions after evacuating villages. The migrants cannot return to these areas because of anti personal mines.

After the clearance of mined land the victims have to be considered. By opening the cleared areas to the public, economic and social opportunities must be created for the landmine victims. (BIA, Ece YILDIZ, 16 November 2009)

Children Still to Be Prosecuted for "Terror Crimes"

According to the Children's Agenda Association, as part of the umbrella organization of the Calling for Justice Group, the bill is opposing the children's judiciary system if it holds on to the concept that children can commit terror crimes under the Anti-Terror Law (TMY). The association summarized the bill as follows:

"With this bill, a 50 percent increase of punishments for crimes in relation with the Turkish Criminal Code as foreseen in article 5 of the TMY will expire for children. The ban of postponing a penalty as offered in article 13 will be lifted for children if the amendment will be effected. In case the sentence stays below a duration of 3 years and the conditions apply to article 51 of the TCY, it is in the judge's discretional power to decide for a postponement".

"From an optimistic point of view, these developments would enable the judge to determine the penalty for children complying with the lower limit. The judge could account extenuating circumstances in favour of the child and if the other conditions are fulfilled the court could decide for a postponement. In case the penalty handed by the judge does not conform with the lower limit, again the sentence for the child can exceed 10 years".

The Children's Agenda Association admonished that the juvenile judiciary system was not established with the aim of punishing, but with the pursuit of education. The association itemized the facts that pave the way for investigating and prosecuting children like adults and that oppose the juvenile judiciary system and the children's rights: lack of an index of crime specifically for children, lack of alternative educational applications instead of punishment, lack of infrastructure for social investigation reports prepared by independent and unbiased experts, the validity of a pretence decision in the TMY which considers children as organization members where the their actually is no organization.

Articles that victimize children

Children under charges of "terror crimes" because they participated in protest actions can still be adjudged long prison sentences because of the remaining articles regarding aggravated penalties. If the bill will be effected in the current draft, at the most optimistic estimate these children will be handed prison sentences of 6 years. The amendments suggested by the Call for Justice Group, which would be in line with the children's judiciary, were not implemented in the bill. The referring articles of the TMY go as follows:

- Article 2 - concerned with the application that gives way to penalties on the ground of membership to an illegal organization even if the children have no connection to the organization.

Article 7/2 - punishment of children on the grounds of propaganda for an illegal organization because of covering the face partly or entirely.

Article 17 - dealing with discharging the punishment's enforcement under certain circumstances

Article 220/6 - enabling punishment of children under allegations of membership in an illegal organization even though there is no connection between the children and the organization.

Article 33 c of the Act on Meetings and Demonstrations - regarding punishment of children for throwing stones at security forces accounting for armed resistance. (BIA, Yonca CINGOZ, 13 November 2009)

IHD Members Still Detained Despite Invalid Evidence

In the first hearing of the court case against 5 members of the Human Rights Association (İHD) the court decided to keep association executives and lawyers Filiz Kalaycı and Nedim Taş in detention. All 5 İHD members are tried under charges of "membership in an illegal organization". The case has been postponed to 28 January 2010.

İHD chairman Öztürk Türkdoğan told bianet that they are going to lodge an appeal regarding the detention of the 2 İHD members. Besides, Türkdoğan claimed that the evidence presented by the prosecutor is invalid.

The trial began on 9 November before the Ankara 11th High Criminal Court. Lawyers and İHD head office board members Hasan Anlar, Halil İbrahim Vargün and Murat Vargün are being prosecuted un-detained.

All 5 İHD members were arrested on 12 May. The court rejected the prosecutor's demand to detain them then and they were released 2 days later on 14 May. However, upon the objection of the prosecutor Taş and later on also Kalaycı were detained shortly after. Kalaycı worked on rights violations occurring during arrest and detention.

"They are still in detention because the prosecutor did not take certain statements"

Türkdoğan disclosed some irregularities of evidence and in the investigation as reasons for the appeal:

Taking a statement under police pressure: The prosecutor presents the statements of 2 people as evidence. However, these 2 people claimed in another trial that they were forced to make these statements under police pressure. Yet, the latter statements are not taken into account in the present case. We ensured that the file is going to be included into the case.

The prosecutor did not take certain statements: The prosecutor would have had to take the statements of these 2 people in the investigation phase. But he requested to hear them only in the first hearing. The court decided to continue the detention until these 2 people have been heard.

"Illegal evidence"

Email with unknown source: One of the pieces of evidence is an electronic mail of which neither the source nor the sender is known. Additionally, the prosecutor did not initiate an investigation about the computer in the internet café the message was sent from.

İHD announcements count as evidence: Our meetings and İHD press releases are presented as evidence. That is invalid as well.

2.5 years of telephone tapping: The phone lines of our members have been tapped due to a court decision since 2007. Phone tapping cannot last that long. This is illegal on its own.

Conditions of detention not fulfilled: Neither is the probability of obscuring evidence given, nor of our members' escape. Kalaycı is a human rights defender and a lawyer. And the evidence is invalid anyways.

Türkdoğan evaluates these issues as criminal violations of duty. He declared that they are going to wait for the end of the case in order not to influence the trial before they will file a criminal complaint about the prosecutor.

"Release the rights defenders"

In the meantime the European-Mediterranean Human Rights Network (EMRHN) demanded of Turkey to end the case and release Kalaycı.

The organization reminded a text of the European Council and the United Nations Organization considering the protection of human rights defenders. Furthermore, they called the European Commission Delegation and the European Union member state embassies to follow the case. (BIA, Tolga KORKUT, 11 November 2009)

GUE/NGL condamne l'arrestation de syndicalistes en Turquie
 
Exprimant sa solidarité entière avec le syndicat turc KESK (Confédération des fonctionnaires) avant la date du procès à venir de 22 de ses membres, le groupe GUE/NGL au Parlement européen a aujourd'hui offert son soutien et a condamné ce dernier exemple d'intimidation visant à réprimer la lutte du syndicat pour les droits des travailleurs et la démocratie.
 
Des 22 syndicalistes (10 femmes et 12 hommes) à être jugés les 19 et 20 novembre à Izmir, en Turquie, 8 d'entre eux ont été arrêtés récemment, et les 14 autres sont en prison depuis le 28 mai. Le jour de l'arrestation en mai, du matériel appartenant aux droits des femmes a été confisqué au cours d'un raid de police dans leurs bureaux à Izmir.
 
Les syndicalistes arrêtés sont essentiellement des membres des bureaux du KESK et de Eğitim Sen (enseignants et personnel scientifique) et des dirigeants d'autres branches de syndicats.
 
Le groupe GUE/NGL enverra une délégation afin d'observer le procès et demandera également au président du Parlement européen d'envoyer une délégation officielle d'observateurs. (gianfranco.battistini@europarl.europa.eu, 13 novembre 2009)

Cross-National Protest Action for Women's and LGBTT's Rights

Female rights defenders, lesbians, gays, bisexuals, transvestites and transsexuals (LGBTT) took part in a cross-national protest action for physical and fertility rights in Istanbul together with demonstrators protesting at the same time in Bangladesh, Indonesia, Palestine, Cyprus, Malaysia, Egypt, Pakistan, Sudan and Tunisia.

Non-governmental organizations and activists participated in the protest action "A Joint Struggle - Altogether" organized by the Coalition for Sexual and Physical Rights in Muslim Societies. Attention was drawn to murders committed by men under the pretence of honour killings and to practices such as circumcision for women. The protestors demanded to lift discriminating laws considering stoning and flogging and highlighted topics such as LGBTT rights and sex education.

The protest action in Turkey was organized by the Feminist Collective and the LGBTT Rights Platform with support from the TCK Women Platform and the Platform against Sexual Violence. Reduced sentences because of unjust provocations granted by law courts were also on top of the agenda.

About 100 people had gathered on Taksim Square in the evening of 9 November at 7.30 pm, the same time demonstrators came together in the other countries mentioned. The event started with a performance of the 'Boyalı Kuş' Theatre ('Painted Bird').

* Click here to view the performance.

"Injustice protects murderers"

After the performance Begüm Başdaş read out the opening declaration.

"The courts enforce article 29 of the Turkish Criminal Code on 'unjust provocation' to protect our murderers", Başdaş argued. She criticized the application of reduced sentences under the pretence of unjust provocation for murders committed because of "coquettish" talk, dressing in tights or jeans, refusing sex with the partner and proposing same-sex relationships.

"These practices and the decline of women organizations' applications made in the context of the struggle against them show the political element of women murders. This judiciary and this state are entirely male-dominated! Reduction of sentences for LGBTT murders and thus excusing these hatred driven murders is another sign of this male-dominated judiciary", Başdaş indicated.

After shouting slogans and singing protest songs, the group of demonstrators marched down from Taksim Square along Istanbul's popular Istiklal Avenue, accompanied by the actors from the 'Boyalı Kuş' Theatre. (BIA, Bawer CAKIR, 11 November 2009)

Solidarité avec Murat Akincilar, syndicaliste et militant des droits humains

Chères et Chers Collègues,

Murad est en détention depuis le 30 septembre. Plusieurs interventions et actions ont permis d’attirer un très large soutien à notre camarade. Si la mobilisation a été très remarquable, Murad n’en est pas moins au fond d’un cachot froid et humide. Il souffre des yeux et il existe un sérieux danger pour sa santé.

Les besoins matériels d’un détenu existent malgré tout. Des vêtements et un soutien financier pour lui assurer une défense juridique solide sont primordiaux. Afin de récolter un maximum de fonds et maintenir la mobilisation, le comité de soutien à Murad a décidé d’organiser une soirée en signe de solidarité.

Le vendredi 4 décembre 2009, dès 18h00
Dans la grande salle d’Unia,
Chemin Surinam 5.
1211 Genève

Pour une soutien financier
Contribution : CCP 10-717752-9, mention "soutien Murad"

Cette campagne aura aussi pour objectif de lui redonner du moral ainsi qu’à Eylem.

Il s’agit d’un apéro dinatoire accompagné par des groupes de musique, un diaporama avec des photos de Murad. Toutes et tous les militantes et militants sont cordialement invité-e-s à y participer.

Des billets d’entrée seront d’un montant minimal de 20.00 francs. Tous les bénéfices de la soirée seront versés sur le compte du comité de soutien qui pour rappel se réunit tous les lundis à 18h00. Je vous prie de réserver d’ores et déjà cette soirée et de diffuser largement cet appel. Des infos complémentaires suivront par la suite.

Avec mes salutations militantes.

Jamshid Pouranpir
Unia, Le Syndicat. Région Genève
Tél : 022 949 12 00
Portable (par SMS uniquement) : 079 827 86 27
Fax : 022 949 12 20
jamshid.pouranpir@unia.ch
http://www.unia.ch/Solidaritaet-mit-Murad-Akincil.3855.0.html ?&L=1 M

Former IHD Chairwoman Yurtsever Sentenced

Human Rights Association (IHD) Istanbul chair person of the time Leman Yurtsever has been condemned for insulting Ali Suat Ertosun who was the director of Prisons in 2000 during the military operations against prisoners who resisted F-type isolation cells by going on hunger strikes.

Ankara Criminal Court num.27 Judge Mehmet Tuğrul Türksoy increased the 3 months prison sentence by fifteen days due to her force of intention.

Yurtsever is condemned for sending a “Human Rights Shame Document” to Ertosun in 2003. Yurtsever will appeal.

Executive members of IHD at the time Kiraz Biçici, Doğan Genç, Eren Keskin, Gülseren Yoleri and Oya Ersoy stood trial for protesting the same incident and received prison sentences which were then commuted to 1963 TL fine.

In December 2000 there were military operations in 28 prisons against the prisoners who were on hunger strike against isolation cells 28 prisoners and 2 soldiers were killed during the operations. The operations were named "Return to Life "and  protested intensely by rights organisations. Those in charge at the time have never been on trial. Ertosun was promoted to the Appeal Court and received a State Medal in 2004. He then became a member of Judges and Prosecutors Higher Board.

Ertosun's name was heard again as he tried to suspend the prosecutors and Judges who run Ergenekon investigation this year. The government resisted the attempt. In the meanwhile Ertosun's pictures with Ergenekon suspects appeared  in the newspapers.

The court applied former Turkish Penal Code since it is in favour of the accused. 2005 dated new TPC carries a minimum of 1 year prison sentence for insulting a public official. The court increased her sentence by 15 days for the force of her intention but postponed the execution station that “she would abstain from committing this crime again.” Yurtsever has been asked to pay 400  of fine as well.

Yurtsever said "The document we sent to Ertosun was a protest. I used my right to criticise. Condemning protesters once again reveals whom the laws protect in Turkey." (antenna-tr.org, November 10, 2009)

Indictment against 5 university students lacks nothing

5 students of Middle East Technical University (ODTÜ)  and Hacettepe University have been in prison for five months. Students are members of Socialist Youth Association. Five students will appear in Ankara High Criminal Court number 11on 6 November, for the first time after five months being kept on remand. The indictment against Fatih Seçkin Şiş, Kamer Doğan, İlhan Arslan, Tuba Mumcu and Barın Kaya omitted nothing. One of the charges is writing “Revolution”.

Yusuf Aslan, Hüseyin İnan and Taylan Özgür youth leaders of 1968 movement wrote “Revolution” in the stadium at ODTU campus which has become a symbol of the university. ODTÜ students continue that tradition and write “Revolution” by candles during their annual Spring Festival every year.

Five youth are charged over things including taking part in a press gathering and a rally, trade union activity, selling newspapers, visiting prisoners, using the right to keep silent and demanding education in mother tongue.

The most interesting piece of evidence the prosecutor has is a kite. Hammer and sickle on the kite is a popular symbol on the left but the prosecutor considered as an emblem of an organisation.

The prosecutor claimed that the students acted in the same manner while under arrest, they went on hunger strike for the same reasons, and chanted similar slogans which showed that they were members of an organisation.

ODTU students had captured a man in January 2009 who had been secretly taking their pictures. The man had an ID card for Şeyhmus Çelik and a document for petty officer Suat Yılmaz on him. The document had the signature of Gendarme deputy Commander Colonel İbrahim Ertaş.

Students seized the man’s mobile phone and found their phone numbers and their pictures in it. Shortly after there was a message on the phone reading 'students opened a stand are you going?' He also had numerous phone numbers of officers in his phone.

The incident was recorded at the presence of Rectorship deputy secretary Tanju Mehmetoğlu and it was noted that the guy was a member of “intelligence”. (antenna-tr.org, November 10, 2009)

10 years and 5 months prison sentence for demonstrating

A goldsmith in Urfa-Suruç Sabri Şahin has been condemned for taking part in “Birthday March” for  Abdullah Ocalan on 4 April.  Şahin refused the charge and asked Diyarbakır High Criminal Court num.6 to acquit him. The court condemned Şahin to 10 years and 5 months prison sentence for “violating Law 2911 on Demonstrations" and "committing crime on behalf of the organisation while being a non-member."

TUHAD-FED organised a march to celebrate the sixtieth birthday of Öcalan in Amara village of Urfa's Halfeti district on 4 April 2009. Gendarme intervened. Mahsum Karaoğlan and Mustafa Dağ were killed. Numerous investigations have been filed on demonstrators. (antenna-tr.org, November 10, 2009)

Turkey's ONGs Against Al-Bashir's  Presence in Istanbul

Through the media we have learned that Sudanese President Omer Hassan al-Bashir, against whom the International Criminal Court (the Court) has issued an arrest warrant, is planning to participate in the meeting of the Organisation of the Islamic Conference in Istanbul on 9 November 2009.

The arrest warrant lists several counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity allegedly perpetrated by Sudanese President Omer Hassan al-Bashir. Bashir, against whom the Court issued an arrest warrant on 4 March 2009, has repeatedly declared that he will not comply with the Court’s decision and thus has been on the run from international justice since March 2009.

Until today 110 countries have ratified the Rome Statute establishing the International Criminal Court, and the latest country ratifying the Rome Statute in July 2009 was the Czech Republic. Turkey has not yet ratified the Rome Statute. However, according to Article 13 of the Turkish Criminal Code, Turkey has accepted universal jurisdiction for certain crimes, such as crimes against humanity or genocide. Consequently, it is possible to put Bashir on trial for the alleged crimes in Turkey.

After the issuance of the arrest warrant Bashir has visited seven countries, namely Eritrea, Egypt, Libya, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Ethiopia, and Zimbabwe, none of which are State Parties to the Court. Although, the African Union rejects the Court’s decision and has tried to influence all states to not comply with it, Botswana and South Africa as well as non-African nations such as Brazil have so far declared that they would arrest Bashir in case he should enter any of their territories.

It is unacceptable that a Prime Minister who said in Davos that applauding those who killed children in the Gaza Strip is a crime against humanity, and government officials who speak of international justice at the United Nations and other international forums, should host a person who is avoiding facing international justice for the war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in Darfur.

Turkey should not permit Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir to participate in the meeting of the Organisation of the Islamic Conference in Turkey, but hand him over to the International Criminal Court if he should enter Turkey!

Members of the Coalition for the International Criminal Court Turkey (CICC Turkey), Ankara Bar Association/ Capital City Women’s Platform/ Association for Civil Society in Criminal Justice Administration/ Diyarbakir Bar Association / Helsinki Citizens Assembly/ Human Rights Research Association/ Human Rights Association/ Human Rights Agenda Association/ Association of Human Rights and Solidarity for Oppressed People/ Izmir Women’s Solidarity Association/ Ivy Association for the Fight against Poverty and Sustainable Development / Foundation for Society and Legal Studies/ Association for the Research and Facing of Social Events/ Human Rights Foundation of Turkey/ Amnesty International Turkey/ Van Women’s Association

For more information: Ozturk Turkdogan – CICC Turkey Spokesperson
+90.532.333 62 46 / +90.312.230 35 67
ihd@ihd.org.tr

Pardoned by Gül, Güler Reze Released

President Abdullah Gül on Friday pardoned convicted left-wing militant Güler Zere, who has been diagnosed with terminal cancer and whose case has generated fierce public debate while she waited for the state to revoke or pardon her penalty. On this decision, Zere was released from the prisoners' ward of Çukurova Balcalı Hospital in the southern province of Adana.

At about 10:00 pm (Turkish time), with a mask covering the mouth and the nose, Zere went out together with her family and her lawyer Taylan Tanay. She will be transferred to-morrow by plane towards the university hospital of Capa in Istanbul.

Zere, who suffers from terminal oral cancer, has been serving a 34-year sentence for membership in the Revolutionary People’s Liberation Party/Front, or DHKP/C.

In an interview with broadcaster CNNTürk on Friday, Zere's lawyer Taylan Tanay said they wish the pardon had come earlier and that they had been waiting for the decision all day.

"She told me, 'Three months ago, I might have had an opportunity to become healthy again, but now I only have the opportunity to die outside of prison," Tanay said in the interview.

According to reports by CNNTürk, Gül granted the amnesty because Zere's condition was incurable.

“With the information I received, I have been informed that it is a serious illness,” a state of health where it is not an option for her to remain in prison any longer, Gül said. “At this point, of course, I will use my conscience to evaluate the request.”

Zere was diagnosed with cancer last year and applied for a reprieve. Although the Çukurova University Forensic Medicine Institution and the Turkish Medical Association, or TTB, concluded that she could be treated neither in jail nor in a hospital ward dedicated to prisoners, she was not released.

The TTB recently announced that her cancer had become terminal.

The other people pardoned included Nurettin Ateş, who is paralyzed; Şirin Aydın, who is paralyzed on the left side of her body and cannot stand up alone; and Fehmi Akar, who also has physical health problems. (November 6, 2009)

ATK issued report allowing Zere's release from jail

A report fulfilling the requirements for the release from prison of cancer patient Güler Zere, who is serving time on charges of membership in a terrorist organization, has been issued by the Forensic Medicine Council (ATK) after a delay of nearly three months, a step expected to pave the way for her release.

The first news of the change in Zere’s status came not from the interior or justice ministers but from Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu. Davutoğlu has reportedly been closely following Zere’s case and paid a call to her father yesterday to give him the news of the report’s release. Listening to the Zere family’s grievances and their request that their daughter be released immediately, Davutoğlu stated that the matter would again be brought up with the president but recalled that the final say in the case rested in the hands of President Abdullah Gül alone.

The ATK was supposed to release its decision on the Zere case on Aug. 27. Over the past week, many protests and sit-ins in support of Zere and against the ATK were organized in İstanbul, Elazığ, Hatay, Adana, Malatya and Antalya, many of them in front of provincial headquarters of Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party). Protestors noted that the ATK is subordinate to the Justice Ministry, asking why the justice minister had not consulted with the ATK over the delay.

Justice Minister Sadullah Ergin also made a statement yesterday morning, saying the report regarding Zere’s possible amnesty had been completed on Wednesday night and conveyed by courier to the Elbistan Prison where Zere is interned and would in all likelihood reach the Çankaya Presidential Palace yesterday, also dispatched by courier.

ATK President Dr. Haluk İnce, speaking to NTV yesterday, said the report on Zere would be sent to the presidency for consideration of a pardon from prison. “The evaluations [leading up to the report’s publishing] show that the patient’s illness has advanced and that there is no chance for recovery. This report will be sent to President Abdullah Gül for consideration pursuant to the presidential pardon process,” he said. İnce also commented on Zere’s condition in the process leading up to the report’s release, asserting that she had received the best of medical care thanks to the efforts of the ATK and the Çukurova University Medical School Hospital. “Everything necessary was done for this patient at each and every treatment phase. … She was in no way under prison-like conditions,” he said.

The ATK chief also said the report had been prepared in an expeditious fashion, not delayed unnecessarily as Zere supporters have alleged. “We only did one thing here: We released the report and had it signed off by the appropriate authorities in a very quick manner. Political pressure or concerns did not have any effect on this report nor was its production a priority out of such considerations. … Nearly 85 days ago a [Zere supporter’s] tent was set up outside our institution [the İstanbul ATK], and all of our employees have been harassed in one way or another. If we just issued a report upon the demand of everyone that set up a tent, what meaning would our medical identity have left?” he said.

As of yesterday afternoon, supporters of Zere expressed bittersweet satisfaction with the report, while insisting that had Zere been released three months ago there would have been a possibility of her recovering with the aid of family and friends inspiring in her a will to live.

Zere’s lawyer, Oya Aslan, has announced that the prisoner’s legal team put in a request yesterday that instead of being granted a presidential pardon that Zere’s prison sentence be delayed until her medical condition improves, a demand that would have paved the way for Zere’s immediate release. But prosecutors in Elbistan rejected the request, drawing criticism from Aslan who said the prosecutors are to be blamed if Zere dies while waiting for a presidential pardon. A group gathered outside the İstanbul ATK late yesterday afternoon demanding that Zere be released immediately, seeing how the ATK report had yet to result in the woman’s discharge from prison. (todayszaman.com, 6 November 2009)

Calls to release prisoner Zere intensify as she nears death

A group of people, some of whom were wearing burial shrouds, protested in support of Zere and against the ATK in front of the AK Party’s İstanbul headquarters. As the medical condition of Güler Zere continues to deteriorate, calls for the inmate’s release from prison have intensified. Zere has been imprisoned for 14 years for being a member of the far-left terrorist Revolutionary People’s Liberation Party/Front (DHKP/C).

She suffers from cancer in her mouth and neck and has already had her palate removed due to her condition. Supporters of the stage-four cancer patient have in recent days increased their calls for her release so that she can spend the last days of her life with her family.

It is said that Zere, currently being held at a room at the Çukurova University Medical School Hospital in a section reserved for prisoners, is approaching the end of her life, and the Council of Forensic Medicine (ATK) is 81 days late in issuing a medical report that could ensure her release to her family to live out her last days. Despite reports issued by the Turkish Physicians Union and the Cancer Information Council asserting that Zere requires treatment that can only be provided outside of a prison situation, there is still no word from the ATK on when it will release its own report or what the delay has been.

Speaking to the press, Zere’s uncle Yetkin Zariş said: “They’ll release her a day or two before her death so that it doesn’t affect the statistics on the number of inmates who die in prison. Then they’ll say she didn’t die in jail. She’s in horrible condition, she’s at the last stage of her illness; her body is rejecting nutrition. We want her to be released immediately.”

Zere’s attorney, Taylan Talay, criticized the ATK’s lack of action, saying that there was no rhyme nor reason to what they were doing. “What a shame that in these 81 days of waiting Güler Zere’s illness has progressed to the terminal stage,” he said.

A number of NGOs have appealed to President Abdullah Gül on the issue. Speaking this week to Turkish journalists in Slovakia, where he was traveling on an official visit, the president addressed the calls for him to issue a pardon, saying: “I could not be indifferent on this issue, but because she herself has not filed an appeal, I can’t begin that process [to pardon her].” He said that he had considered the NGOs’ requests and that if Zere submitted an appeal he would be able to begin the process for an appeal -- but he noted that it was also required that the ATK send him a medical report through the Justice Ministry in order for such a decision to be made. He also noted that in the past some pardoned members of terrorist groups had later been caught participating in attacks on Turkish security forces.

The ATK was supposed to release its decision on the Zere case on Aug. 27. If it fails to do so by the time Zere’s treatment ceases because her death is imminent, she will be sent back to prison to die. Protestors have noted that the ATK is subordinate to the Justice Ministry, asking why the justice minister has not consulted with the ATK over the delay and why the president has not inquired into the delay himself.

Over the past week, protests and sit-ins in support of Zere and against the ATK have been organized in İstanbul, Elazığ, Hatay, Adana, Malatya and Antalya, many of them in front of the provincial headquarters of Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party). (todayszaman.com, Nov 4, 2009)

Theatre Actors call for Justice for Children in Detention

Theatre actors Halil Ergün, Sumru Yavrucuk, Kenan Işık, Ayça Damgacı, Ayşenil Şamloğlu and Nedim Saban came together to draw attention to children kept in detention under the Anti-Terror Law (TMK). The actors read stories and sang songs for the children, demanding justice for the children in detention.

The event was organized by the Justice for Children Group. After the opening speech made by Nedim Saban, lawyer Mehmet Uçum informed the audience about the chidren's situations.

Paedagogue Esen Acarer argued, "Children in prisons have communication problems. The chidren have to be treated as children, regardless of their race, religion, social status or ideology".

Actor Yavrycuk warned, "The children are prosecuted like adults and receive long prison sentences. There is no way that they meet this world with an positive attitude after their release".

Samlıoğlu called for action, "A joint movement is very useful in this context. We have to pave the way for the children. It is our responsibilty to protect and watch them diligently. We have to reckognize the children's right to life. It is too sad that children are prosecuted under absurd charges. They must not be punished out of ratio".

Actor Turgay Tanülkü who grew up in prison shared his memories of the prison with the audience.

The actors read passages from books such as "Iron Game" or "The Diary of Anne Frank".

When the actors sang songs to the children, Saban also distributed sweets to the particiants. (BIA, Çağla AĞIRGÖL, 4 November 2009)


Sanar Yurdatapan: A Sad Picture - 12 September is not over

I had to watch Turkey from outside during 12 September period.

Contrast between what looked from outside and what was discussed inside was saddening.

Reading the newspapers and column articles I kept is still embarrassing today.

It was like that then but is it so different today?

Just have a look at the three reports in this bulletin:

1.      First news: Original of a document prepared in the office of the Chief of General Staff about plans to overthrow Erdoğan appears. The chief of staff had commented as a copy of it appeared in the media “That is a photocopy it is not original hence it is just a piece of paper”. Now the original is in the hands of the prosecutors but the chief of staff is still in his chair. And he says “Who leaked it, prosecutors should find that out” … (presumably he means military prosecutors)

…what is being discussed by newspapers and TV channels? Who will investigate this issue, “military courts” or “civil courts”?.. As if having two heads of for justice system was something normal or was fate!

2.      Now let’s look at the last report: Appeal Court decided that writing a newspaper article arguing “Let us finish off 5 of them for every soldier we lose” (them meaning DTP members) and publishing a list of them who are to be finished off “is not a crime and there is no need for an investigation”. Do we need to wait for murders to take place to apply article 216 of TPC (former TPC 312) on incitement? If the judiciary did its job when similar threats were made outside AGOS newspaper’s office beloved Hrant could have been alive today. Is his blood only on the hands of the killers?

3.      … and next is our third report: DTP MP Aysel Tuğluk was tried on condemned to prison sentence about a public speech. That means “the legal immunity of MPs” applies to ordinary crimes but not when it is about ideas that are not favoured by the state.

Conclusion: In Turkey security forces and especially the army has a privilege of committing crime nobody can touch them. Those who defend ideas that are not favoured by the state can be tied and put in prison even if they are Members of the Parliament. It is even free to write that they should be killed encouraging people to do so, that passes as “freedom of expression”.

12 September is not over. Turkey is still as in Nasreddin’s story “a village where rocks are tied down and dogs are free” and the sultan of that village is still naked!

Şanar Yurdatapan, October 31, 2009, Istanbul

(Note: Appeal Court Chamber 8 made a statement after news reports on that issue and reports about “10 months for distributing a newspaper but inciting murder is allowed”. The statement said “Appeal period to object to a court decision is 2 weeks. However the appeal application was filed 6 months and 26 days later, hence the application was rejected without examining the contents.” Now it is okay by the book … or is it? What do you thing happened to the credibility and and confidence the justice system has to have?)

A Decision of Disgrace: IHD Official Sentenced

For criticising isolation in prisons the judiciary punished a human rights defender with imprisonment.

Former Human Rights Foundation (İHD) Istanbul manager Leman Yurtsever was convicted in the case on insult opened by Ali Suat Ertosun. Ertosun was Prisons and Arrest Stations General Director in 2000 when the police violently ended the "death fasts" of hundreds of political prisoners, called the "return to life" operation. The Prisoners had protested against a transfer from large wardens to F-type cells with only 3 or 4 prisoners.

On 2 November Judge Mehmet Tuğrul Türksoy from the Ankara 27th Criminal Court of First Instance decreed for a prison sentence of 3 months and 15 days, reasoning that because of "severe wilful intent" the punishment exceeds the minimum limit of 3 months.

Yurtsever was tried because he sent a "Human Rights Disgrace Certificate" to Ertosun in 2003. He told bianet, "I think the decision is wrong and I will file an appeal".

Former İHD officials Kiraz Biçici, Doğan Genç, Eren Keskin, Gülseren Yoleri and Oya Ersoy were also tried and sentenced on the grounds of the same protest action. However, their prison sentences were commuted to a fine of 1963 Turkish Lira (€ 900).

Ertosun on the forefront of judiciary

During the "return to life" operation on 19 December 2000 28 prisoners and 2 soldiers were killed in 28 prisons. Turkey was harshly criticised by international rights organizations for serious rights violations. Nevertheless, officials of the time were not prosecuted on grounds of the operation. Ertosun was promoted later on and became a member of the Supreme Court. In 2004 he was awarded the Medal for Excellent State Service. After this he was appointed to the Supreme Council of Judges and Prosecutors (HSYK).

Ertosun's name came up on the agenda in the context of this year's judges and prosecutors appointments when he proposed to depose prosecutors and judges concerned with the Ergenekon investigation from duty. When the process was blocked because the government was against this proposal, photos of Ertosun meeting with Ergenekon defendants appeared in the news meanwhile. Ertosun defended himself in a press conference and also expressed his affirmation about the "return to life" operation.

Yurtsever reacts

In the case against Yurtsever the court applied the old version of the Turkish Criminal Code (TCK) in favour of the defendant. The new TCK enforced in 2005 foresees prison sentence of at least 1 year for insulting a public official. Even though the court increased Yurtsever's punishment because "he wilfully intended the insult", the sentence was suspended since the court anticipated that the defendant would "hesitate to commit another criminal offence". Yurtsever is going to pay a fine of TL 400 (€ 180).

Yurtsever had been arrested in March in Diyarbakır when he came to vote for the local elections. Yurtsever said, "I got to know then that a warrant of arrest was issued for me".

"I filed a case for compensation because my arrest was unjust. The case is adjourned to March 2010. While I am waiting for compensation I received a prison sentence".

Yurtsever continues, "The document I sent to Ertosun was a protest. I made use of my right of criticism. The fact that the protestor is punished shows once more who is protected by the Turkish law".  (BIA,Bawer ÇAKIR, 3 November 2009)

71 years old man sentenced for clapping hands during funeral

71 years old Mehmet Çiçek was at the funeral of Adnan Donuk who was killed during a confrontation with soldiers in Hakkari’s Yüksekova borough in February. His funeral was held in Urfa's Suruç borough. 71 years old Mehmet Çiçek has been condemned for applauding the illegal slogans chanted during the funeral and was given 1 year prison sentence for “making propaganda of a terrorist organisation."

Diyarbakır High Criminal Court decided that Çiçek’s applauding as "an act of inviting violence and hatred". Mehmet Çiçek's sentence was reduced to 10 months but was not postponed. Çiçek’s lawyer will appeal. (freex@superonline.com, Nov 2, 2009)

Appeal Court deems statements calling for violence as ‘freedom of expression’

Columnist of a local paper “Bolu Expres” Işın Erşen’s article on 7 October 2007 following the killing of 13 soldiers in Gabar Mountain was entitled “Turk you have your enemy before you”  listed the names of DTP MPs, executive members and mayors and said:

Turkish nation these are your enemies. They will become targets of ‘civilian patriots’ as enemies of Turks unless they state ’PKK is a separatist terrorist organisation, and its members are traitors’. Instead of going after the terrorist in mountains who set up ambushes it is necessary to clean off few germs and to say “from now one from us five from you, what do you want, stop or continue”. Surely there are patriots who can say and do that. Public desire is intensely in that direction. It is the desire of our society that from now on one of them shares the same fate for every security member we lose. It is time to cut off the organ with gangrene.”

DTP’s Group Deputy Chair Selahattin Demirtaş applied to Bolu Public Prosecution Service. Prosecutor investigated the article for “inciting hatred and hostility” but dismissed it. DTP appealed to Düzce High Criminal Court but that was rejected too. Former Justice Minister and Chair of the Parliament Mehmet Ali Şahin carried the case to Appeal Court asking it to reverse the decision. Şahin’s application argued that the article could not be considered in the limits of freedom of expression.

Appeal Court’s Penal Chamber 8 made its decision on 30 September stating that lower court’s decision was appropriate. This will be final unless the Prosecutor of the Appeal Court takes the case to Appeal Court Penal Assembly. (freex@superonline.com, Nov 2, 2009)

Saying 'Disperse Counter-Guerrilla' is crime!

Aydın city chair of “Emek Partisi” (Labour Party-EMEP) Abdurrahman Saran faced a case for putting up posters “Disperse counter-guerrilla”. The case is based on election bans.

Police officers stood as witness at fist hearing. Judge of Criminal Court number 1 asked strange questions like “is there a party named Labour Party?”

Conflicting statements

Police officer Avni Kont made conflicting statements. Kont had said in his fist statement that he had not seen Saran putting up posters but told the court he saw him putting up posters.

Saran told the court that Prime Minister Erdoğan’s posters were put up on the same day. The next hearing is on 9 December 2009. (freex@superonline.com, Nov 2, 2009)

Authorities Hamper Release of Fatally-Ill Güler Zere

Cancer patient Güler Zere's health situation is continually worsening.

Oya Aslan, lawyer of the political prisoner, reported to bianet: "The Forensic Medicine Institute, the Ministry of Justice, the Public Prosecutor's Office and the Elbistan Prosecutor's office are directly responsible for this bad result because they are delaying Zere's appointment for a report about her situation.

Aslan summarized Zere's health condition as follows:

Zere finished radio therapy on 3 September. When the doctors carried out several tests to check if she had responded to the therapy, they determined aberrant cells on the right side of her neck. These cells were determined as malignant cancer cells.

Due to the probability of proliferation Zere underwent immediate surgery on 12 October and the right-hand side of her neck was removed.

The doctors said chemo therapy would be started after the swelling and bruises on Zere's neck as after-effects of the surgery were healed. However, after the blood test results the doctors informed Zere's family that she might not survive such a treatment and that the chemo therapy would not be started.

Güler Zere started to develop open sores in her mouth. She cannot eat solid foods because of this and the doctors are thinking of supporting her on liquids. They started to feed her on concentrated vitamins, yet Zere started to throw up. This time the doctors decided to subsist her on serum.

Aslan reports, "At that time Zere had bowel problems and suffered from severe diarrhoea. This furthermore increased the probability of her body to recover in order to improve the blood test results needed for the start of the chemo therapy".

"Her health condition is currently being monitored. If she recovers and her body regains a little bit of strength, chemo therapy will be started. The doctors are not able to determine to which extend the cancer has spread over Zere's body though".
Prosecutor hampers companionship

Lawyer Aslan emphasizes, "Zere needs moral support to recover, but we have also experienced problems for an attendant. We have difficulty for keeping alternating attendants for her for 3-day periods. The prosecutor insisted for the attendants not to be involved into any court case. Yet, in the meantime the same prosecutor expanded his demand for attendants who have not been arrested before. If we cannot hand a list of people to the prosecutor, there will be nobody accompanying Zere".

Aslan indicates, "Zere is kept in a room with lights on 24 hours. This situation is absolutely nerve wrecking for her. The Forensic Medicine Institute Board will meet on 5 November and want a radiotherapy report from Zere for 3 November. If this report is not prepared in time, this meeting can be postponed once more".

Aslan summarizes Güler Zere's situation as follows: "The Forensic Medicine constantly asks for reports considering Zere's latest condition. But there is nothing like the latest situation. Zere's health situation is continuously deteriorating". (BIA, Bawer ÇAKIR, 2 November 2009)


Pression sur les médias / Pressure on the Media

Echec de négociations entre le Trésor et le premier groupe de presse turcs

Le premier groupe de presse de Turquie a annoncé mercredi l'échec de ses négociations avec le Trésor turc sur une amende record de plus de deux milliard d'euros pour fraude fiscale, a rapporté l'agence de presse Anatolie.

Au terme des pourparlers, entamés la veille et qui se sont poursuivis pendant 16 heures, "aucun compromis ne s'est matérialisé", a affirmé le groupe Dogan Yayin Holding (DYH) dans un communiqué cité par Anatolie.

L'entreprise a indiqué qu'en l'absence d'accord, elle poursuivrait ses actions judiciaires contre le fisc turc.

L'échec des négociations intervient alors que l'éditeur allemand Axel Springer a annoncé la semaine dernière qu'il allait prendre une part de 29% dans le capital de DYH, pour 161 millions d'euros, à condition que le conflit avec le Trésor soit résolu.

Le fisc a infligé cette année deux très lourdes amendes -370 millions et 1,75 milliard d'euros- au groupe Dogan, qui contrôle plus de la moitié du marché des médias privés du pays. Le groupe, critique virulent du gouvernement islamo-conservateur turc, au pouvoir depuis 2002, a dénoncé une attaque, politiquement motivée, à la liberté de la presse.

La Commission européenne avait mis Ankara en garde au sujet de cette sanction, indiquant être "préoccupée" pour la liberté de la presse en Turquie qui aspire à rejoindre l'Union européenne. (AFP, 25 nov 2009)

33 Journalists and Writers in Turkish Prisons during Sacrifice Holiday

The Solidarity Platform of Imprisoned Journalists (TGDP) reminds that 33 journalists and writers were still in the prisons as the country is going to celebrate Sacrifice Holiday. TGDP calls all to visit them in prison or to send them the messages of sympathy and solidarity.

The below list indicates the names of 33 prisoners with the mention of the media for which they had worked and the prison where they are kept:

• Abdurrahman Gök, DIHA Siirt Correspondent, Siirt E Tipi Kapalı Cezaevi
• Ahmet Birsin, General Coordinator of Gün TV, Diyarbakır D Tipi Cezaevi
• Ali Buluş, DIHA Mersin correspondent, Karaman-Ermenek M Tipi Cezaevi
• Aylin Duruoğlu, Editor of Vatan on-line, Bakırköy Kadın ve Çocuk Tutukevi
• Barış Açıkel, İşçi Köylü publisher, Kandıra 1 Nolu F Tipi Cezaevi, Kocaeli
• Bayram Namaz, Atılım columnist, Edirne 1 Nolu F Tipi Cezaevi
• Bayram Parlak, Mersin correspondent of Gündem, Karaman-Ermenek M Tipi Cezaevi
• Behdin Tunç, DIHA Sırnak correspondent, Diyarbakır D Tipi Cezaevi
• Çağdaş Küçükbattal, Atılım correspondent, Metris Cezaevi
• Eda Ünalan, Kızıl Bayrak Ankara correspondent, Sincan Kadın Kapalı Cezaevi
• Erdal Güler, former responsibe editor of Devrimci Demokrasi, Amasya E Tipi Cezaevi
• Erol Zavar, Odak publisher and poet, Sincan F Tipi Cezaevi, Ankara
• Faysal Tunç, DIHA Sırnak correspondent, Diyarbakır D Tipi Cezaevi
• Füsun Erdoğan, Özgür Radyo general coordinator, Gebze Özel Tip Cezaevi, Gebze/Kocaeli
• Gülşen Bozan, Bursa Kapalı Cezaevi
• Hacı Orman, Sanat ve Hayat Chief Editor, Sincan 1 Nolu F Tipi Cezaevi, Ankara
• Hasan Coşar, Atılım columnist, Sincan F Tipi Cezaevi, Ankara
• Hatice Duman, Atılım publisher, Gebze Özel Tip Cezaevi, Gebze/Kocaeli
• İbrahim Çiçek, İbrahim Çiçek, Atılım chief editor, Tekirdağ 2 Nolu F Tipi Cezaevi
• İsminaz Ergün, Demokrat Radio Employee, Sincan Kadın Kapalı Cezaevi
• Mahmut Tutal, Gündem employee in Urfa, Urfa E Tipi Cezaevi
• Mehmet Karaaslan, Gündem employee in Mersin, Karaman-Ermenek M Tipi Cezaevi
• Mehmet Yeşiltepe, Tekirdağ 1 Nolu F Tipi Cezaevi
• Metin Bulut, Publisher and editor of Yürüyüş Review, Metris Cezaevi
• Murad Akıncılar, Edirne F Tipi Cezaevi
• Mustafa Gök, Ekmek ve Adalet representative in Ankara, Sincan F Tipi Cezaevi
• Müge Molvalı, Atılım Chief Editor, Bakırköy Kadın ve Çocuk Tutukevi
• Sedat Şenoğlu, Atılım general coordinator, Edirne 1 Nolu F Tipi Cezaevi
• Suzan Zengin, İşçi-Köylü employee, Bakırköy Kadın ve Çocuk Tutukevi, Istanbul
• Şafak Gümüşsoy, former responsible editor of Mücadele Birliği, Amasya Kapalı Cezaevi
• Tuncay Mat, Atılım correspondent, Metris Cezaevi
• Vedat Kurşun, Azadiya Welat's former editor, Diyarbakır D Tipi Cezaevi
• Ziya Ulusoy, Tekirdağ 1 Nolu F Tipi Cezaevi

Solidarity Platform With Imprisoned Journalists (TGDP)
November 23, 2009

CONTACT: Necati ABAY-TGDP Spokesperson, GSM: 0535 929 75 86
e-mail: tutuklugazeteciler@mynet.com

Milliyet newspaper on trial over ‘Duran Kalkan’ report

Milliyet daily reporter Namık Durukan and responsible editor Hasan Çakalkurt has been on trial at Istanbul High Criminal Court number 10 for reporting a statement by a leading PKK member Duran Kalkan. Prosecutor proposed a pre-paid fine in order to get the case dismissed. However the court did not make a decision on that and instead decided to receive the statement of Namık Durukan at the second hearing on 10 November.
 
ATL will hurt people as long as it is implemented
 
Istanbul Public Prosecutor Hakan Karaali wanted Durukan and Çakalkurt to be punished for “making propaganda for a terrorist organisation” in his 30 July dated indictment. Prosecutor wants the journalists to be condemned under article 7/2 of Anti-Terror Law “making propaganda of a terrorist organisation” carrying prison sentences from 1.5 years to 7.5 years.

Prosecutor wanted Durukan and Çakkalkurt to be barred from their civil rights as well.
On 12 August the court began trying Durukan for reporting the statement of Kalkan and Çakalkurt for publishing it on 24 June 2009 dated issue.
 
Case over the statement of "Guerrilla will not give up arms"
 
Number two of PKK, Duran Kalkan had said that the organisations would not give up arms if there were a general amnesty but they would act responsibly, he answered the claim of “authorities are talking with the PKK” by saying "Neither yes nor no". Kalkan commented on the statement of CHP leader Deniz Baykal 'general amnesty may be considered if they give up arms' by saying "Solving Kurdish problem is not a matter of general amnesty. Kurdish people and PKK do not believe that there is a matter to be forgiven. However if they include freeing Apo then PKK would consider not giving up arms but declaring ceasefire, guerrilla would not give up arms". (antenna-tr.org, November 24, 2009)
 
Yurdatapan: " Do we always have to swallow our spit?"

If I spit down I’ll hit my beard, if I spit up I’ll hit my moustache,
If you spit on it is 301!
Do we always have to swallow our spit? (1)

 
We constantly end up having to watch the same play. That is what happened this week as well.
 
An investigation was launched against the Judge of Sincan who had the office of Telecommunications Department (TİK) raided and the chairman of Judges and Prosecutors Union (Yarsav) with the demand of barring from profession.(2) While the discussion went on it was reported that the telephones (the whole switchboard) of the Appeal Court and Istanbul Public Prosecution Service were tapped with court order.
 
On the one hand it is repeated that Judges and Prosecutors Higher Board needs to be independent from the Ministry of Justice – and the judicial system needs to be independent from the executive in general- but on the other hand the judiciary says they serve not the law but the State (it seems that the state is above all the three powers we know).(3)
 
Lieutenant Colonel Çiçek at last made it to the prosecutor to make a deposition and he was arrested but then he got released. Members of the judiciary are in fight among themselves. (4)
 
While the whole forest is on fire it maybe strange to talk about single trees but we have to do it. Since those single trees make up the forest after all.
 
Best regards…
 
Şanar Yurdatapan, November 13, 2009
 
Notes for English translation:

(1): Turkish proverb meaning an impossible choice, a double edged sword … Many people including the Nobel Prize winner Orhan Pamuk has been charged under article 301 of Turkish Penal Code. Article 301 punishes “insulting the judiciary”.

(2): Kaçmaz a Judge at Ankara Sincan High Criminal Court, reported crime about President Gül arguing that Gül needed to be put in prison.

(3): TESEV (Foundation for Economic and Social Studies of Turkey) In one of TESEV’s research (Perceptions and Mentality Structures – Institutions) most of the judges and prosecutors declared that they would rather defend the State than the “Law” in the case of a threat against the State.

 (4): When Taraf newspaper reported that the Chief Office of the army had a plan prepared to “Finish off AKP” as a psychological operation controversy began. The related document had Lieutenant Colonel Çiçek’s signature. Çiçek was arrested but released after few hours. The chief of staff held a press conference with 35 generals and said “This document is a photocopy; from a legal point of view it is nothing but a piece of paper.” However shortly after that the authentic document was received by the prosecutors turning the whole thing into scandal. There was an information letter attached to the original document. The letter said that 35 computer hard disk at the Chief Office of the Army were deleted many times in order to destroy the document and all traces about it. Prosecutors wanted numerous soldiers to make formal depositions. Colonel Çiçek did not respond for some time. And he was arrested when he did but he was released again. The Chief of Staff kept silent but he did not resign. The incident exposed the division in the judiciary while one section is trying to uncover what happened the other section is trying to stop that with the motivation of protecting the state. (antenna-tr.org, November 24, 2009)

Prosecutor Pleaded for the  Acquittal of Zarakolu and Güler

Prosecutor Çavuşoğlu from the Istanbul 10th High Criminal Court pleaded for the acquittal of publisher Zarakolu and writer Güler. The defendants were facing prison sentences under allegations of "spreading PKK propaganda" on behalf of a character in a novel.
 
Publisher Ragıp Zarakolu stated in yesterday's (19 November) hearing, "As the chairman of the of the Committee of Freedom of Expression and Publishing and as a publisher I cannot do censorship". Zarakolu is tried under charges of "spreading propaganda for the PKK organization" because of the book "More difficult decisions than death" ('Ölümden Zor Kararlar') published by Belge Publishing in March this year.

In yesterday's 2nd hearing of the trial before the Istanbul 10th High Criminal Court publisher Zarkolu and writer N. Mehmet Güler presented their defence. Their lawyer Özcan Kılıç also attended the session.

Zarakolu: I'd like to believe that I will be acquitted

Both un-detained defendants are facing prison sentences based on article 7/2 of the Anti-Terror Law (TMY) because characters of the book are called "Sıti", "Sabri" and "Şiyar".

Zarakolu has been chairman of the Turkey Publishers Association (TYB) Committee for Freedom of Publishing for 15 years. He stated, "The novel plays in historical period Turkey lived through. There are similar examples in world literature. Ernest Hemingway's "For Whom the Bell Tolls" for instance deals with the Spanish civil war. We published the story of a literal character. I want to believe that this trial will result in our acquittal just as other trials about similar books in the past have done. The Anti-Terror Law should be amended to lift the publisher's responsibility", Zarakolu claimed.

Prosecutor Çavuşoğlu pleaded for acquittal

In the prosecution's final speech prosecutor Mustafa Çavuşoğlu advanced the view that "no legal elements of crime occurred". He demanded the acquittal of Zarakolu and Güler.

President Judge Zafer Başkurt reviewed the file and decided to postpone the case till 25 March 2010.

Zarakolu: This trial is the present for my 40th year in journalism!

Zarakolu stated that the pressure "has come as far as prosecuting the heroes of a novel". The publisher said to bianet, "This trial is like a present for my 40th year in journalism".

Güler emphasized that even though there are lots of troubles in Turkey, one has to confront reality. "I decided to deal with the problems in literature because I think this is the best way to fix the social trauma", Güler indicated.

Reason for the prosecution: prosecution in the novel!

Istanbul Public Prosecutor Hikmet Usta based his indictment of 22 May on dialogues in the novel such as on page 39 in the context of a trial against a PKK member, quoted as follows: "This court delegation has no right to judge me. I fight for freedom. I do not recognize this court". The court president's warning "Do not disrespect the court delegation!" and similar passages of the novel are further subject to the indictment.

The prosecutor refers to 10 pages of the novel, claiming that the life stories of the PKK members evoke sympathy for the organization and that propaganda is spread that way. (BIA, Erol ÖNDEROĞLU, November 20, 2009)

RSF: La langue kurde est autorisée, mais le débat sur la question kurde reste verrouillé

Reporters sans frontières salue la levée des dernières restrictions qui pesaient sur la diffusion des médias en langue kurde en Turquie. "Il s'agit d'une étape importante et symboliquement forte, s'est réjouie l'organisation. Cependant, la portée de cette réforme restera considérablement amoindrie tant que les médias ne pourront aborder librement la question kurde sans risquer des poursuites pénales."

Le 13 novembre 2009, le Journal officiel a publié une directive libéralisant la diffusion audiovisuelle en langues minoritaires, sans restriction de durée. Depuis janvier 2004, l'usage du kurde était autorisé dans la presse et sur la chaîne nationale publique TRT 6, mais les émissions privées étaient limitées à cinq heures hebdomadaires à la radio et quatre heures à la télévision. En outre, elles devaient être intégralement traduites, ce qui rendait impossibles les émissions en direct. Du fait de ces restrictions, seule la chaîne locale Gün TV, et depuis deux mois la chaîne satellitaire Su TV, proposaient une programmation dans leur langue à la minorité kurde.

"À quoi bon émettre en langue kurde, si le traitement indépendant ou militant de la question kurde reste de fait interdit ? a poursuivi Reporters sans frontières. Il ne faudrait pas que cette bonne nouvelle éclipse l'intimidation et l'auto-censure dont sont toujours victimes les médias dès lors qu'ils abordent des sujets sensibles. La liberté d'expression ne pourra réellement progresser dans le pays que lorsque les articles de loi répressifs seront abrogés, permettant enfin de s'attaquer aux tabous de l'Etat turc."

En vertu de la Loi anti-terroriste N°3713 (LAT) et de l'article 216 du code pénal punissant l'"incitation à la haine", plus d'une quinzaine de journalistes sont actuellement poursuivis pour n'avoir fait que mentionner les revendications du "Kongra-Gel" (ex-PKK) ou citer ses responsables, même de façon critique. L'arsenal judiciaire turc, au premier rang duquel figure l'article 301 du code pénal (punissant l'"insulte à la nation turque" par des peines allant jusqu'à deux ans de prison), limite considérablement le débat démocratique en dessinant les contours de nombreux sujets tabous : armée, police, justice, torture, laïcité, ainsi que la figure de Mustapha Kemal Atatürk. Il permet à de nombreux juges et procureurs au niveau local de résister à la "politique d'ouverture" engagée par le gouvernement.

Ainsi, une vingtaine d'affaires sont ouvertes pour "propagande du PKK", "apologie du crime" et "appartenance à une organisation illégale" à l'encontre de Vedat Kursun, rédacteur en chef du seul journal publié en langue kurde, Azadiya Welat. Bien que le journaliste se trouve en détention provisoire depuis janvier 2009, la première audience de son procès n'a eu lieu que le 10 septembre 2009 ; et d'ici la prochaine audience, le 2 décembre, il restera derrière les barreaux. Contacté par Reporters sans frontières, son avocat Me Servet Özen a estimé que son client "fait de la prison pour des propos que son journal a été le premier à tenir, mais qui sont aujourd'hui débattus par l'ensemble des médias turcs".

Le silence est imposé aux publications pro-kurdes jusque sur Internet, où le site du journal Günlük a été bloqué le 18 novembre 2009. Alors que son propriétaire, sa directrice de publication et l'un de ses journalistes risquent sept ans et demi de prison, ce quotidien, tout comme l'hebdomadaire Özgür Ortam, fait régulièrement l'objet de suspensions temporaires en vertu de la LAT. En septembre 2009, le titre Demokratik Açilim, créé quelques semaines auparavant pour remplacer Günlük suspendu, était fermé à son tour. Le 20 octobre, la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme (CEDH) a condamné l'Etat turc à verser plusieurs centaines de milliers d'euros de dommages et intérêts à 26 journalistes travaillant pour quatre autres quotidiens pro-kurdes suspendus, Ülkede Özgür Gündem, Gündem, Güncel et Gerçek Demokrasi.

La répression s'abat aussi sur les médias moins suspects de sympathies autonomistes. Le journaliste du quotidien kémaliste Milliyet, Namik Durukan, et son rédacteur en chef, Hasan Cakkalkurt, risquent sept ans et demi de prison et 9 000 euros d'amende, pour avoir repris l'interview d'un responsable du PKK réalisée par une agence de presse locale. La prochaine audience de leur procès doit se tenir le 26 janvier 2010. Et la célèbre chanteuse Hülya Avsar et Devrim Sevimay, lui aussi journaliste de Milliyet, sont poursuivis pour "incitation à la haine" car la chanteuse, de parents turc et kurde, avait estimé dans une interview que la politique d'ouverture en cours ne devait pas "sous-estimer ou ignorer le droit des Kurdes", et qu'il serait "difficile de convaincre les terroristes du PKK séparatiste de déposer les armes".

Au-delà de la question kurde, il est encore très difficile pour les journalistes turcs de critiquer certains comportements au sein de la justice, l'armée ou la police. Le 18 novembre, Haci Bogatekin, rédacteur en chef du bimensuel Gerger Firat, a été condamné par contumace par un tribunal local à 2 ans, 2 mois et 7 jours de prison pour "diffamation" (article 125 du code pénal) envers l'ancien procureur et le chef de la gendarmerie de Gerger (Sud-Est), qu'il accusait de collusion avec les milieux islamistes et de pressions sur son journal. Exténué par un combat judiciaire qui dure depuis plus d'un an et absent de son procès pour raisons de santé, Haci Bogatekin avait adressé une lettre d'excuse à la Cour avant l'audience, mais celle-ci n'a pas été considérée, sous prétexte qu'elle n'avait pas été envoyée en recommandé. (europe@rsf.org, 20 novembre 2009)

No Justice for Jounalist Boğatekin

Journalist Hacı Boğatekin was convicted by the Kahta Criminal Court of First Instance in the south eastern province of Adıyaman to a 2 years 2 months and 7 days prison sentence because of "insult to public officials". The insult consisted of the journalist's alleged accusation of public officials, claiming that they tried to force his newspaper 'Gerger Fırat' out of business.

President Judge Ercan Kumhak decreed against mitigation and postponement of the punishment on the grounds that the journalist supposedly did not show any regret and attempted to prolong the trial.

Excuse not taken into account because of "lack of commitment"

Besides, Boğatekin had sent a letter to the court prior to the hearing, excusing his absence: "I will not be able to attend the hearing because of .a throat disease. The court should issue invitations to my lawyers Turgut Kazan, Fikret İlkiz and Celal Kızılkaya". The court did not take Boğatekin's letter of apology into account because it showed a "lack of commitment and did not specify who he was going to send".

After this, prosecutor Mesut Karaduman did not want to broaden his investigation any further and headed for the final speech of the prosecution. He demanded Boğatekin's conviction on the base of article 125/1-2-3 (a) of the Turkish Criminal Code.

Prison sentence handed down in defendant's absence

Hereupon, the court handed down the prison sentence to Boğatekin in his and his lawyers' absence in the hearing on 27 October 2009. The conviction includes a deprivation of the journalist's "parental right and depriving him of any duty such as warding or fostering" until he will be released from prison. Boğatekin was familiarized with the proceedings after he returned from Istanbul, where he had received medical treatment.

Journalist Boğatekin had previously been imprisoned for 109 days because of accusing Gerger prosecutor Sadullah Ovacıklı of alleged connections to Fethullah Gülen, self-imposed exiled leader of the correspondent religious movement. Journalist and official of the relating gergerim.com website Cumali Badur is still being tried in the same context.

The news item subject to Boğatekin's latest conviction was published on 28 February 2008 under the title "Judge Thwarts Complot". The journalist had stated that prosecutor Ovacılık, gendarmerie supervisor Hakan Ragıp Yüceer and several police officers were about to present the organization of an illegal complot against the newspaper to the Gerger District Administration. In secret meetings they allegedly planned to force the newspaper out of business, Boğatekin wrote. (BIA, Erol ÖNDEROĞLU, 19 November 2009)

61 Journalists Killed in Turkey In One Century

The Turkish Journalists Association (TGC) announced that in the last 100 years 61 journalists have been killed because of a hostile manner and merely for the reason of their profession.

As the first victim TGC mentioned journalist Hasan Fehmi Bey who was murdered on the Galata Bridge in the centre of Istanbul in 1909, saying that ever since the press history of Turkey has been interspersed with unforgettable moments of grief. Today (17 November) the association and family members of the assassinated journalists will commemorate the victims in a meeting.

TGC declared that the family members of 4 murdered journalist will join: Nükhet İpekçi as the daughter of Millyet newspaper editor Abdi İpekçi who was killed in 1979; Ali Naki Kaftancıoğlu together with his wife Dr. Canan Katancıoğlu for his father Ümit Kaftancıoğlu who was murdered on 11 April 1980; and Meryem Türkmen whose younger sister Metin Göktepe was assassinated on 8 January 1996 as a journalist of Evrensel newspaper. Additionally, Mehmet Emeç confirmed his participation. His father Çetin Emeç, Hürriyet newspaper editor at the time, was killed on 7 March 1990.

The meeting will start at 5.00 pm with an opening speech of TGC chairman Orhan Erinç. After that, authors Hıfzı Topuz and Nail Güreli will rise to speak. They wrote a book entitled "A bullet to freedom" and will talk about their views of the matter. The meeting is going to continue with contributions from the relatives of the murdered journalists.

A documentary made by Günel Çantak, student of the Radio-Television Department in the Communications Faculty of the Isparta Süleyman Demirel University, will also be shown.

TGC reported the names and work places of the murdered journalists besides their place and date of death as follows:

• Hasan Fehmi Bey / Serbesti ('Freedom'), Istanbul, 6 April 1909
• Ahmet Samim / Sada-yı Millet, Istanbul, 19 July 1910
• Zeki Bey  / Şehrah, Istanbul, 10 July 1911
• Şair Hüseyin Kami / Alemdar ('Leader'), Konya, 1912 or 1914
• Hasan Tahsin (Osman Nevres) / Hukuk-u Beşer ('Human Rights'), Izmir, 15 May 1919
• Silahçı Tahsin / Silah ve Bomba ('Weapon and Bomb'), Istanbul 27 July 1914
• İştirakçi Hilmi / İştirak ('Contribution'), Medeniyet ('Civilization'), Istanbul 1922
• Ali Kemal / Peyam-ı Sabah, İzmit 1922
• Hikmet Şevket, 1930
• Sabahattin Ali / Marko Pasha, Edirne 1948
• Adem Yavuz / Anka Agency, Cyprus, 27 August 1974
• Ali İhsan Özgür / Politika ('Politics'), Istanbul, 21 November 1978
• Cengiz Polatkan / Hafta Sonu ('Weekend'), Ankara, 1 December 1978
• Abdi İpekçi / Milliyet ('Nationality'), Istanbul, 1 February 1979
• İlhan Darendelioğlu / Ortadoğu ('Middle East'), Istanbul, 19 November 1979
• İsmail Gerçeksöz / Ortadoğu, Istanbul, 4 April 1980
• Ümit Kaftancıoğlu / TRT (Turkish Radio and Television Company), Istanbul, 11 April 1980
• Muzaffer Fevzioğlu / Hizmet ('Service'), Trabzon, 15 April 1980
• Recai Ünal / Demokrat, Istanbul, 22 July 1980
• Mevlüt Işıt / Türkiye ('Turkey'), Ankara, 1 June 1988
• Seracettin Müftüoğlu / Hürriyet ('Freedom'), Nusaybin (eastern Turkey), 29 June 1989
• Sami Başaran / Gazete ('Newspaper'), Istanbul, 7 November 1989
• Kamil Başaran / Gazete, Istanbul, 7 November 1989
• Çetin Emeç / Hürriyet, Istanbul, 7 March 1990
• Turan Dursun / İkibine Doğru ('Towards 2000') and Yüzyıl Dergileri ('Century Magazines'), Istanbul, 4 September 1990
• Gündüz Etil, 1991
• Mehmet Sait Erten / Azadi, Denk, Diyarbakır 1992
• Halit Güngen / İkibine Doğru, Diyarbakır, 18 February 1992
• Cengiz Altun / Yeni Ülke ('New Country'), Batman (eastern Turkey), 25 February 1992
• İzzet Kezer / Sabah ('Morning'), Cizre (eastern Turkey), 23 March 1992
• Bülent Ülkü / Körfeze Bakış ('View to the Gulf'), Bursa (western Turkey), 1 April 1992
• Mecit Akgün / Yeni Ülke, Nusaybin, 2 June 1992
• Hafız Akdemir / Özgür Gündem ('Free Agenda'), Diyarbakır, 8 June 1992
• Çetin Ababay / Özgür Halk ('Free People'), Batman, 29 July 1992
• Yahya Orhan / Özgür Gündem, Ceylanpınar (Syrian border), 9 August 1992
• Hüseyin Deniz / Özgür Gündem, Ceylanpınar, 9 August 1992
• Musa Anter / Özgür Gündem, Diyarbakır, 20 September 1992
• Yaşar Aktay / Serbest ('Free'), Hani (eastern Turkey), 9 November 1992
• Hatip Kapçak / Serbest, Mazıdağı (eastern Turkey), 18 November 1992
• Namık Tarancı / Gerçek ('Truth'), Diyarbakır, 20 November 1992
• Uğur Mumcu / Cumhuriyet ('Republic'), Ankara, 24 January 1993
• Kemal Kılıç / Yeni Ülke, Şanlıurfa (eastern Turkey), 18 February 1993
• Mehmet İhsan Karakuş, Silvan (eastern Turkey) 13 March 1993
• Ercan Gürel / HHA, 20 May 1993
• İhsan Uygur / Sabah, Istanbul, 6 July 1993
• Rıza Güneşer / Halkın Gücü ('People's Power'), 14 July 1993
• Ferhat Tepe / Özgür Gündem, Bitlis (eastern Turkey), 28 July 1993
• Muzaffer Akkuş / Milliyet, 20 September 1993
• Nazım Babaoğlu / Gündem, 12 March 1994
• Erol Akgün / Devrimci Çözüm ('Revolutionary Solution'), 1994
• Seyfettin Tepe / Yeni politika ('New Politics'), 28 August 1995
• Metin Göktepe / Evrensel ('Universal'), Istanbul, 8 January 1996
• Kutlu Adalı / Yeni Düzen ('New Order'), Cyprus, 8 July 1996
• Selahattin Turgay Daloğlu, Istanbul, 9 September 1996
• Reşat Aydın / AA ('Anatolian News Agency'), TRT, 20 June 1997
• Ayşe Sağlam Derince, 3 September 1997
• Abdullah Doğan / Candan Fm, Konya (central Anatolia), 13 July 1997
• Ünal Mesutoğlu / TRT, Manisa (west coast), 8 November 1997
• Mehmet Topaloğlu / Kurtuluş ('Independence'), Adana 1998
• Ahmet Taner Kışlalı / Cumhuriyet, Ankara, 21 October 1999
• Hrant Dink / Agos, Istanbul, 19 January 2007

(BIA, Erol ÖNDEROĞLU, 17 November 2009)

15 Journalists Convicted for Reporting on Ergenekon Investigation

In the context of investigations as important as the Ergenekon case the Ministry of Justice announced that until the present day court cases have been opened against 15 journalists on the grounds of "violating the confidentiality of the investigation".

In the release made on 10 November the ministry declared that correspondingly, the procedures regarding 33 public officials are at the stage of "investigation".

Bakırköy Prosecutor's Office as the most "diligent" one

The ministry answered in writing to the criticism that the judiciary remained "insensitive" on the topic of "violating the secrecy of the investigation" regarding the Ergenekon investigation and other important files. The Justice Ministry gave information about the referring investigations being carried out in several district attorneys in Istanbul: 447 investigations in the Eyüp Prosecutor's Office, Bakırköy taking the lead with 2,455 investigations, 30 in Üsküdar, 183 in Kadıköy, 423 in the Beyoğlu district attorney and 522 investigations in the Istanbul Court House.

The ministry furthermore declared that since 31 July 2009 3,845 investigations have been launched in these district attorneys about journalists. 358 trials are pending and 15 cases resulted in convictions. In the end of the announcement it was also mentioned that 33 public officials are under investigation. (BIA, Erol ONDEROGLU, 13 November 2009)

Milliyet Daily on Trial for News about "Kurdish Initiative"

The Istanbul 10th High Criminal Court prosecutes Milliyet newspaper director Hasan Çakkalkurt because the nation-wide daily reported about an announcement of Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) executive Duran Kalkan which he had made to Fırat News Agency (ANF). The prosecutor requested to notify Çakkalkurt about a fine to be paid in advance.

However, in the second hearing of the case on Tuesday (10 November), the court did not take a decision in this respect. It was decreed that the statement of journalist Durukan will be taken.

The news item was published in the daily's issue from 24 June 2009. The case started in the absence of the defendants on 12 August.

No initiative on freedom of expression for the media

It is still a peril for the media to report about the problem while the government is declaring that the solution of the Kurdish Initiative lies in discussing all problems openly.

The Istanbul Public Attorney General has opened a case against the newspaper that reported about PKK executive Duran Kalkan's announcement entitled "Even a general amnesty will not make us put down our weapons".

After the statement of journalist Durkan will have been taken, a monetary fine to be paid in advance can be brought up to the court's agenda. In this case, there will be to options. The newspaper officials can either prefer to pay a fine of 20,000 Turkish Lira (approximately € 9100) and have the case dropped. Or they can consider the news as a requirement of the people's right to be informed and continue the case.

As long as TMY is in effect it causes suffering

In his indictment the Istanbul Public Prosecutor Hakan Karaali claims prison sentences between 1.5 and 7.5 years for Durukan and Cakkalkurt under charges of "spreading propaganda for a terror organization" according to article 7/2 of the Anti-Terror Law (TMY).

The Prosecutor's Office furthermore demands to deprive Durukan and Çakkalkurt from their rights to vote and to be elected plus other rights during the suggested prison sentence.

"Guerrilla does not put down its weapons"

Kalkan was quoted as saying, "The second man of the terror organization Duran Kalkan says that in case of a general amnesty the organization will not put down their weapons but they will commit to the responsibility", he neither said yes nor no to the allegations put forward in talks with the government. About Republican People's Party (CHP) leader Deniz Baykal's announcement that 'in case they put their weapon down a general amnesty could be possible', Kalkan said, "The solution of the Kurdish question is not a question of general amnesty. The Kurdish people does not consider such a situation for the PKK and the guerilla. Even if a general amnesty would be granted also anticipating freedom for Apo [imprisoned PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan], then the PKK would not put down their weapons but may consider declaring a ceasefire, but not to put down weapons, the guerrilla does not put down its weapons", Kalkan argued. (BIA, Erol ONDEROGLU, 13 November 2009)

3-Month BIA Report: 190 People Sued for Their Opinions

The Independent Communication Network (BIA) Media Monitoring Board released its 3rd quarterly Media Monitoring Report for July, August and September 2009. The report reveals prosecution of 190 people, 74 of them journalists, in 80 court cases foreseeing prison sentences or compensation fines.

The Media Monitoring Report includes sections on "attacks and threats", "detentions and arrests", "cases on press freedom and freedom of expression", "amendments and seeking justice", "European Court of Human Rights", "reactions to censorship" and "RTÜK applications".

Increase in penalties on "terror" and "incitement"

Concerning the "Kurdish Initiative" in particular, the report is dominated by 2 kinds of charges. One is the prosecution under article 216 of the Turkish Criminal Code (TCK) on "inciting hatred and hostility". The other one regards cases on the grounds of article 7 of the Anti-Terror Law (TMY) on "spreading propaganda for an illegal organization".

5 journalists out of a total of 12 people are prosecuted under article 216 of the TCK. Lawyer Eren Keskin, thespian Murat Batgi and author Edip Polat were each sentenced to 1 year imprisonment for using the term "Kurdistan". Dicle ('Tigris') News Agency (DİHA) journalists Ercan Öksüz and Oktay Candemir received a 6 months prison sentence each for an interview with witnesses of the Zilan Massacre. In comparison, during the same period of time in 2008 8 people were tried under charges of article 216.

25 people were tried in the context of the TMY, among them 16 journalists. Prison sentences were handed to Former Democracy Party (DEP) member Leyla Zana (1year 3 months), writer Orhan Miroğlu (2 years 4 month), and journalists Tayip Temel (1 year) and Rüştü Demirkaya (1 year 10 months 15 days).

20 trials under charges of violating the TMY are still continuing for Veysi Sarısözen, Ziya Çiçekçi, Abdullah Demirbaş, Cevat Düşün, Ragıp Zarakolu, Emine Ayna, Selahattin Demirtaş, Ahmet Türk, Namık Durukan, Hasan Çakkalkurt, N. Mehmet Güler, Osman Baydemir, Filiz Koçali, Bülent Yılmaz, Yüksel Genç, Hakan Tahmaz, İbrahim Çeşmecioğlu, Nedim Şener, Ferhat Tunç and Fakir Yılmaz.

"Harmful" period for novels

The Prime Ministry Board for the Protection of Young Ones from Harmful Publications banned the novel "Third Class Women" by Anıl Alacaoğlu published by Minima Publishing.

Sell Publications owner İrfan Sancı faces imprisonment in a trial under charges of "spreading obscenity" because of his books "Peri's Pendulum", "The Adventures of a Young Don Juan" and "Letters of a Well-Mannered and Knowledgeable Bourgeois Women".

Internet censorship on the rise

Access to the video sharing site youtube.com has already been banned for 1 ½ years. Now, access is also blocked to the social networking sites myspace.com and lastFM.com because or "precautionary measures".

Amendments of article 301 not applied to Miroğlu

Even though the investigation and prosecution under article 301 of the TCK is dependent on the permission of the Ministry of Justice, this did not help writer Orhan Miroğlu. The ministry allowed his prosecution.

During the third quarter of 2009 17 people are tried under article 301, 12 of them journalists. The Court of Appeals judged for the acquittal of author Rahmi Yıldırım who had been tried for saying "The pashas are the guardians of the capital system".

Where are the ones to hold responsible for murders?

The people responsible for the murders of Abdi İpekçi, Uğur Mumcu, Ahmet Taner Kışlalı and Hrant Dink committed throughout the last 30 years could still not be disclosed. As far as the Hrant Dink murder is concerned, gendarmerie and police officials who were mentioned to be responsible for the assassination are not included in the court case.

Journalists exposed to violence do not give up!

6 journalists from local media organs were attacked in the months of July, August and September, namely Diya Yarayan, Durmuş Tuna, Yakup Önal and Hacı Boğatekin. With their judicial struggles they try to break the firm circle of impunity.

One journalist released from detention

Former Azadiya Welat newspaper editor-in-chief Vedat Kurşun is kept in detention since January under allegations of "spreading PKK propaganda", waiting in prison for his hearing on 2 December. İzmir Democratic Radio publishing coordinator Nadiye Gürbüz was released. She had been accused for cooperating with the Marxist Leninist Communist Party (MLKP).

In the case against the "Ergenekon terror organization", Cumhuriyet newspaper Ankara correspondent Mustafa Balbay rejected the "Diaries". Balbay is a detained defendant in the Ergenekon case under charges of "attempting to change the constitutional order by armed force".

4 journalists from DİHA Agency are in prison. One of them is Abdurrahaman Gök whose case under charges of "propaganda for an illegal organization" has started. Revolutionary Democracy magazine director Erdal Güler is also accused for "propaganda for an illegal organization" in several cases. If he is not convicted he will be released in December.

The trial against gazetevatan.com publishing director Aylin Duruoğlu and Revolutionary Movement Journal employee Mehmet Yeşiltepe starts on 23 February 2010. Both of them had been detained in the context of an operation regarding the Revolutionary Headquarters Organization. Journalist Ahmet Birsin from Gün TV is in prison since 14 April, the indictment has not yet been prepared.

Facing 61 years of imprisonment for "defamation"

46 people, 13 journalists among them, under allegations of "insult" and "defamation" are facing a prison sentence of in total up to 76 years, 4 months and 20 days and fines of 1,186,610 TL (approximately € 540,000) in compensations or judicial fines.

Star newspaper wirter Şamil Tayyar has to pay a fine of 2,610 TL (€ 1,185) to un-detained Ergenekon Case defendant Güler Kömürcü because of alleged "insult". Tayyar was sentenced to 1 year and 6 months imprisonment on the grounds of "publishing information about private life and violating the confidentiality of privacy".

Adana Ekspres newspaper employee Sevda Turaçlar was tried because of an anecdote about President Abdullah Gül. She was convicted in the first hearing of the case, her sentence was postponed.

Slogans against Erdoğan at court

The Bursa 2nd Children's Court sentenced O.K. to 3 months and 26 days of community service because s/he said "You are a light bulb, Tayyip". 13-year-old M.S.Ö. affronted Prime Minister Erdoğan by saying "May god give you trouble" during the prime minister's visit to the south-western coast of Turkey. The Aydın Children's Court dropped the case.

Şerafettin Gökdeniz, Sercan Bakır and Ekin Can Kınık from Labour Youth were acquitted. They had uttered the slogan "He was born in Istanbul, he became American, murderer Bush's son Tayyip Erdoğan".

A few good news...

The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) ruled that Turkey has to pay € 3,000 (TL 6,600) in compensation to Seyithan Demir. He was tried under allegations of "separatism" since he said sentences like "We will found Kurdistan" and "Special forces and soldiers kill our people and innocent children".

The Court of Appeals overturned the decision regarding Gaziantep Sabah newspaper editor Nurgün Balcıoğlu's conviction to pay compensation. She had criticized retired judge Zekeriya Dilsizoğlu for saying "Of 10,000 murder cases women have a finger in the pie in 9,000 cases".(BIA, Erol ÖNDEROĞLU, 10 November 2009)

Last week’s trials of freedom of expression

o Children have been on trial for taking part in demonstrations on the anniversary of the capture of PKK leader Abdulah Öcalan. Children have been charged with “committing crime on behalf of the organisation and making propaganda”. Slogans chanted were: "PKK is people, people is here ", "Biji serok Apo (Long live Apo)", "No to isolation Free Apo", "Isolation is crime against humanity ","Roj piroze, agir dişevtine (sun is sacred fire burns)". A string of beads with “Chairman Apo” inscribed on it and “PKK pictures” on the mobile phone were captured on the accused K. Victors signs made by kids was another piece of evidence. On 4 November K.E.'s lawyer Canan Atabay asked the court for additional time to prepare defence case. The court accepted it and released K.E.. The next hearing is on 22 December 2009 at 09.00.

o Four people were arrested after a demonstration protesting the arrest and torture of Mehmet Bal, a conscientious objector. Anti-Militarist Initiative members and around 40 representative from rights organisations gathered in Galatasaray Square on 11 June 2008. Four people were charged with “alienating the people from military service” because of the placards and slogans 'we will not kill we will not die, we won’t be anyone’s soldiers, say no, don’t join the army', 'Freedom to Mehmet Bal', 'torture in military prison!” The court acquitted the four people due to lack of evidence. Security Centre had written to the court explaining that voice recording failed due to some technical problem. (antenna-tr.org, November 10, 2009)

Appeal Court approved Dilipak's condemnation

Appeal Court prosecutor applied to Appeal Court’s Penal Assembly to reverse the decision of Appeal Court Penal Chamber 9 that acquitted journalist Abdurrahman Dilipak from the charge of insulting former president Ahmet Necdet Sezer. Penal Assembly accepted the objection.

13 members of Penal Assembly voted for and 11 voted against the objection of the Prosecutor. Penal Assembly thus decided to condemn Dilipak for ‘insulting the President’. If Appeal Court insists on its decision of acquittal it will be referred to Appeal Court General Penal Assembly. (antenna-tr.org, November 10, 2009)

Albums of Rojda and Dilşad proof of “membership to an organisation”!

In April and May 2008 there was an operation against DTP executive members in the city on the orders of Elazığ Public Prosecution Service. DTP Erzincan city organisation was charged with membership to “Patriotic Democratic Youth Movement” (YDGH) declared as a PKK organisation. Ağa Karakaya who was claimed to be in charge of YDGH in Erzincan and Erzurum, DTP Erzincan city chairman Hüseyin Bektaşoğlu, Orhan Hamidanoğlu, Mehmet Gültekin, İlyas Kaynun, Semih Tunç and Mehmet Arman have been on trial.

Erzurum High Criminal Court number 2 made a decision on 10 September, giving Bektaşoğlu 7 years and 6 months, Gültekin and Karakaya  6 years and 3 months, and Arman 10 months. The court acquitted Kaynun, Tunç and Hamidoğlu.

The record of evidences "CD number 1 of evidences " list 20 items including "Mayday speech text, pres statement on DTP activities on 2 December, speeches at regional meetings, Human Rights Association (HRA), Newroz investigation in Erzincan, a declaration sent to HRA centre, speech at the conference, Newroz declaration.

Dilşad, İşxan and Rojda CDs are on the list of criminal evidence!

"CD number 5 of evidence" included the music CDs of a Persian Kurdish musician Leyla İşxan and Rojda as a well as the album of Dilşad Said a virtuoso of violin.

Fighting censorship is crime too!

Accused Mehmet Gültekin distributed “Gündem” newspaper in Erzincan. The court accepted the sales report of the paper as proof  of membership to PKK:

"A report has been captured revealing that the accused sold in Erzincan “Gündem” newspaper which was closed down and then sold “Toplumsal Demokrasi” that replaced “Gündem” and he sold “Yedincigün” which was published as the former was closed down. He sold 50 copies at the beginning but he increased it to 70, he reported that he could sell many more with better work, he left a copy to each house, he reported there was nothing dangerous about the papers and resistance needed against closures."

'Evidence number 7' is interesting too. The court stated that some photographs in "CD number 7" showed some women talking at a centre. (antenna-tr.org, November 10, 2009)

One month closure for “Azadiya Welat”

The only daily Kurdish newspaper in Turkey “Azadiya Welat” has been closed down for one month. Istanbul High Criminal Court number 14 stopped the publication of the paper on 30 October 2009 for “making propaganda of an illegal organisation” in 29 October 2009 dated issue. This is the fifth time the paper has been closed down since 15 August 2006. (antenna-tr.org, November 10, 2009)

10 months prison sentence for dancing

Ercan Özkaya has been on trial part in a meeting by DTP’s Women’s Branch in Bursa. Ercan Özkaya was charged with making propaganda for PKK. Özkaya has been condemned to 10 months prison sentence. Özkaya was put in prison. The reasons of condemnation of Özkaya included “speaking in Kurdish, raising hand and dancing during the activity”. (antenna-tr.org, November 10, 2009)

Case about an interview with Karayılan

Istanbul Public Prosecution Service filed a case against the chief editor “Günlük” newspaper Filiz Koçali, journalist Ramazan Pekgöz and the owner of the newspaper Ziya Çiçekçi over an interview with Murat Karayılan, the chair person of Kurdish Societies Union known as an umbrella organisation of PKK.

It has been claimed that the parts of the interview “We did what Hasan Cemal wanted”, “I agree with Yaşar Kemal” and “If the state moves one step we will take two” published in the 7, 8 and 9 August 2009 issues of the paper made "propaganda for an illegal organisation" since the statements were made by a leading figure of the organisation.

Similar interviews were published by Milliyet, Newsweek and Washington Post. (freex@superonline.com, Nov 2, 2009)

Three journalists will stand trial on 24 February

The journalists are charged with "making the propaganda of the organisation" and "publishing the statements of the organisation". Istanbul Public Prosecutor Hakan Karaali wanted Koçali and Pekgöz to be given prison sentences for up to 10 and half years under anti-terror law articles  6/2 and 7/2, and Çiçekçi to be given a fine of up to 10 million TL. Istanbul High Criminal Court num.9 will have the first hearing on 24 February 2010.

11 September dated indictment presented the statements "PKK withdrew its forces outside the borders what steps did the state take during those five years?" and "We would not accept it even if they give us a state now" as criminal.

Sentences under Anti-Terror Law

Article 6/2 of the  Anti-Terror Law carries, "prison sentence from one year to three years to those who publish or spread the statements of a terrorist organisation."

Article 7/2 says "A person who makes propaganda for a terrorist organisation shall be given prison sentence from one year to five years. Punishment will be increased by half if the act is committed by the means of press. Owners of the publication shall be fined from the equivalent of one thousand day to ten thousand days. " (freex@superonline.com, Nov 2, 2009)

Socialist Democracy and Yürüyüş closed down for one month

Publication of Socialist Democracy Party (SDP) Socialist Democracy Newspaper was closed down for one month for “separatism and propaganda of an illegal organisation”. Istanbul High Criminal Court num.10 made the decision because of an article entitled “we are coming to live history” in issue 84 of the paper.

Yürüyüş (March for Independence Democracy and Socialism) magazine’s 25 October 2009 dated issue 195 has been confiscated and the paper was closed down for one month. It was claimed that there was “PKK propaganda” in the pages 14, 15 and 16 of the magazine. (freex@superonline.com, Nov 2, 2009)

Three years prison sentence for 'criticism'

Ethem Açıkalın spoke on Roj TV on 28 October 2008 and criticised Adana Governor İlhan Atış’s suggestion to "cancel green cards of families whose kids take part in protests”. Açıkalın mentioned a “Dirty War” in the Southeast. Açıkalın’s words were investigated for “making propaganda for PKK” but that was dismissed. However Adana Prosecution Service filed a case against Açıkalın for “inciting hatred and hostility among the people” for saying “We experienced a situation where we wished we had OHAL (State of emergency rule). Adana Governor made Kurds target”.

Adana Criminal Court num.1 had a hearing on 27 October where the prosecutor told the court Açıkalın prepared a report claiming “157 people were arrested 82 were children, 12 children and 14 adults were put on remand and they were tortured” and “exaggerated the incidents” and asked the court to punish him. Açıkalın's lawyer Beyhan Günyeli reminded that the statement of the Governor was also criticised by Adana Bar Association.

The court stated “Under the circumstance of the country hostility among the people increased” and condemned to three years in prison and barred him from his public rights for “inciting hatred and hostility among the people”. (freex@superonline.com, Nov 2, 2009)

Rojin reported crime against Serdar Turgut

Serdar Turgut wrote a column in Akşam newspaper on 24 October entitled “I regret not being a PKK Terrorist”. Turgut wrote that what he understood from Abdullah Ocalan’s statements there were sex parties in the mountains and he could have taken part in them if he had been a PKK guerrilla. Turgut said in his column that he did not see any attractive woman PKK member so far but he could kidnap Rojin and take her to mountains.

Turgut wrote “...I would set up a cell, raid the city and take Rojin to mountains... Imagine I will be enjoying myself in the mountains for years, I will enjoy with Rojin whom I will take to mountains and turn into my sex slave...”

Rojin: Those who put bullets in their guns instead of roses are separatists

Rojin applied to Bakırköy Justice Hall and complained. She wanted Serdar Turgut to be punished for “sexual harassment” and “insult by the means of press”.

Rojin then asked, “Is it because I am a woman or because I am Kurdish why Serdar Turgut dares to say thing like that?”

Turgut may face a case and a prison sentence from six months to four years if Rojin’s application is accepted.

However Rojin ended up in a tragic situation in the justice hall she visited. Rojin had a case against her for singing in Kurdish, the case was dismissed but that had not been recorded in the official records of the justice hall. She was almost arrested but the situation was clarified by the intervention of her lawyers. (freex@superonline.com, Nov 2, 2009)


Kurdish Question / Question kurde

Appeal from a Kurdish Woman Under the Threat of Execution in Iran

Under the threat of execution, Kurdish woman Zeynep Celalyan wrote a letter to human rights defenders, “After the court that took a few minutes I was inflicted to execution. I don't even have a lawyer to defend me” she said. Celaliyan wanted help from human rights defenders and all women.

Birth registered in South Kurdistan's Mako City, Zeyneb Celaliyan in the middle of 2008 got arrested in Kirmaşan city for the claim of being a PJAK member (Party for a Free Life in Kurdistan). On 14 January 2009 at the Revolution Court she was given death penalty. Without having an lawyer the death penalty was given in 7 minutes by the Revolution Court.

After the approval of the sentence by the Irania Supreme Court, Celalyan, with the intervention of her family on 26 November she wrote a letter to women and human rights organizations asking for help. The Kurdish political prisoner Celalyan stated these in the letter:

“I am a 27 year old Kurdish woman, I am currently a political prisoner in Iran prison. The death penalty given to me has been approved by the High Court of Iran. At the moment I am living under very heavy conditions. I am constantly under bad treatment and torture. A nominal court took place, without even having a lawyer, after a few minutes I was inflicted to execution penalty. I don't even have a lawyer to defend me. The trial I was on only took a few minutes. The court said to me ''You are the enemy of God, just like all the other enemies of God you will be executed''. All the judges voted in favor of me getting executed. I asked for the permission of getting sake from my mum and family. The judge told me to ''shut up'' and declined it. I want all human rights defenders and women to come against this injustice happening to me and I want them to help me''. (estella24@tiscali.co.uk, November 29, 2009)

Ocalan se plaint de ses nouvelles conditions carcérales

Abdullah Öcalan, condamné à la prison à vie en Turquie, s'est plaint à ses avocats de ses nouvelles conditions carcérales, qui lui permettent notamment de côtoyer d'autres prisonniers, rapporte vendredi l'agence pro-kurde Firat News.

Le chef-fondateur du Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK), maintenu sur l'île-prison d'Imrali (nord-ouest) depuis sa condamnation en 1999, a été transféré le 17 novembre dans une plus petite cellule dans le même pénitencier.

Cinq détenus, des prisonniers condamnés pour appatenance au PKK, ont été tranférés récemment dans cette prison afin de rompre l'isolement d'Öcalan comme le demandait le Comité antitorture (CPT) du Conseil de l'Europe.

"Je ne peux plus respirer ici en raison de la ventilation, je souffre de problèmes respiratoires. Mes conditions sont pires qu'avant", a dit Öcalan 61 ans, à ses défenseurs qui lui rendent réguièrement visite, selon l'agence.

"Je ne sais pas combien de temps je pourrais résister à ces conditions qui ont fait de moi un homme mi-mort, mi-vivant", a indiqué le chef rebelle qui a affirmé vivre dans un "fossé de la mort".

Selon le droit turc, Öcalan, peut désormais communiquer avec ses co-détenus dans les zones communes d'activités à raison de 10 heures par semaine.

Au terme de plusieurs visites à Imrali, le CPT a considéré que les conditions de détention d'Öcalan étaient satisfaisantes mais a critiqué Ankara pour l'isolement dans lequel le détenu a été placé. (AFP, 27 nov 2009)

Ended up on trial for naming his child 'Kurdistan'
 
25 years old Ahmet Atış in Urfa ended up on trial over naming her daughter 'Helin Kurdistan'. Following the media reports an investigation was launched against the father Ahmet Atış with the claim of making propaganda of an illegal organisation by the means of press.
 
Atış made a deposition Atış said, “I do not intend to make propaganda, and everyone should tolerate the name of my child.”
 
Ahmet and Dilek Atış named their daughter who was born on 4 February 2008 Helin Kurdistan that means ‘Home of  Kurdistan’ in Turkish. (antenna-tr.org, November 24, 2009)

Une manifestation du DTP à Izmir attaquée par des nationalistes turcs

Onze personnes, dont quatre policiers, ont été blessées dimanche dans des heurts qui ont éclaté au cours d'une manifestation pro-kurde à Izmir (ouest).

Des partisans du Parti pour une société démocratique (DTP), formation pro-kurde, ont été pris à partie par des groupes nationalistes lorsque les manifestants, qui progressaient dans les rues de la ville, ont déployé des bannières des rebelles séparatistes kurdes.

Les forces de sécurité ont tiré des coups de feu en l'air lorsque la foule a commencé à lancer des pierres sur les manifestants du DTP, selon Anatolie.

Une personne, atteinte par une pierre, a été hospitalisée, et les autres ont été légèrement blessées, a déclaré à Anatolie le gouverneur d'Izmir, Cahit Kirac.

Le port d'Izmir abrite une importante communauté kurde originaire du sud-ouest de la Turquie. (AFP, 22 nov 2009)

Interview de Faruk Doru, homme politique kurde interpellé en Espagne

Invité à participer à la Manifestation Internationale de Solidarité organisée, à Rennes, les 14/15 novembre par la Maison internationale, Eyyup Faruk Doru s'est souvenu que de nombreux élus politiques et associatifs de Bretagne l'avaient soutenu, lors de son procès en Espagne, et les remercia chaleureusement.

Occasion fut donc donnée de rappeler brièvement les faits : l'interpellation de Eyyup Faruk Doru, le 26 mars 2009, à la demande de la Turquie, via Interpol, et sa mise en accusation avaient soulevé, en effet, un vaste mouvement de protestation de la part du monde politique et de la société civile, particulièrement en Bretagne, en direction des autorités espagnoles, françaises, européennes et onusiennes.

Lors de son passage à Rennes, Faruk Doru a répondu à nos questions concernant sa situation et l'évolution de la question kurde en Turquie

•    La 4° chambre criminelle espagnole, l’Audiencia Nacional, a débouté la Turquie, le 28 juillet dernier, au motif qu'elle n'avait apporté aucune preuve justifiant ses demandes d'extradition, tout en précisant que vous bénéficiez de la protection internationale que vous confère le statut de réfugie politique.
•    Quelles sont donc aujourd'hui vos responsabilités ?

Faruk Doru – En tant qu'homme et en tant que Kurde, je m’engage pleinement dans les activités à la fois humanitaires et associatives, d'une part, diplomatiques et politiques, d'autre part.

J'exerce des responsabilités dans ces deux domaines et je suis accrédité comme consultant auprès du Conseil de l'Europe et de l'Union européenne ; je suis également membre de Comité International du Forum Social Mondial et vice président de la commission des relations internationales du Congrès National du Kurdistan (KNK) ; je suis aussi Directeur du Centre d’information du Kurdistan de Paris (C.I.K.)

•    de quoi la Turquie vous accuse en définitive ?

Faruk Doru - la Turquie me reproche principalement mes prestations télévisées ; j’ai participé, c'est un fait, - et je continue et continuerai de le faire - à de nombreux débats politiques organisés par les chaines de télévision, tant kurdes qu'européennes, au cours desquels j'expose mes arguments en faveur d'une possible résolution de la question kurde par des voies pacifiques. Vous noterez également, et c'est surprenant, que les autorités turques, dans l'acte d’accusation même, reconnaissent que je ne suis pas, depuis 30 ans, retourné au pays et que je n’exerce, en Turquie, aucune activité, ni politique, ni militaire.

•    Votre séjour forcé en Espagne a-t-il nui à la cause kurde que vous défendez ?

Faruk Doru - Oh que non ! et c’est paradoxal, mais mon séjour forcé en Espagne a été, finalement, bénéfique pour la cause kurde : il m'a permis de participer à nombre d'actions publiques, largement "couvertes" par la presse espagnole, tant nationale que régionale, qui a mis en évidence le conflit kurde. Les avocats de l'ACNUR (Haut-commissariat de l'ONU pour les réfugiés) et de la CEAR (Commission Espagnole d'Aide aux Réfugiés) ont qualifié d'exemplaire la décision de "l’Audiencia Nacional". Dans le même temps, les différents ministres du gouvernement Zapatero étaient interpellés, au sujet de la question kurde, par de nombreuses ONG, nationales et internationales, et par des acteurs politiques européens et de différents pays européens. Toutes ces actions se sont concrétisées par l'ouverture, à Madrid, d'un Bureau d'information kurdo–espagnol !

•    Pensez-vous pouvoir retourner un jour en Espagne ?

Faruk Doru – Mais je suis déjà retourné à Madrid !..moins de deux mois après mon procès, pour recevoir en lieu de place de Leyla Zana le Prix des Droits de l'Homme que CEAR-ACNUR lui décernait ; et, le soir même, devant plus de 500 personnalités, je donnais une conférence sur la très problématique actualité kurde.

•    La presse régionale titre aujourd'hui (samedi 14 novembre): Turquie : droits en plus pour les Kurdes ; que répondez-vous ?

Faruk Doru - Le peuple kurde, c'est, aujourd’hui, plus de 40 millions d'hommes et de femmes vivant au Proche Orient ! Cette réalité, incontournable, appelle à des changements constitutionnels et obligent les institutions internationales à engager le processus de négociation entre les représentants du peuple kurde et les Etats responsables de cette situation coloniale. Nous sommes sans doute entrés dans un processus nouveau mais nous n'en sommes encore qu'au début ; je note que le gouvernement turc n'a pas encore stoppé les opérations militaires, ni au Kurdistan-nord (Kurdistan turc), et au Kurdistan-sud (Kurdistan irakien).

•    Peut-on croire à la sincérité du gouvernement turc?

Faruk Doru – Non, je pense que le gouvernement turc essaie de trouver une solution "à sa main", c'est-à-dire en rejetant toute discussion aves les représentants kurdes, tout en sachant qu'il va, ainsi, "droit dans le mur".

•    En tant que consultant au Conseil de l'Europe et ambassadeur de la cause kurde dans les couloirs de l'assemblée européenne, que demandez-vous aux membres du Congrès des Pouvoirs Locaux et aux députés européens ?

Faruk Doru - Nous demandons au Conseil de l’Europe qu'il fasse appliquer ses propres résolutions : la Turquie qui est membre du Conseil de l'Europe est tenue d'obtempérer. Mais, comme la Commission européenne, le Conseil de l’Europe réagit en fonction de ses propres intérêts économiques ; il en est de même pour certains pays européens comme la France, par exemple, qui mène à la demande de la Turquie des opérations policières et va jusqu'à procéder à des arrestations d'opposants kurdes pourtant placés sous la protection internationale que leur confère le statut de réfugié politique.

Les kurdes demandent légitimement une reconnaissance de leurs droits, droits politiques, droits sociaux, droits culturels, droits économiques, qui ont été jusqu'à aujourd'hui si souvent bafoués par les Etats de la région et les institutions internationales.

Interview recueillie par André Métayer
(andre-metayer@orange.fr, 21 novembre 2009)

Ocalan’s Imprisonment: No progress, but aggravation of the isolation

Press statement of Abdullah Ocalan's legal team:

During the consultation with our client Abdullah Ocalan on 18 November 2009 at Imrali Island, our client made the following statements in regard to his transferring into the newly built prison building:

“I have been transferred here on November, 17th. This place is worse than the one before. They are trying to present this as a progress, but in reality it's an aggravation of the isolation. The current room is 6 square meters, half the size of the previous room. Here they want to constrict me even more, aggravate my imprisonment conditions even more and urge me to surrender.

I already had respiratory problems, but now, here, I cannot breathe at all. The air in this cell is causing major problems for my respiratory system. The old cell was better ventilated. The sun burns right through the window. To be able to breathe, I have to lean against the window, but there the sun is burning. So I have to bear that in order to breathe at all.

The window is looking upwards, so I can see nothing but the sky. The former window was better, because of the airing and because I could actually see something.

I had no opportunity yet to see the other inmates that have been transferred here. The clerks told me I would be able to see them in a month, at the earliest.

Life here is physically tiring me. Isolation and imprisonment conditions are obviously worse here. I don't know if I will ever be able to get accustomed to this. There is no progress, only further regress.

They are selling my transfer here as a positive initiative, but reality is very much different. The only aim of the transfer is to reduce the pressure of the public opinion abroad.”

Asrin Law Office

Asmalı Mescit Mahallesi
Şeh Bender Sokak N:18 D:3
Tünel BEYOĞLU – İSTANBUL
Türkei
Tel: 0090-212-292 95 50 – 51

E-Mail: info@freedom-for-ocalan.com
Url: www.freedom-for-ocalan.com

Cinq détenus transférés pour tenir compagnie à Öcalan en prison

La Turquie a transféré mardi cinq détenus à l'île prison d'Imrali (nord-ouest) pour tenir compagnie au chef des rebelles kurdes Abdullah Öcalan, unique détenu de l'établissement de haute sécurité depuis son incarcération en 1999, a rapporté l'agence de presse Anatolie.

La décision a été prise en réponse aux critiques du Conseil de l'Europe, qui reproche à Ankara de violer les droits du leader du PKK en le maintenant dans l'isolement sur l'île-prison.

Contacté par l'AFP, le ministère de la Justice s'est abstenu de tout commentaire.

Les cinq détenus transférés ont été condamnés pour appartenance au PKK, a rapporté la presse.

Selon le droit turc, Öcalan, 61 ans, pourra désormais communiquer avec eux dans les zones communes d'activités à raison de 10 heures par semaine.

Au terme de plusieurs visites à Imrali, le Comité du Conseil de l'Europe pour la prévention de la torture et des traitements inhumains ou dégradants a considéré que les conditions de détention d'Öcalan étaient satisfaisantes mais a critiqué Ankara pour l'isolement dans lequel le détenu a été placé.

Fondateur du PKK, Öcalan a été condamné à mort pour “trahison et séparatisme” en 1999 après sa capture au Kenya.

La condamnation a été commuée en 2001 en une peine de prison à vie en raison de l'abolition de la peine de mort en Turquie. (AFP, 17 nov 2009)

IHD: When will the danger created by village guards cease?

In the name of the struggle against the PKK, since 1985, the state has maintained a system of Temporary Village Guards in the eastern and southeastern provinces of Anatolia by giving weapons, jurisdiction, authorization and salaries to some families and clans.  As of today, there are seventy-thousand village guards. In the name of the struggle against crime, village guards have committed many criminal acts.  A balance table is attached.This week, 4 innocent civilians in Ergani district in Diyarbakır province and 2 in Van province were killed by village guards with the state's weapons.

IHD press statement regarding this issue:

On 4 November 2009 in Ergani town in Diyarbakır province, Necmettin, Süleyman, Şevki and Zeynep Aras lost their lives in vehicles after being shot with long-barreled guns by Ismail Akyol and his son Abbas Akyol, both village guards from Yolbulan Village.

 On 1 October 2009 the Aras family applied to the Diyarbakır branch of the Human Rights Association.  In the application, mother Belkıza Aras stated the following: ‘About three years ago a woman from Yolbulan village married into our family, and her family was part of the village guard system.  About one year ago this family entered a partnership with the leaders of the Ergani Gendarmerie Station there and began to repress us.  A year ago they forcibly took our bride, Perihan Aras, back to her former home in Yolbulan village and they also took all her gold items.  They tried to forcibly divorce her.  Approximately 6 or 7 months ago our bride called us and asked us for help and to go get her because they were going to force her into divorce and then into marriage with a rich old man.  Upon this we went and took our bride and informed the gendarmerie station about the situation.  However, the station didn’t take any measures.’

She continued: ‘The village guard family later began to threaten us by saying ‘I looked after your bride for months, you’re going to give us 1,000 Turkish Lira.’  When we went to inform the gendarmerie station commander of the situation, the bride’s father – a village guard named İsmail Akkol – was there.  When we explained the situation, Akkol was next to the station commander and Akkol threatened us by saying ‘they’re either going to give the money or I’m going to kill them.’

She continued: ‘On 18 August 2009 at the Ergani vegetable market, village guards İsmail Akkol, İlyas Akkol, Abbas Akkol, Gülhan Akkol and two other village guards almost beat my son to death because he hadn’t paid the 1,000 Turkish Lira.  My son called 155 (Turkey’s phone number for emergency assistance) and was brought to the hospital.  The same individuals beat my son again in the days that followed.  He made a complaint and gave a statement about this at the hospital.  After this incident, the same village guards and gendarmerie station commander asked for 40,000 Turkish Lira.  After that, the station commander said ‘they said 40,000 Turkish Lira but I brought it down to 20,000.  If you don’t bring it I won’t interfere, go ahead and kill each other and come to me like that.’  Although we applied to the public prosecutor’s office, no measures were taken.  We can’t leave our home, the lives of all our family members are in danger.  We request assistance from your organization regarding this matter.’

With the application made to us, we as the Human Rights Association stated clearly to the institutions we applied to that we were concerned about the village guards’ repression and arbitrary actions towards people as well as the criminal actions they’d taken using the guns given them and relying on authority. After receiving this application at our organization on 1 October 2009, on 2 October 2009 we presented applications to the Ergani local administration, the Ergani Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office and the Interior Ministry. We expressed the possibility that other events like the one known as the massacre in Bilge Village – one of the most tragic recent events rooted in the village guard system – could take place

Unfortunately, the data, press statements, and warnings we’ve issued for years concerning the village guards’ use of state-issued weapons to commit crimes outside their areas of duty, secure material benefits, and repress and intimidate normal people haven’t been and aren’t being considered.

Although applications were made to the appropriate institutions as a consequence of the application lodged at the Human Rights Association, no initiative appears to have been taken, and the family’s application to the Ergani Gendarmerie Station hasn’t produced results.  Instead of taking the individuals before the station, telling them not to make threats, explaining that what they were doing was illegal and trying to make peace between the parties, the assumed behavor was virtually an invitation to death.

The Temporary Village Guard System in Turkey is the world’s largest uneducated and disorderly army.  Seventy-thousand strong, this disorderly army is like a bomb ready to explode.  Using weapons, most village guards secure villages, geographical areas and social-psychological support for the state, and are oriented toward criminal activity.  The state virtually takes power from the system’s chaotic and menacing existence.  The village guards’ affiliations reveal the way that these groups who spread fear among peasants are protected and how applications made to bases and police stations regarding them remain fruitless.

HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS CARRIED OUT BY VILLAGE GUARDS

(between 1990 and the first nine months of 2009)

Destroyed Villages...................................................38
Emptied Villages.......................................................14
Sexual Harassment and Rape.................................12
Abductions..............................................................22
Armed Attacks.......................................................294
Injuries resulting from armed attacks.....................189
Deaths resulting from armed attacks.....................181+4
Forced Disappearances ............................................2
Executions................................................................50
Forcible Seizures of Property...................................70
Torture / Maltreatment.............................................454
Detentions.................................................................59
Suicides caused.........................................................9
Forested areas burned.............................................17
TOTAL.................................................................1,415

This table is comprised of events documented in applications to the Diyarbakır branch of the Human Rights Association and the 13 HRA branches and 3 representative offices in the region and partially incidents documented in the press.  The incidents listed constitute a very small portion of the violations carried out by village guards.  Many haven’t been possible to report or share with the public because of insufficient data and severe conditions that prevailed at the time of the incidents.

How can the preservation of the world’s largest paramilitary force and the failure to pursue  complaints about it be explained.  Those who oversee and ignore the criminal actions of village guards are as guilty as those who commit the crimes themselves.  There are many people in the region who work with the village guards and secure material benefits through illegal channels.  In a state under the rule of law it’s not possible to protect and preserve a disorderly army with such big potential to engage in criminal activity.  Is the Temporary Village Guard System only a state policy that’s remembered during massacres and forgotten a few days later?  It must be seen now that this state policy is bankrupt.

We request that what was done in relation to the applications made to the Ergani Gendarmerie Commander and Ergani Public Prosecutor’s Office and the people who received death threats be researched, and if it’s found that they had neglected their duties that a legal inquiry about them be opened.

We request that a commission made up of NGO representatives, sociology professors from Dicle University, and AKP and DTP parliamentarians from Diyarbakir be established with the goal of conducting comprehensive research on the Temporary Village Guard System in the southeast.

We request that this research include such matters as the Temporary Village Guard System’s union with the military, whether or not it’s taken bids from public institutions, whether or not it’s been involved in relations of mutual benefit, how many dunums of land it’s seized in the last twenty years, whether or not it’s been involved in the trades in hashish, heroin or guns, and how many crimes such as sexual harassment, rape, torture, seizures of property, deaths and forest fires it’s been involved in.

At the conclusion of this research the state, while providing rehabilitation for the guards, must make urgently necessary legal changes for the gradual dissolution of the village guard system.  We know that the village guards exist because of the attempt to solve the Kurdish issue with a law and order and security perspective.  We hope that the state will constitute a democratic model of two peoples living together by sitting and talking with the Kurds and their legal representatives, not by making concessions to foreign powers, giving money and weapons to paramilitary forces that flout the law and ignoring and concealing their crimes.

 Muharrem Erbey, Attorney at Law

Vice President of the Human Rights Association, President of the Diyarbakir branch

(kurdish-info.eu, November 13, 2009)

The names of the young members of the peace goups changed

If you remember the peace groups from Maxmur also had young members. Hêlan, Hêvî, Bêwar and Rojda. The four children were born as refugees. Their names went into the records of the UN and Kurdish Regional Government. However it has emerged that their names were changed at Habur’s Border Gate. Bêwar which means ‘without home’ in Kurdish became ‘Bever’ which has no meaning in Turkish or Kurdish. The name Hêlan was changed to Helen and Hêvî to Hevi, whereas the only name not to change was Rojda. This has once again revealed the AKP’s expansion mentality which cannot even tolerate Kurdish names.

Now father Kamil Ökten is asking; ‘we returned and what has happened?’ Ökten invokes that the government is calling for the residents of Maxmur camp to return. And then appeals for the constitution to be changed so that it is respectful of human rights and demands that the State abandon its policy of banning people’s identities.

The spokesman of the Maxmur camp group Nurettin Turgut also emphasises that they left Turkey because they didn’t accept this system. He says that at the camp they were educated in their own language, could learn their own culture and give their children the names they chose. Turgut indicates that Turkey hasn’t changed. Ökten and Turgut end by saying that they are going to continue their struggle against this situation. (kurdish-info.eu,  November 9, 2009)

Un militant kurde et breton condamné à 13 ans de prison à Izmir

Abdulkadir DİLSİZ, détenu à Izmir depuis le 4 janvier 2008, a été condamné, le 2 Octobre dernier, par le tribunal d'Izmir ; son procès avait été remis à plusieurs reprises et, brusquement, le verdict est tombé : 13 ans de prison! 13 ans dans les cellules de type F.

Kadir est connu en Bretagne, notamment à Redon, où il a résidé, comme un militant, kurde et breton ; il avait aussi participé comme traducteur, au montage du film de Régis Blanchard, " un hiver à Istanbul", présenté au festival de Douarnenez en 2002.

Plusieurs manifestations de soutien avaient été organisées, tant à Redon qu'à Rennes, rassemblant militants associatifs et personnalités politiques qui s'étaient unis pour demander la libération d'un homme "coupable " d'avoir défendu la cause kurde et accusé sans preuve d'appartenir à une organisation "terroriste" : il aurait, -est-ce là un crime ?-, mis ses compétences techniques au service de ROJ TV une télévision émettant en langue kurde depuis de Danemark !

Les amis de Kadir vont continuer à le soutenir en lui envoyant des cartes postales, geste qui peut paraître dérisoire vu du monde libre mais qui prend toute sa signification à l'intérieur du monde carcéral, comme l'a écrit Kadir qui, du fond de sa cellule, continue son combat et arrive à adresser des nouvelles, quand il n'est pas puni d'interdiction de courrier, de promenade et de visites : "je viens de prendre une interdiction de communication d'un mois, écrivait-il le 28 mai dernier, (en raison de sa participation à une grève de la faim), c'est à dire que pendant un mois je serai privé de courrier".

Une nouvelle sanction d'un mois est également venue au cours de l'été, vraisemblablement en relation avec la plainte cosignée par 64 détenus de la prison d'Izmir reprochant au Directeur de la prison, à son adjoint, au psychologue et à deux responsables des "relations sociales" de s'arroger de pouvoirs arbitraires et exorbitants : que cette plainte soit classée sans suite, le 30 juillet dernier, par le procureur d'Izmir ne fut sans doute pas de nature à surprendre Kadir, lui qui écrivait, dans sa lettre de mai : " Je n'arrive pas à faire confiance à la justice turque qui arrive à condamner des petits enfants à 27 ans de prison pour avoir jeter des pierres. J'ai été torturé, lors de mon arrestation, au point qu'ils ont dû m'hospitaliser mais, malgré les procès verbaux de l'hôpital, la procédure n'a rien donné, faute de preuves disent-ils !".

André Métayer
Président
Amitiés kurdes de Bretagne
andre-metayer@orange.fr

Prison Sentence for "Propaganda in Kurdish"

Democratic Society Party (DTP) members Cemal Çoşgun and Şeyhmuz Seyhan are sentenced to 6 months imprisonment by the Izmir 6th Magistrate Criminal Court. The court found them guilty of spreading Kurdish propaganda prior the local elections on 29 March earlier this year. Coşgun was the DTP mayor candidate for the Karabağlar Municipality, Seyan campaigned for the district of Gazidemir.

The preliminary discussion on the General Discussion Proposal regarding the "Democratic Initiative" signed by Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan will be discussed in the Turkish General Assembly today.

Also on the agenda today in this context is the "Kurdish Initiative" and the permission to run a campaign in the electoral district in Kurdish. However, this reform comes too late for Çoşgun and Seyhan.

Prison sentence for addressing electorate in Kurdish

The court convicted Coşgun and Seyhan in the hearing on 3 November on the basis of law no. 298 entitled "Law on basic decrees of elections and electorate registers" (article 59 and 151/2). The prison sentence of 6 months was converted into a fine of 3,000 Turkish Lira (approximately € 1350) each.

Both former candidates were found guilty of addressing their electorate, which is predominantly not familiar with the Turkish language, in Kurdish.

"If the constitution changes, my case will be dropped"

Çoşgun stated that he was going to file an appeal against the decision, "This is nothing else but the government's distraction from the Kurdish initiative. The Prime Minister and the Ministers speak Kurdish, TRT Şeş broadcasts in Kurdish but if Kurds speak Kurdish they face penalties. They show how much sense they implemented in the initiative", Çoşgun argued.

Coşgun emphasized the need of a democratic and civil constitution, saying, "If a really democratic constitution will be issued, this case will be dropped anyways".

Kurdish propaganda "forbidden"

Article58 of Law 298 on "Prohibitions concerning Publishing Propaganda" states, "The Turkish flag and religious phrases are forbidden on of flyers and any other kind of printed papers used for propaganda. The use of any language other than Turkish in spoken and written form is forbidden for propaganda broadcasts on television and radio".

Article 151/2 foresees a prison sentence between 3 and 6 months and a fine between 15,000 and 75,000 TL (€ 6,800-34,000) for propaganda "made later than 6.00 pm the day prior to the elections and in public places and places open to the public on the day of the election; or pronouncements published in this intend or with the purpose to disturb the election in any way or effecting a free voting". (BIA, Erol ÖNDEROĞLU, 10 November 2009)

De leur bastion des monts Kandil, les rebelles kurdes narguent Ankara

MONTS KANDIL (Irak) - De leur bastion des monts Kandil, en Irak, les rebelles kurdes de Turquie se défient des efforts de paix du gouvernement d'Ankara et se disent prêts à soutenir une guerre de 50 ans.

"Nous tenons des centaines de montagnes en Turquie, en Irak et en Iran. Rien qu'ici, les monts Kandil ont les dimensions d'un Etat européen: ils font deux fois la taille du Luxembourg. Nous pouvons continuer la guerre pendant 30 ans, 50 ans s'il le faut", affirme, Sozdar Avesta.

Escortée par deux militantes en salvar (pantalon bouffant) kaki, Kalachnikov en bandoulière, cette figure historique du Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK), membre de sa direction politique, le KCK, reçoit les journalistes dans la "zone politique" des monts Kandil, un massif montagneux du nord de l'Irak, près de l'Iran, abritant le quartier général de la rébellion.

Ces montagnes irakiennes servent de base arrière au PKK, dans ses opérations de harcèlement des forces de sécurité turques.

Dans la "zone politique", pas d'unités combattantes: elles sont dans les hauteurs, sous un régime de "mobilité permanente" pour éviter d'être surprises par une attaque aérienne de l'aviation turque ou les fréquentes salves des canons iraniens, explique-t-on.

Cet espace, où les rebelles cohabitent avec des villageois kurdes irakiens, héberge en revanche un hôpital --une femme médecin allemande y exerce, tiennent à préciser les rebelles, soucieux de mettre en valeur le "soutien international" à leur cause--, des infrastructures de communication et des points de rencontre avec les médias.

On y accède depuis la plaine irakienne par une route en bon état, où une guérite arborant des drapeaux à l'effigie du chef emprisonné du PKK, Abdullah Öcalan, et une escouade de "douaniers" armés contrôlant les véhicules signalent l'entrée dans le territoire sous contrrôle rebelle.

Pour éviter les contrôles mis en place par le gouvernement autonome kurde d'Irak, les convois "sensibles" --dont ceux acheminant des journalistes-- doivent cependant opter pour de longs détours à travers les montagnes sur des chemins de contrebandiers.

Le 19 octobre, huit rebelles ont quitté sur ordre d'Öcalan les monts Kandil pour rejoindre le poste frontière turc de Habur, dans un geste de soutien aux efforts de paix du gouvernement turc, qui s'apprête à présenter au Parlement une série de réformes renforçant les droits des Kurdes.

La justice turque a laissé les rebelles en liberté --une décision d'une rare mansuétude dans un pays où la simple affirmation de sympathies pour le PKK, considéré comme une organisation terroriste par la Turquie et de nombreux autres pays, peut conduire en prison. Pourtant, Sozdar Avesta se dit sceptique.

"Les réformes du gouvernement ne sont que des mots en l'air. Concrètement, il n'y a rien", assène cette femme d'une cinquantaine d'années.

"Au regard du droit turc, nos huit camarades devraient aller en prison, mais le gouvernement préfère gérer la situation avec des petits arrangements plutôt que d'affronter les vrais problèmes: une réforme des cadres juridiques et de la Constitution pour prendre en compte la réalité kurde", poursuit la militante.

Fines lunettes sur le nez et pistolet à la hanche, Roj Welat, préposé aux "relations extérieures", se dit lui aussi peu désireux d'abandonner le combat entamé il y a 25 ans pour l'indépendance du sud-est anatolien, qui s'est transformé en une revendication d'autonomie, en échange d'un hypothétique "retour à la maison".

"Notre maison, c'est la liberté du peuple kurde", scande le militant. (AFP - Nicholas CHEVIRON, 3 nov 2009)

Karayilan: "Le gouvernement turc essaie de tromper les Kurdes"

Le gouvernement turc essaie de tromper les Kurdes et l'opinion internationale en annonçant depuis plusieurs mois des réformes pour résoudre la question kurde, a affirmé à l'AFP Murat Karayilan, le numéro deux de l'organisation rebelle kurde du Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK).

"Le gouvernement du Parti de la justice et du développement (AKP) n'a jamais eu l'intention de résoudre la question kurde. Il joue la comédie. (...) S'il l'avait vraiment voulu, en une journée toutes les armes se seraient tues", a déclaré M. Karayilan, interrogé dans les monts Kandil, repaire du quartier général du PKK, dans le nord de l'Irak.

"Tout ce qu'ils font, c'est essayer de tromper le peuple kurde et l'opinion publique internationale", a insisté le président du KCK, organe de direction politique du PKK, qui est le numéro deux de l'organisation derrière son chef historique Abdullah Öcalan, emprisonné en Turquie depuis 1999.

Le gouvernement turc a multiplié au cours des derniers mois les consultations avec la société civile dans le but annoncé de préparer des réformes renforçant les droits de la minorité kurde, forte d'une quinzaine de millions de personnes habitant principalement le sud-est anatolien.

Les premiers détails de ce projet devraient être révélés dans une semaine, le 10 novembre, lors d'une séance de présentation au Parlement. Mais les rebelles kurdes affichent leur scepticisme.

"Il s'agit de réformes de façade. La mentalité est toujours la même: le refus de l'affirmation de l'identité du peuple kurde, le refus de le considérer comme un interlocuteur", a commenté M. Karayilan, dénonçant les "lignes rouges" établies par Ankara, comme le refus d'inscrire l'identité kurde dans la Constitution, le maintien en détention d'Öcalan et la poursuite des opérations armées.

"Les Kurdes ne pourront pas être libres tant que le leader de cette insurrection, Abdullah Öcalan, ne sera pas libre", a-t-il souligné.

Pour le chef rebelle, deux conditions sont nécessaires à une avancée vers la paix: l'arrêt immédiat des combats et le début d'un dialogue entre le gouvernement et les représentants des Kurdes.

"Nous avons confiance en notre leader Öcalan. Si le dialogue commence avec lui, le processus va progresser. Si on ne dialogue pas avec lui, on peut aussi parler avec nous", a-t-il dit, assurant qu'aucune négociation secrète n'avait pour l'heure eu lieu.

"Sinon, il y a un parti qui a été élu par le peuple et qui est au Parlement, avec qui (le gouvernement) peut aussi parler, c'est le DTP", a-t-il ajouté, faisant référence au Parti pour une société démocratique, principale formation prokurde de Turquie, menacée de fermeture par la justice pour des liens supposés avec le PKK.

Le gouvernement s'est toujours refusé à négocier avec les rebelles.

En l'absence de négociations, le PKK poursuivra sa lutte, affirme M. Karayilan, précisant toutefois que l'organisation ne fera usage de ses armes qu'en cas de "légitime défense".

"Quelle que soit l'intensité des combats, le peuple kurde est avec nous et nous pouvons continuer de résister depuis les montagnes du Kurdistan pendant des dizaines d'années", a-t-il assuré.  (AFP - Nicholas CHEVIRON, 3 nov 2009)

DTP MP Aysel Tuğluk gets prison sentence for 'propaganda of the organisation'

Democratic Society Party (DTP) Mp for Diyarbakır Aysel Tuğluk has been given 1 year and 6 months prison sentence for ‘making propaganda for PKK’.

The prosecutor asked Diyarbakır High Criminal Court num.4 to give Tuğluk a prison sentence for up to 5 years for 'making propaganda of a terrorist organisation'.

Lawyer Gümüş argued that if Tuğluk's speech was considered as a whole there was no offence in it. The court decided to condemn Tuğluk under anti-terror law article 7/2 to 1 year and 6 months prison sentence and to send a copy of the ruling to the chairing Office of the Parliament.

Appeal Court reversed it

Prosecution of Tuğluk over her public address in September 2006 at Diyarbakır İstasyon Square was suspended due to her legal immunity but Diyarbakır High Criminal Court num. 4’s decision was reversed by the appeal court.

Appeal Court based its decision on article 14 of the Constitution and stated ''Legal immunity has limits, trial should be carried on since the crime is a terrorist crime even if the accused is elected an MP on 22 July 2007’.

What now?

Tuğluk’s lawyer will appeal. However if the Appeal Court approves the decision Tuğluk's membership to the Parliament will be ended. Otherwise Tuğluk will serve the prison sentence when her MP position expires. (freex@superonline.com, Nov 2, 2009)

Présentation la semaine prochaine de réformes pour les Kurdes

Le gouvernement turc a annoncé lundi son intention de présenter la semaine prochaine au Parlement, "pour information", un projet de réformes en faveur d'une amélioration des droits de la minorité kurde.

"Une séance d'information et d'évaluation au Parlement de notre processus d'ouverture démocratique avait été annoncée. Elle aura probablement lieu mardi prochain", a affirmé le vice Premier ministre et porte-parole du gouvernement Cemil Cicek à l'issue d'un conseil des ministres.

Le gouvernement a multiplié au cours des derniers mois les consultations avec la société civile dans le but de préparer des réformes renforçant les droits de la minorité kurde, forte d'une quinzaine de millions de personnes, concentrées principalement dans le sud-est anatolien.

Les détails de ce projet, visant à éroder le soutien dont jouissent les rebelles du Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK) au sein d'une partie de la population kurde, n'ont pas été révélés.

Selon les médias, Ankara pourrait libéraliser l'usage de la langue kurde, autoriser le retour des 12.000 Kurdes de Turquie exilés dans le camp irakien de Mahmur et investir plusieurs milliards de dollars dans le sud-est du pays pour faire reculer pauvreté et chômage.

Les milieux Kurdes réclament qu'une référence à l'identité kurde soit incorporée dans la loi fondamentale, une éventualité rejetée par Ankara. (AFP, 2 nov 2009)

Diyarbakirspor to withdraw from league over racist attacks

Diyarbakırspor Chairman Çetin Sümer Diyarbakırspor Chairman Çetin Sümer has threatened to withdraw his team from the next match in the wake of racist slogans chanted by rival Gaziantepspor supporters on Sunday.
                                                                                                                           
Sümer said his team has considered boycotting the match against Galatasaray this weekend. “If you had watched the match, you would have seen that we were right. The racist stance against our team was not limited to the Gaziantepspor match. We have experienced the same thing for several weeks. We wanted to add color to Turkish soccer. … We have informed our governor, mayor and civil society organizations in Diyarbakır about our decision [to withdraw the team from the league]. Our decision is final,” Sümer noted.

Sümer’s remarks were interpreted as a partial withdrawal from the league. The chairman did not provide a clear comment on whether Diyarbakırspor would play other matches.

Diyarbakırspor made the decision after Gaziantepspor fans reportedly chanted racist slogans, accusing Diyarbakırspor of supporting the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). “We have nothing to do with politics. Our duty is to serve Turkish soccer. If our team is supposed to damage the reputation of Turkish soccer, then there is no choice other than to withdraw from the league,” Sümer added.

The team had decided to withdraw from the league in late September after the high level of tension they experienced during a match at Bursaspor. The host team’s fans were hostile toward Diyarbakırspor players and fans, accusing them of being “separatists.” Sümer said at the time that if action was not taken to prevent racist slogans and banners, he would withdraw the team from the league.

The Diyarbakırspor chairman complained on Sunday that the Turkish Soccer Federation (TFF) had not taken the necessary action against racism during soccer matches after the experience at Bursaspor.

Diyarbakırspor Press Secretary Suat Önen said hostility against his team was a major threat to Turkish soccer. “We have no problem with anyone. We are trying to play our matches. However, some people are killing Turkish soccer with their attitude. This is not right. They are racist people,” Önen remarked.

In response, Gaziantepspor Chairman İbrahim Kızıl said his fans did not chant any racist slogans against Diyarbakırspor during the match.

“We are both a neighbor and a friend to Diyarbakırspor. We applauded them when they scored the first goal against us. There were no racist slogans during the match. However, there were discouraging chants after the match as the referees were leaving the pitch.”

The Diyarbakırspor chairman’s decision to withdraw his team from the league was not welcomed by Diyarbakırspor fans. A group of Diyarbakır supporters called for Sümer to leave the team on the team’s official Web site. “It has almost become a fashion for Çetin Sümer to withdraw the team from the league.

Diyarbakırspor cannot be withdrawn from the league. It is you [the team’s administration] who have to withdraw from the league. We are tired of your statements,” read a comment left by a Diyarbakırspor fan on the team’s Web site. (todayszaman.com, Nov 3, 2009)

An increase in racist attacks

The reception of the Peace Groups by millions of people has upset the profiteers of war. Racist attacks which began in Mersin on October 20th have now spread to other places. Resul Ilçin was killed by torture on 21st October. On the same day two university students were attacked and beaten in Elaziz. A mob attempted to lynch two people in Edirne on the 23rd after their phone rang with a Kurdish tune.
  
On the same day a peace march in Mersin was attacked by fascists. Adding to the wave of racist attacks the Elaziz DTP branch was attacked and two Kurds were stabbed in Ankara on the 24th.

In addition, the racist Turkish-Left (Türksolu) magazine distributed racist and threatening leaflets and organised a march. The last attack occurred yesterday when a group of about 150 fascists (ülkücü) attacked and occupied the DTP Konya branch.

Intellectuals have commented on these events:

HALUK GERGER, academic and writer, stated: The reaction actually fits in with the ‘plan’. If the essence of the plan is the poison of annihilation wrapped in a package of reform, then the threat of war and violence shouldn’t come as a surprise. The Turkish Republic (TC) isn’t free to do whatever it wants, this surly and arrogant bragging is nothing, it is like whistling in an empty cemetery. The objective conditions and obligations are forcing them to a solution. The will of the Kurds has been decided. Risks and danger are appearing at the forefront, however, beyond that, within the confusion there are opportunities and possibilities.

FERHAT KENTEL, an academic, said: Unfortunately the language of war is continuing to take people hostage. The status quo and nationalist parties who feed off fear are endeavouring to impede this process, and they have been successful to a certain extent. I think the government’s statements which have accused the DTP are due to the pressure these nationalist forces have applied. If we look at the comments made by the Prime Minister and Interior Minister, we can see that there is serious mental investment.

AYDIN ENGIN, a journalist and writer, commented: Racist-Nationalist sensibilities are being escalated consciously at the moment in Turkey. However, this picture shouldn’t lead to pessimism. All kinds of zigzags and uncertain moments are inevitable in a process such as this. It is very important that a smarter policy be waged against a party such as the AKP, which doesn’t have principles, determines its policies on a day-to-day basis and is made up of cadres who retreat when a strong wind blows. (Kurdish Info, Oct 31, 2009)


Minorités / Minorities

Armenian Newspaper Weary About Being a Target in Coup Plans

Joint attorney of the Hrant Dink case Fethiye Çetin considered the allegations regarding a "Cage Operation Action Plan" as "grave and frightening". The "Cage Operation Action Plan" was supposedly worked out as a coup plan by the Naval Forces, targeting non-Muslims and aiming to charge them of their religious beliefs.

Taraf newspaper reported that the plan also included a map showing homes and offices belonging to minorities and 939 non-Muslim representatives all over Turkey.

Çetin: I am in horror...

Avukat Çetin talked to bianet and expressed her astonishment about the matter, "I am in horror right now. Some forces of this country sit down and they will make a plan to define their fellow citizens of their own country as enemies. They will kill Armenians and non-Muslims in the psychological war they conduct against the ones defined as their enemies, both in terms of supplies and casualties".

Lawyer Çetin indicated that the investigation into the cage operation has not been completed yet and is carried out confidentially. She said she let it go with evaluating the events reflected in the media.

Agos subscribers' details registered in the operation plan

Çetin stated that the Hrant Dink murder case might be merged with the Ergenekon trial in case of a tangible connection with the Dink case and a verification of the claims.

Çetin announced that new findings emerged to support the claim that Armenian Agos newspaper subscribers were subject to the operation plan, saying that the matter is also going to be followed up by the newspaper.

Hatemi: Computers stolen from Greek foundation

bianet asked Lighthouse Greek Patriarchate lawyer Kezban Hatemi whether such activities regarding non-Muslims have occurred or not. Hatemi informed bianet that computers of a Greek parochial foundation had been stolen and that the corresponding trial is pending at the Beyoğlu (Istanbul) Court.
Taraf daily declared that the prosecutors of the Ergenekon case managed to decipher a CD concerned with the plan and written by detained defendant Levent Bektaş. Accordingly, Naval Staff Major Eren Günay, currently detained in connection of ammunition found in Poyrazköy, prepared the list of ammunition intended to be uses for the planned actions.

Weapons on the list

3 sniper rifles (Remington 7,62/Dragunov 7,762),
2 sniper rifles (Accudacy 12,7)
5 silencer pistols (Glock)
30 machine guns (Uzi)
4 LAW
900 subsonic cartridges (9x19mm)
20 pounds C4 plastic explosives
20 pounds C3 plastic explosives
20 pounds C8 plastic explosives
100 detonating cords
20 electrical detonators
50 bombs
50 boxes of black smoke-bombs
100 boxes MKE smoke-bombs
2 tons of ammonium nitrate
200 anti-personal shells (7,62 mm)
150 anti-personal shells (12,7 mm)
150 anti-material shells (12,7 mm)
5 000 original weapons ammunition allocated/to be delivered
3 high-magnification binoculars (suitable for all weapons)
(BIA, Erol ÖNDEROĞLU, 23 November 2009)

Un élève sanctionné pour avoir écrit que le génocide arménien était "mérité"

Un collégien de 14 ans, qui avait défendu le génocide arménien dans un devoir en écrivant qu'il était "mérité", a été sanctionné par une mesure "d'exclusion-inclusion", selon le principal de son collège, une sanction qui a provoqué le trouble en Turquie, selon une ONG.

 Dans un devoir rendu le 12 novembre, le collégien, français d'origine turque, élève du collège Jacques-Marquette de Pont-à-Mousson (Meurthe-et-Moselle), avait écrit que "le génocide arménien (était) mérité", en soulignant d'un trait le terme "mérité".

"Nous avons alors pris une mesure d'exclusion-inclusion, c'est-à-dire que l'élève a travaillé hors de la classe, encadré par des enseignants, sur la notion de génocide et de mérite pendant deux jours", a expliqué le principal du collège.

Les parents de l'élève, qui contestaient la sanction, ont alors contacté l'association Cojep International, qui a demandé des explications au chef d'établissement. "La famille a également envoyé le dossier à un journaliste de Turquie", précise Filiz Veysel, vice-président de l'ONG.

"Tout le reste des médias turcs a alors suivi l'affaire. Certains titres cherchant à faire du sensationnalisme sont allés bien au-delà de la réalité des faits", déplore le responsable associatif, qui note qu'"une équipe de télévision turque s'est rendue à Pont-à-Mousson, puis a revendu les images aux autres chaînes".

 L'affaire est ensuite devenue diplomatique, lorsque l'ambassadeur de France en Turquie a appelé le vice-président de Cojep, "pour nous demander ce qui se passait".

"Par ailleurs, le président de la commission des droits de l'Homme du Parlement turc a écrit à l'Assemblée nationale française", assure Filiz Veysel.

Cependant, le responsable associatif estime que l'affaire est désormais close et il affirme que la sanction a été comprise par l'élève et ses parents.

"Nous avons en outre convenu, avec le principal du collège, de réunions citoyennes au mois de janvier, pour améliorer le vivre-ensemble", a-t-il précisé. (AFP, 24 nov 2009)

"Négationnisme et Démocratie en Europe": Point de vue d'un conférencier belge       

Il n’y a pas de place pour des « accommodements raisonnables » avec le négationnisme.

Voilà en substance le corps du message que nous avons, Pierre Henrot et moi-même, fait passer lors du colloque de ce jour au Parlement Européen et en présence de députés européens dont Helmar Brook et Jean-Marie Cavada.

Nous avons aussi exposé, documents à l’appui, le double discours hypocrite tenu par des députés, ministres et chefs de parti politique dont ceux du  cdH, du MR et du PS.

Nous reviendrons plus longuement sur ce colloque notamment avec une synthèse des débats et interventions et des thèses que nous avons défendues.

Pour la petite histoire, malgré nos messages, la presse ne s’est visiblement pas intéressée à ce débat, malgré la présence d’experts reconnus, c’est regrettable.

Mais l’ambassade de Turquie, elle,  n’a pas omis d’envoyer des émissaires en vue de suivre les débats, de nous photographier et probablement de nous ficher. Il ne va pas sans dire que j’ai été fort surpris, au sein de mon propre pays, de me sentir ainsi surveillé par une puissance étrangère.

Comme quoi, défendre des idées, la démocratie et dénoncer l’hypocrisie politicienne belge se paie cash, là ou le simple citoyen à le courage de porter haut ses opinions, certains politiques transigent, ergotent et protègent leurs intérêts et/ou leurs arrières.

J’ai donc un petit mot à l’attention de Madame Milquet, de Monsieur Di Rupo et de Monsieur Reynders, aujourd’hui, par votre silence compromis, par l’absence de décision, par vos accommodements  anti-démocratiques vous avez peut-être gagné pour les uns des électeurs, pour les autres du temps ou de la tranquillité, néanmoins tous ne sont pas dupes.

Certains ont encore courage de porter des principes que manifestement vous avez choisit de troquer à vil prix, abandonnant au passage les principes fondateurs de notre Nation.

Mais rassurez-vous, nous avons explicité aux participants et non des moindres, la duplicité du discours politique à l’égard de communautés peu porteuse en termes électoralistes. Nous avons remontré les photos de chefs de partis en réunion avec des membres de l’extrême-droite turque. Nous avons expliqué que le CECLR n’a pas encore bougé d’un cil suite à nos signalements, nous avons relaté les menaces de poursuites à notre encontre émises par Joëlle Milquet et nous avons aussi souligné l’absence totale de réaction du MR malgré nos courriers et les propos tenus et publiés par Reynders en 2005.

Ceci démontre qu’entre les actes et les paroles, il y a parfois un fossé de la profondeur du Grand Canyon dans le chef de certains de nos grands politiciens, manque de vision ou simple lâcheté ?

J’ai aussi rencontré ce commerçant qui s’était vu totalement détruire son établissement et menacé de mort par les Loups Gris à Schaerbeek voilà quelques années. Ce monsieur nous a expliqué que son dossier avait été classé sans suite  par la Justice, et qu’un politicien, que nous aurons la décence de ne pas nommer sur ce blog, lui a déclaré froidement qu’il n’avait qu’à pas ouvrir un établissement en plein quartier turc (sic).

Que répondre à ce commerçant que les autorités morales, politiques et judiciaires belges ont abandonné sans hésitation ?

http://www.lesoir.be/regions/bruxelles/emeutes-a-schaerbeek-et-saint-2007-10-24-557196.shtml

Que dire de ce journaliste indépendant d’origine turque, qui s’est sérieusement fait bastonner sur le sol Belge ou il vit, simplement pour avoir exposé  des faits objectivement ?

http://www.resistances.be/loupsgris03.html

Et vous, messieurs, mesdames, les politiques, vous étiez où ? Qu’avez-vous fait ?

Ne serait-il pas temps d’avoir un peu de décence, de courage et de défendre la démocratie avant vos intérêts partisans et électoralistes ? (armencom.be, 4 November 2009 – Texte original)

Kurdish MP Challenges Turkish Parliament on Armenian Genocide

"During the last period of the Ottoman Empire, in 1915-16, the Union and Progress Party systematically pursued a policy of extermination of the Christians who had been the native peoples of the country for centuries."

These were the words articulated at the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TGNA) by Selahattin Demirtas, the deputy chairman of the parliamentary group of Democratic Society Party (DTP)--the voice of Kurds in the Turkish Parliament. Demirtas had taken the floor at the parliamentary session on Oct. 21 to speak about the protocols signed between Armenia and Turkey.

"No national security considerations can be an excuse for the annihilation of a population by means of forced displacement and massacres," he said. "Governments, in an effort to clear themselves of the guilt, resorted to denial and to distortion of historical facts to conceal the truth. They rewrote the history. In school books, Armenians are portrayed as hostile figures, exaggerating the incidents of violence by Armenian activists and never telling the truth about the massacred Armenians."

The meeting minutes, available on the website of the TGNA, reveals the interruptions by other deputies, member of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), the opposition party Republican People's Party (CHP), and an independent deputy, who called out loud: "What are you talking about? Say what you want to say openly!" or "Shame on you!" or "Don't slander" or "What about the Turkish diplomats assassinated?"

"The word 'Armenian' has been used as an insult in this country," continued Demirtas. "Even the president of the Republic of Turkey was accused of having secret Armenian ancestors, as if this was a sin. They did this to humiliate him. And what a shame that the president himself answered this 'accusation' in such a way as to confirm the humiliating connotation of the word, by trying to prove that this was not true."

Demirtas suggested the formation of a history committee, consisting of independent historians from both sides, that would aim at revealing historic truths. "Without doing this, no real policy of peace can be pursued in foreign or domestic policy and no real resolution can be reached by ignoring the tragedy, by acting as if the loss of lives was a result of unwanted adverse circumstances. I know that what I say upsets those who remain loyal to the status quo. However for us to avoid recognizing historical truths just for the sake of the status quo would mean betraying our conscience and taking a politically unethical stance. So Turkey should lead the way to uncover the historical facts instead of continuing to carry the burden of a tragedy caused by the Committee of Union and Progress. In order for truly friendly relations between the two countries, it should be acknowledged that this is the only way for mutual trust."

This was a first for the Turkish Parliament. There may be parts in Demirtas' speech where one would disagree. But for me, these points of disagreement are less important than the declaration-- in the Turkish Grand National Assembly--of the systematic extermination of Armenians in 1915. And it was a Kurdish MP who made this happen. The Kurds, some of whom actively took part in the Armenian Genocide, were also the first in Turkey to talk and write about the genocide of the Armenians and Assyrians.

Demirtas's words weren't in the headlines the next day as one would expect; those days were unusually exciting, as a group of PKK guerillas had just crossed the border and given themselves up to Turkish security forces as a gesture to support the government's peace initiative. TV channels and newspapers were full of scenes of rejoicing and celebrations by thousands of Kurds, old and young, women and men, all welcoming the peace group. The guerillas waved their hands to the crowds, who were joyously demonstrating for peace. A few days passed with puzzlement on the part of the Turkish public and the opinion makers. However, the puzzlement did not last long. A wave of anger surged with columnists condemning such "scenes of outright defiance," "celebrations of PKK's victory," or "shameless display of support to PKK." Then came the demonstrations of the "mothers of martyrs" and others condemning the PKK. The panel discussions on TV featured even democrat and liberal figures criticizing the DTP for rallying Kurds to celebrate the PKK guerillas' return and provoking Turkish nationalism.

Just when Demirtas was giving his speech about the Armenia-Turkey protocols, I was called by Agos newspaper to comment on the coming of the PKK group as a peace delegation. I sent them a message saying, in short, that I did not trust Turkey. I explained that given the age-old authoritarian nationalistic policies pursued by governments, instigating hostility and hatred in the minds of people, no real peace policy would be possible. The majority of the Turkish people themselves would not let this dream come true. Although this was what I thought, I still had the hope that this time I might be wrong, that some good things could happen in this country. The pictures in the newspapers, the images on TV of old men and women welcoming the PKK members at the Habur border gate--dancing, waving hands, laughing, and cheerin--were so impressive that one could not help but hope.

But Turkey did not put me down and once more not my dreams but my fears came true. The government suspended the peace program and said that the coming of PKK members from European countries was cancelled due to the Kurds' provocative welcoming demonstrations. Shortly after this news, Abdullah Ocalan, the imprisoned leader of the PKK , announced that they too had suspended the process.

Now all advocates of peace are waiting for a new sign indicating the resumption of the peace process. Turkey's lack of any tradition of reconciliation and it's deeply rooted authoritarian habits of resorting to violence instead of understanding did its job again.

A Kurdish intellectual's comprehensive work about the genocide

Speaking about the Kurdish intellectuals and activists who first talked and wrote about the Armenian Genocide in Turkey, I have to mention the book of Recep Marasli, who was one of the victims of the horrible tortures at Diyarbakir Prison in the 1980's and who served 15 years in various prisons. In the preface to his book Ermeni Ulusal Demokratik Hareketive 1915 Soykirimi (The Armenian National Democratic Movement and 1915 Genocide) (Peri Publishing House, 2008, Istanbul), Marasli writes how he first wrote about the Armenian Genocide in 1982, when he was in the Alemdag Prison. It was the first and worst years of the military rule. At the same time, it was a time when Turkish diplomats were assassinated one by one by the Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia, and anti-Armenian sentiments were at their peak in Turkey, provoked by the insulting headlines in Turkish newspapers. In the Diyarbakir Prison, those inmates suspected of being of Armenian origin were subjected to special violence, and there were incidents of forced circumcision. During these days, Recep Marasli with a number of his fellow prisoners secretly prepared and circulated a pamphlet about the Armenian Genocide in the Alemdag Prison. This pamphlet would later serve as the outline of his present book. He thinks it may well be the first structured writing about the Armenian Genocide in Kurdish circles in modern Turkish history. Some of the Kurdish inmates found it irrelevant to the circumstances of the day (as the central issue for them was the Kurdish Question); some even thought that Marasli was of Armenian origin. This pamphlet was a turning point in Marasli's efforts on the topic. Marasli and his comrades circulated the leaflets in prison every April 24th to commemorate the genocide, and Marasli started to read everything he could find about the genocide. Afterwards, he integrated the contents of the first pamphlet in his defense statement, which was submitted during his trial in Diyarbakir Military Court for his membership in the Kurdish political organization Rizgari. He developed this piece of writing later on during his imprisonment, served in the prisons of Eskisehir and Aydin, and finally produced this comprehensive 544-page book about the Armenian Genocide, its historical background, its mechanism, and its aftermath--the Turkification policies in the republican period up to the present day. At the end of the book, there is a very interesting list of the old and new names of Kurdish, Armenian ,and Assyrian settlements which I think is a precious resource in this respect.

To go back to our starting point, Selahattin Demirtas' address in the TGNA was something one can never expect from a Turkish member of parliament, at least under present conditions. I think much has to be done to explore the factors that bring the grandchildren of the peoples of the old Armenia and Kurdistan closer to each other now. Such exploration and efforts to build on the findings would help a lot in paving the way for a more democratic Turkey that would bring justice to all. (mesop@online.de, November 9, 2009)

Appel pour la mobilisation en Belgique contre le protocole arméno-turc

Les Arméniens de Belgique s'opposent à la signature des protocoles, constate avec appréhension que ceux-ci ont bien été signés le samedi 10 octobre 2009 à Zurich, sous l’égide « bienveillante » des représentants de cinq puissances internationales, les Etats Unis, la Russie, la France, la Suisse et l’Union Européenne.

Cette signature marque une date importante, dangereuse pour l’avenir du peuple arménien et de l’Arménie.

Comme nous l’avons affirmé à plusieurs reprises, par voie d’articles, de discours, d’interviews, de déclarations, de manifestations et, aussi, lors de la « parodie de concertation » avec le Président Serge Sarkissian, nous nous opposons fermement à ces protocoles, qui présentent une remise en question du génocide des Arméniens et des droits à réparation qui en découlent.

La signature des protocoles va entraîner le gel, pour de longues années, du combat pour la reconnaissance internationale du Génocide, de la pénalisation de sa négation et de la défense de la cause arménienne en général.

Au lendemain même de la signature, le premier ministre Turc, dans une déclaration aux journalistes, liait déjà l’ouverture de la frontière, donc la levée du blocus infligé à l’Arménie par la Turquie depuis 1993, à une  « avancée de l’Arménie sur le problème du Karabakh ». Ainsi, bien que l’Arménie et les parrains de ces protocoles aient répété à maintes reprises que le problème du Karabakh n’était pas lié aux protocoles, la Turquie dévoile une des faces cachées de sa stratégie diplomatique.

Cette stratégie qui consiste, entre autres, à repousser au plus loin tout accord global avec l’Arménie, et gagner ainsi, pour des lustres, un temps précieux qui sera consacré à noyer la réalité du génocide des Arméniens.

Afin de préserver les droits des Arméniens, afin de préserver l’avenir de l’Arménie, nous appelons les députés Arméniens à ne pas ratifier, en l’état, ces protocoles.

Les Arméniens de Belgique appellent à une ouverture des frontières, à la normalisation des liens diplomatiques, à une continuité des dialogues arméno-turcs, sans conditions préalables.

Pour évoquer l’ensemble de ces questions, nous vous invitons à une  CONFERENCE.

Dimanche 15 novembrer 2009 à 17:00 h , à la Maison arménienne - Rue des deux Eglises  N° 74 - 1210 Bruxelles .

La FRA Dachnaktsoutioun
L’Association des Arméniens Démocrates de Belgique
Le Comité de Défense de la Cause Arménienne de Belgique
L’Association culturelle Hamazkaïne de Belgique
L’Association sportive Homenetmen Belgique
Info: armen10_6@hotmail.com

Réouverture d'une église arménienne du XIIe siècle

Une église orthodoxe arménienne de Turquie datant du XIIe siècle et considérée comme étant la première d'Anatolie, a été réouverte dimanche après un an de travaux de rénovation, ont rapporté les médias.

Une cérémonie spéciale et une messe ont été tenues pour l'occasion dans l'Eglise St Grégoire l'Illuminateur de Kayseri, dans le centre de la Turquie, célébrées par l'archevêque Aram Ateshian du Patriarcat arménien de Turquie situé à Istanbul (nord-ouest), a indiqué l'agence de presse Anatolie..

Selon une porte-parole du patriarcat , l'église a été fermée pendant près d'un an pour des travaux. Le dernier travail de maintenance sur le bâtiment datait des années 1990, a expliqué Luiz Bakar à l'AFP.

La presse turque a vu dans cette rénovation un rapport entre le rapprochement historique entre la Turquie et l'Arménie qui ont signé le 10 octobre des accords de réconciliation. (AFP, 8 nov 2009)

Projection d'un film documentaire: Les Derniers Assyriens

Réalisé par Robert Alaux.

De la Mésopotamie antique au Moyen Orient actuel, les Chrétiens Assyriens, Chaldéens et Syriaques ont attraversé les pires difficultès. Un long voyage à travers Irak, Turquie, Syrie, Etats Unis et France.  (En français)

En cooperation avec Faito DOC Festival

Samedi, 14 novembre 2009
21.30 à 22.30
Cercle des Voyageurs   
Rue des Grands Carmes, 18   
Bruxelles

http://www.onlinejournal.com/artman/publish/article_391.shtml

Main Swedish Party Recognizes Turkish Genocide of Assyrians

Sweden's largest political party took a decision on Thursday during its annual convention to acknowledge the genocide of Assyrians, Greeks and Armenians during World War one. The genocide, called Seyfo in Assyrian, occurred between the years 1914-1918.

"I was very moved when the decision was taken," said Yilmaz Kerimo, who is an Assyrian and a prominent member of the Social democratic party. "It is a positive standpoint and a great step forward. The party will now work for the recognition of the genocide within Sweden, in the European Union and the United Nations."

The recognition by the Social Democrats has raised hopes in the Assyrian community in Sweden of recognition in the Swedish parliament as well. The issue will be voted on in the parliament during spring 2010.

Sweden's left party, Vänsterpartiet, and the green party, Miljöpartiet, both recognized the genocide more than a year ago.

The work to have the genocide recognized has been long for the Assyrians of Sweden. The Assyrian Federation of Sweden welcomed the decision of the Social democrats on Thursday, saying "It's the result of years of lobbying, both by Assyrians and non-Assyrians," said Ilan de Basso, chairman of the Federation. "We have learnt to never give up. The ultimate goal is to have recognition from Turkey itself." (news-noreply@aina.org, 1 nov 2009)

Politique intérieure/Interior Politics

300 CHP members resign from party in protest

Around 300 people, including three district mayors and district heads of the Republican People’s Party, or CHP, resigned from the party in protest of remarks by a CHP deputy leader regarding the 1938 Dersim massacre.

Around 1,000 people gathered Monday to listen to the CHP members’ resignation announcement in Tunceli where the 1938 events occurred. The province of Tunceli has a high percentage of Alevis.

“The people of Dersim’s wounds reopened with Onur Öymen’s speech in Parliament on Nov. 10,” said Mustafa Sarıgül, mayor of the Ovacık district and one of the politicians who resigned. “Öymen’s speech shows an understanding of violence rather than of solving the problems.”

“Despite all the oppressions, deaths, famines and exiles, the people of Dersim refused to be assimilated and protected their honor,” he said, according to Doğan news agency.

“It is a shame against humanity to speak in Parliament and assault our ancestors by looking at Dersim and its people, which can be regarded as the origin of Alevism, as an enemy,” said Sarıgül. “It would be shameful for us to be a member of that kind of understanding. We are resigning from the CHP because we cannot be a member of an entity that tries to legitimize the killing of 10,000 innocent women and children in Dersim between 1937 and 1938,” said Sarıgül.

After the press speech, the group gave their resignations to the CHP in the city.

Austrian confrontation

Meanwhile, a group of 60 people stormed into a conference room in Vienna to protest the CHP’s Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu and CHP Tunceli deputy Ali Kılıç. The two were there to participate in a panel discussion following an invitation from the Austria Alevi Federation. They have met with similar protests in other foreign towns they have visited.

Two people from the group were injured in the ensuing melee that occurred. Austrian police had to resort to force to remove the protesters from the hall. Kılıçdaroğlu and Kılıç have been attending panel discussions in Austria and Germany following the intense uproar created Öymen’s speech in Parliament.

Öymen has come in for severe criticism by party members and other segments of society after he cited the Dersim Operation in the early years of the Turkish Republic as an example for dealing with the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party, or PKK.

Official historical sources say the 1938 operation was implemented to quash a Kurdish tribal rebellion.

In addition to Sarıgül, former Tunceli deputy Hasan Göyüldar; Mesut Coşkun, mayor of the Pülümür district; Cafer Sarıçiçek, mayor of the Nazimiye district; Hasan Hayri Kesik, district head of Pülümür; and Abdullah Kırmızıdağ, district head, all declared their resignation Monday, according to the Doğan news agency. (hurriyetdailynews.com, November 25, 2009)

La Turquie Face aux Evolutions Conjoncturelles

Ahmet DERE

La notion intitulée "Le Projet d’Ouverture Démocratique", qui est à l’ordre du jour de la Turquie et qui est largement débattue depuis le mois de mai de cette année, ne peut concerner uniquement ce pays. Toutes les évolutions concernant le sujet, évoluent en tant que partie intégrante de la conjoncture internationale. Même, il serait encore plus réaliste de dire que toutes les évolutions, en l’espèce, sont le résultat des contraintes de la conjoncture internationale.

Nous savons que les évolutions de notre continent concernent de près la Turquie et l’obligent à un changement plus sérieux. La question kurde est une barrière la plus importante devant tous les changements imposés dont la résolution s’avère comme une solution adéquate nécessairement. De ce fait, aucune notion constituant une barrière, qu’elle ait comme source l’Etat ou bien qu’elle soit issue des Kurdes, ne peut influencer négativement le processus en évolution.

Dans un sens large, lorsqu’on observe les conditions conjoncturelles de la Turquie, on voit aussi que la question kurde semble s’orienter de plus en plus vers une solution durable. Néanmoins, cette évolution se concrétisera ni selon la volonté de l’Etat ni totalement conforme aux souhaits des Kurdes. Autant que mes observations personnelles me le permettent, seulement une solution contrôlée par les puissances internationales, et plus spécifiquement par les USA et l’UE, sera adoptée. Comme l’évoquent ses autorités, la Turquie n’est pas indépendante concernant chaque sujet et elle ne peut l’être.  A ce titre, l’Union européenne suit de près toutes les évolutions en Turquie et les orientes avec une méthode diplomatique. En conséquence, le rôle de l’UE a été déterminant dans toutes les évolutions survenues depuis le mois de mai. Par là, je ne veux pas dire que les Européens ont œuvrés pour une meilleure évolution, personne ne sait encore jusqu’à quel degré va évoluer le processus présent. Ici, j’insiste seulement sur le rôle important de l’UE.

Les responsables d’AKP présentent l’Ouverture Démocratique, sujet des débats, comme un projet de l’Etat. Personnellement je n’y crois pas. En effet, je ne trouve aucune notion logique et raisonnable susceptible de me convaincre. Néanmoins, l’Etat turc est obligé de s’approprier ce projet afin de le faire accepter par l’opinion publique; toute autre action reste en dehors de champs de capacité. Sinon, il ne pourrait se défendre face à l’opposition et plus particulièrement face au parti raciste CHP et son allié le MHP.

Et maintenant, que va-t-il se passer après ? A mon avis, l’AKP va de plus en plus intensifier ses efforts afin de turquiser la formule dite solution "passive" imposée par la conjoncture internationale. Tout en supprimant les barrières quant à l’utilisation de la langue kurde, il va accorder de plus larges possibilités à l’emploi de celle-ci tant dans les administrations étatiques qu’aux télévisions et radios privées et publiques. Cependant, la reconnaissance de la langue kurde comme une langue officielle ne me semble pas possible. Par ailleurs, il sera procédé à des mesures réglementaires permettant aux guérilleros de déposer les armes et aux Kurdes recherchés et se trouvant à l’étranger un retour libre. Néanmoins, je ne pense pas que la question du service militaire sera intégrée dans ce projet. Alors que celle-ci se dressera comme une sérieuse barrière pour le retour des Kurdes résidants en Europe. De fait, la diaspora kurde de l’Europe poursuivra dans son statut de réfugié. Autrement dit, il ne sera pas permis aux intellectuels figurant parmi ces derniers d’exercer librement la politique en Turquie. En l’espèce, le champ de la patience de la Turquie est relativement restreint.

Les Kurdes se satisferont-ils avec ces pas ? Certainement pas. Cependant, voyons les choses en face ; nous savons que le concept d’un Kurdistan "libre et démocratique", pour lequel les kurdes ont mené la lutte dans les années 1980 – 1990, n’est plus réaliste de nos jours. Désormais, les Kurdes abordent leurs revendications de manière réaliste. Mais, ceci ne veut en aucun cas supposer qu’ils accepteront et se satisferont de ceux que l’on leur présentera. (farasin@hotmail.com, 19 novembre 2009)

Le PKK rejete l'initiative gouvernementale, la jugeant superficielle

Les mesures limitées annoncées à Ankara en faveur de la communauté kurde ne convaincront pas les rebelles de déposer les armes et elles provoquent déjà la colère de l'opposition nationaliste, qui accuse le gouvernement de céder au "terrorisme" kurde, estiment des analystes.

Vendredi, lors d'une séance tumultueuse au Parlement turc, le ministre de l'Intérieur a annoncé les premières mesures concrètes du plan d'"ouverture démocratique" du gouvernement en faveur des 12 millions de Kurdes de Turquie, qui compte au total 71 millions d'habitants.

Une initiative destinée à terme à saper le soutien dont jouit, au sein d'une partie de la population, le Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK), le mouvement armé en lutte depuis un quart de siècle pour l'indépendance puis l'autonomie du sud-est du pays.

Parmi les mesures annoncées: l'autorisation pour les villes et villages kurdes de retrouver leurs noms originels, une levée de l'interdiction d'utiliser le kurde dans les activités politiques, et l'autorisation aux détenus kurdes de parler leur langue, lors des visites de familles.

Le gouvernement va aussi créer des commissions indépendantes pour prévenir les discriminations et les actes de torture par les forces de sécurité, a expliqué M. Atalay.

Mais ces décisions sont peu de choses, après des mois de suspense créé par un gouvernement qui faisait miroiter la perspective de "mesures courageuses" pour mettre fin à des années de "bains de sang et de souffrances", estime l'analyste Murat Yetkin dans le quotidien libéral Radikal.

"Le PKK n'abandonnera pas ses repaires, dans les montagnes, parce qu'il y a l'annonce d'une commission sur les droits de l'Homme et que les gens peuvent utiliser leur langue maternelle en prison", écrit-il.

Le PKK veut que le gouvernement cesse ses opérations militaires, donne aux Kurdes une reconnaissance officielle dans la constitution, autorise l'éducation en kurde et qu'il propose une solution aux rebelles, pour qu'ils mettent un terme à un conflit qui a fait au moins 45.000 morts depuis 1984.

Samedi, il a rejeté l'initiative gouvernementale, la jugeant "superficielle".

"La question kurde ne peut pas trouver de solution sans la reconnaissance de la volonté du peuple kurde et sans dialogue avec ses représentants", a déclaré le mouvement dans un communiqué transmis par l'agence pro-kurde Firat.(AFP, 14 nov 2009)

Le gouvernement annonce des mesures pour améliorer les droits des Kurdes

Le ministre turc de l'Intérieur, Besir Atalay, a annoncé vendredi au Parlement des mesures très attendues pour améliorer les droits de la population kurde, qui prévoient notamment la possibilité pour les villes "turquisées" de force au fil des ans de revenir à leurs noms kurdes .

"Si les localités le désirent, on leur donnera l'occasion d'utiliser de nouveau leurs noms d'origine", a dit M. Atalay en exposant les détails de l'"ouverture démocratique" à laquelle le gouvernement est prêt à procéder à l'égard de la minorité kurde afin de venir, à terme, à bout de 25 ans d'insurrection séparatiste kurde.

C'est la première fois depuis l'été, date à laquelle le Parti de la justice et du développement (AKP, issu de la mouvance islamiste), au pouvoir a annoncé vouloir régler le vieux conflit kurde en Turquie, que des mesures concrètes sont rendues publiques.

Parmi les autres dispositions légales que prendra la majorité gouvernementale figure la mise en place d'une commission indépendante chargée d'enquêter sur les violations des droits de l'Homme, en particulier dans le sud-est, région peuplée majoritairement de Kurdes.

"Cette commission publiera dans les plus brefs délais les conclusions de ses enquêtes", a souligné le ministre, affirmant que le "slogan" du gouvernement pour son plan kurde était "plus de libertés pour tout le monde".

Une troisième mesure concernera l'autorisation de fait d'utiliser le kurde dans la vie politique, où l'usage du turc est pour le moment obligatoire.

Le Premier ministre Recep Tayyip Erdogan devait aussi prendre la parole vendredi au Parlement, avant que les ténors de l'opposition, farouchement opposés à cette initiative, craignant pour l'unite nationale, n'exposent leur point de vue.

Le gouvernement a déjà accru les droits culturels des Kurdes, en autorisant notamment une chaîne de télévision pour cette minorité.

Afin de montrer sa volonté d'aller de l'avant dans les réformes démocratiques, l'AKP a présenté cette semaine un projet de loi à l'Assemblée réduisant les peines encourues par les enfants kurdes arrêtés pendant des manifestations en faveur du PKK (Parti -illégal- des travailleurs du Kurdistan).

Les adolescents jetant des pierres sur les forces de l'ordre à ces occasions sont actuellement jugés comme s'ils étaient des terroristes et encourent à ce titre des peines pouvant aller jusqu'à vingt ans de prison.

Le gouvernement a autorisé dans la foulée les chaînes privées à émettre 24 heures sur 24. (AFP, 13 nov 2009)

CHP walked out of the chamber when Erdogan criticized

Turkey set out plans on Friday to expand the rights of its Kurdish population, including the creation of an independent body to investigate cases of torture and the loosening of restrictions on the Kurdish language.

The government reform initiative is seen boosting Turkey's hopes of European Union membership and stopping a conflict in which more than 40,000 people have died.

But in a show of the resistance the reform process faces in parliament, the main opposition party CHP walked out of the chamber on Friday after Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan accused opponents of not wanting an end to the conflict.

The initiative builds on steps which Erdogan's Islamist-rooted AK Party (AKP) government has already taken to expand cultural rights for Kurds, such as the launch of a state-run Kurdish language television channel.

"An independent anti-discrimination commission will be established and a bill related to this will be sent to parliament," Interior Minister Besir Atalay told parliament.

The commission will aim to prevent torture and mistreatment.

Atalay said Turkey needs a new, libertarian constitution as the existing one does not meet Turkey's needs. The AK Party also plans to allow Kurdish to be used during political campaigning.

"The steps that will allow political parties to address the people in different languages and dialects used by citizens during election campaigns are among these," Atalay said, adding Turkey would remain a unitary state.

Kurdish-majority towns will officially be able to regain their old Kurdish names replacing their new, Turkish names.

PKK GUERRILLAS

The reform is designed to encourage the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) guerrilla group to disband. Kurds have long complained of discrimination at the hands of the state.

The PKK, branded a terrorist group by Ankara, Washington and the EU, launched an armed campaign in 1984 with the goal of creating an ethnic homeland for Kurds in Turkey's southeast.

The chairman of the pro-Kurdish Democratic Society Party (DTP), which has long been accused of having links to the PKK, said the Turkish state needed a change of mentality.

"If the proposed solutions are serious, weapons can be laid down in three months," DTP Chairman Ahmet Turk said.

CHP party leader Deniz Baykal, who has said the reforms threaten to undermine Turkey's unity, accused Erdogan of preparing a "plan to destroy and split Turkey."

Erdogan then answered: "There are some people who want martyrs (dead Turkish soldiers) so they can exploit it better," prompting a walkout by Baykal and his MPs.

Timothy Ash, emerging markets analyst from Royal Bank of Scotland, said Erdogan's Kurdish strategy was high risk.

"While pushing the Kurdish reform agenda might win it votes amongst Kurds and in southeast Turkey, it also threatens to lose it votes amongst its own core Turkish vote, and more generally amongst secular voters," Ash wrote in a research note this week. (reuters.com, Nov 14, 2009)


CHP prône le racisme, la discrimination et la " solution finale " contre les Kurdes

Lettre ouverte à l'International socialiste:

L'International socialiste doit exclure de ses rangs le parti populaire républicain de Turquie (CHP) qui prône le racisme, la discrimination et la " solution finale " contre les Kurdes.

Le parti populaire républicain de Turquie (CHP) a franchi hier (10 novembre 2009) une nouvelle étape dans ses prises de position contre la paix, en appelant à l'extermination du peuple kurde en Turquie.

En effet, à l'initiative du gouvernement turc " l’ouverture " concernant la question kurde dans ce pays est débattue dans l'opinion publique depuis plusieurs mois. Le gouvernement a même entamé des négociations avec le mouvement kurde le PKK (parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan) afin de trouver une issue pacifique au conflit armé. Le PKK a d'ailleur récemment envoyé une délégation de paix, composée de combattants et de réfugiés kurdes d'Irak, pour accélérer les pourparlers. Une autre délégation, composée de réfugiés Kurdes en Europe, est attendue.

Dans ce contexte, la grande assemblée nationale (parlement turc) a débattu le 10 novembre 2009 l'organisation d'un débat sur cette question. Au nom de son parti, M. Onur Öymen (CHP), s'opposant à cette initiative, a appelé la poursuite de la guerre contre les Kurdes. Rappelant, entre autres, les massacres fait lors des révoltes Kurdes en Turquie (Cheik Said et Dersim en particulier) et lors de l'occupation du Nord de Chypre, il a appelé le gouvernement turc actuel qui ne serait pas assez courageux comme les précédents à " finir le travail " contre " les terroristes ".

AINSI, LE CHP PROPOSE, TOUT COMME DANS LE PASSE, LA SOLUTION MILITAIRE À LA QUESTION KURDE DANS CE PAYS.

Pour rappel, le CHP a été l'unique parti autorisé en Turquie entre 1923 et 1950. Il a dirigé ce pays avec une main de fer (au sens propre du mot) ; de nombreux massacres et de graves violations des droits humains ont été commis sous son règne.

En effet, les fondateurs de la Turquie dite " moderne ", sous l'étiquette du CHP, ont bâti ce pays sur le génocide des peuples et de leurs cultures. Leurs successeurs ont poursuivi la même sale besogne.

En voici quelques exemples :

• L’expulsion brutale de 1.2 million de Grecs (1923-1924)
• Les massacres des Kurdes et des Assyriens après la révolte de Sheikh Said (1925-1928)
• Les massacres des Kurdes, Alévis et Kizilbachs de Dersim : 70'000 – 90’000 morts et 12’000 personnes déplacées (1935-1938)
• Les lois iniques et les déportations d’Arméniens, de Juifs, de Grecs (1942)
• La guerre contre les Kurdes, de 1984 à ce jour, a fait plus de 40’000 morts.
• La destruction de 3848 villages kurdes et les déplacements forcés de trois à quatre millions de paysans kurdes entre 1989 et 1998. Le but des auteurs de ces crimes contre l’humanité était de " turquiser " les terres de ces peuples, en exterminant d’abord les non-musulmans, puis les musulmans non-turcs et/ou, à défaut, de les assimiler.
• La guerre contre les Kurdes - depuis 1984 à ce jour, plus de 40’000 kurdes ont perdu la vie.
• Le massacre de 36 manifestants lors de la célébration du 1er mai 1977.
• Les massacres de 102 personnes en 1978 à Kahramanmaras et de 7 étudiants le 16 mars 1978 à Beyazit (Istanbul).
• Le massacre de 50 personnes le 5 juillet 1980 à Çorum.
• Le massacre de 37 intellectuels le 2 juillet 1993 à l’hôtel Madimak à Sivas.
• Le massacre de 33 personnes le 12 mars 1995 à Gazi -Ümraniye. (Istanbul).
• Les massacres dans les prisons : 3 détenus de Buca (21 septembre 1995), 3 prisonniers à Ümraniye (4 janvier1996), 10 prisonniers Diyarbakir (24 septembre 1996), 10 prisonniers Ulucanlar (26 septembre 1999) et 28 prisonniers politiques abattus et des centaines de prisonniers blessés simultanément dans plusieurs villes avec l’opération intitulée " Retour à la vie " (19- 21 décembre 2000)

Du 20 octobre 2000 au 22 janvier 2007, la tenue d'une grève de la faim jusqu’à la mort; 94 personnes dont des prisonniers politiques et leurs proches sont mortes dans le cadre de cette grève de la faim et de son soutien, dans et hors des prisons. 600 personnes environ sont soit au bord de la mort, soit dans des états physiques et mentaux gravement détériorés. Les prisonniers protestaient contre le plan du Gouvernement prévoyant leur transfert forcé dans des prisons à cellule d’isolement dite de " type F ", ainsi que contre les tortures, la répression et la législation prétendument " antiterroriste " de l’état turc qui bafoue les règles démocratiques minimales.

La destruction de 3848 villages kurdes et les déplacements forcés de trois à quatre millions de paysans kurdes entre 1989 et 1998

C'est ce parti (CHP), militariste, raciste, chauviniste et ultra nationaliste, qui est membre de l'International socialiste depuis 1976. C'est aussi le président de ce parti, M. Deniz Baykal, qui a appelé l'armée turque il y a moins de deux ans à faire un coup d’état et pour lequel il a été hué lors de la réunion de l'International socialiste à Genève. Le dernier exemple démontre que ce parti n'a aucune volonté de défendre la démocratie, encore moins le socialisme. Pourtant, mêmes certains dirigeants ultranationalistes turcs de l'époque, à l'instar de Ihsan Sabri Caglayangil, ont fait leur mea culpa s'agissant de la cruauté de leurs actes contre les Kurdes : " nous les avons tous massacré, de 7 à 77 ans, et gazé comme des rats ceux et celles qui s'étaient réfugiés dans des grottes. »

Un parti qui bafoue les principes élémentaires de l'international socialiste n'a donc pas sa place au sein de cette organisation. C'est pourquoi, nous, en tant que Maison populaire de Genève, appelons les organes dirigeants de l'international socialiste à prendre la décision qui s'impose : exclure le CHP de ses rangs.

Demir SÖNMEZ - info@assmp.org, 14 novembre 2009

AKP's Kurdish move led to tension in Turkish Parliament

The anniversary of  Atatürk's death turned into a heated debate Tuesday as the ruling party attempted to discuss in Parliament its Kurdish initiative to end the 25-year terror problem.

The ruling Justice and Development Party, or AKP, last week submitted a motion to Parliament requesting a discussion of its Kurdish initiative with opposition parties in Parliament on Tuesday. The date, Nov. 10, was the 71st anniversary of the death of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the founder of the Turkish Republic.

Opposition parties reacted negatively to the chosen date, saying parliamentary discussion of the Kurdish initiative would likely overshadow commemoration activities.

Amid this opposition, the AKP brought the issue to Parliament on Tuesday for discussion. The Republican People’s Party, or CHP, and the Nationalist Movement Party, or MHP, submitted a motion to Parliament asking for the Kurdish move to be discussed another day and tension inside the hall started to grow.

Speaking on behalf of the main opposition party, the Republican People's Party (CHP), Onur Oymen said, "although Mustafa Kemal Ataturk lost his life on November 10, his ideals, targets, principles and reforms continue in the hearth of this country. And today's move is totally contrary of Ataturk's policy for fight against terrorism. We lost many people throughout our history. But no one even think about ending that fight. You are the first to offer this. Because, you do not have the courage to fight against terrorism."

"There are nearly a hundred deputies of Kurdish descent at the parliament who prefer the fight to negotiation. Do they represent our people in the region or do spokesmen of terrorism represent? Why do you talk to those who act as spokesmen of terrorism instead of those deputies? According to your understanding of law, those who join the terrorist organization can be released but those expressing their views should be imprisoned. You accept those who uprise against the state, but cannot take those who criticized the government. This approach is undefendable," Oymen added.

Oktay Vural of the Nationalist movement Party (MHP) said on behalf of his political party, "they talk about a historic opportunity. What is this opportunity? They are trying to show depersonalization of our people, disruption of tranquility and separation as solution. We are loosing our values. How can these be an opportunity for us? This is an opportunity for those who are trying to fulfil their own desires and strategic targets."

"We are aware of the reasons of your efforts to hide targets and goals (of this move). You know that Turkish nation would not accept those targets and goals. You can get over them, but our people will never bear them. Our nation cannot digest being interlocutor with the terrorist organization. We will object those who try to equate martyrs with terrorists, we will not allow separation of our people with policies of ethnic identity, we will try to protect the honor of our martyrs. The MHP will put an end to the problem of terrorism and separation. Mothers will not shed tears any more and our nation will not be separated," he said.

Gultan Kisanak of the Democratic Society Party (DTP) said, "for years, the Kurdish problems has been discussed at National Security council (MGK) meetings and military headquarters. In fact, it is the parliament which should discuss it. And this debate will be a test for both the parliament and the democracy. We need to develop a joint solution all together since it is the problem of whole Turkey. All our citizens expect us to find a peaceful solution on the basis of democracy, freedom, equality and brotherhood."

"The parliament should prepare a civil, democratic and pluralist constitution in which differences should be considered cultural assets. The constitution should frankly express that everyone should have the right to use their mother tongues in private and public areas besides the official language of the country. Such a constitution will create an opportunity for a lasting solution to the Kurdish issue. The government has so far asked for support by defending that it was sincere. But we cannot say even that it took a positive step," she said.

The opposition parties also offered harsh criticism against the Kurdish initiative and the AKP’s decision to hold the debate on Nov. 10 during the parliamentary session in which the initiative was discussed.

The CHP and MHP submitted a motion to Parliament asking for the Kurdish move to be discussed another day.

Mehmet Şandır, MHP parliamentary group leader, called the AKP’s move discriminatory.

“It is not right for such an issue to be discussed on the anniversary of Atatürk’s death,” Şandır said. “The AKP insisted on this day and it is very unfortunate to bring the issue to Parliament on such a date when the flags are lowered to half-mast. Who are you challenging?”

AKP Kahramanmaraş deputy Avni Doğan criticized the opposition’s approach and his speech sparked tension in the parliamentary hall. “The AKP says it brought a project of democracy, peace and unity. Today is not a day for mourning. You [the opposition], however, say Atatürk didn’t die but lives in our hearts but also refuse to discuss the Kurdish initiative saying that today is a day for mourning,” Doğan said.

“Kemalism doesn’t mean a deadlock and it anticipates making the terrorists come from down from the mountains,” Doğan said as he accused the opposition parties of applauding the military coup plotters.

His words sparked tension and CHP’s Kemal Anadol and MHP’s Şandır reacted strongly.

Taking the floor, Hakkı Süha Okay, the CHP’s parliamentary group deputy leader, also criticized the AKP’s decision to discuss the Kurdish move on Nov. 10. “You [the AKP] couldn’t make the terrorists come down from the mountains. You welcomed them with a state ceremony and you chose Nov. 10 on purpose. It is a challenge and taking revenge from Atatürk,” he said.

The tension escalated again once Interior Minister Beşir Atalay, the coordinator of the government’s Kurdish move, took the floor. Banners that read “Atatürk, we are following your path” and “The Republic is your legacy and it is we who will perpetuate it” were opened by CHP deputies.

Atalay’s remark that the AKP represented all of Turkey and that the opposition parties represented only regions drew reactions from CHP and MHP deputies. The CHP’s Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu stood up and demanded to take the floor, but Atalay’s speech was interrupted when CHP deputies unveiled their banners.

Parliament speaker Mehmet Ali Şahin warned the CHP and MHP deputies that Parliament was not a rally. He called on the opposition deputies to lower the banners. He then recessed the session for five minutes and then started the session.

DTP to call for public support of democratic initiative

The Democratic Society Party (DTP) has decided to intensify its relations with the public and intellectual and democratic circles and NGOs in Turkey, moving to promote awareness of the government’s initiative to solve the Kurdish problem.

The DTP is setting to work on its own plan for the democratic initiative period started by the ruling AK Party. A statement released yesterday by the DTP’s central administration said meetings had been held between Oct. 28 and Nov. 1 that had gathered DTP managers, regional chiefs and mayors to discuss organizational and political work and what the party could contribute to the process of finding a solution to the Kurdish problem.

The DTP’s statement highlighted that the decisions made during these meetings were evaluated by the party’s Central Administrative Board (MYK), noting: “Decisions were made for us, as a party, to develop more intensive relations with the Turkish public, intellectuals, democratic circles and civil society organizations during the upcoming period. Meetings will be organized to inform the press about the ongoing process. Beginning with our party co-chairs and our parliamentary deputies, we will contribute to and participate in programs related to solving the Kurdish problem both domestically and abroad.” A series of public town hall-style meetings will be organized in all of the provinces and districts in which the DTP has branches from Nov. 15 to Jan. 15, the DTP said.

Deux partis du centre-droit fusionnent

Deux petites formations de centre-droit ont décidé de fusionner pour contrer l'AKP, le parti d'inspiration islamiste au pouvoir en Turquie, deux ans après l'échec d'une première tentative similaire, a rapporté l'agence Anatolie.

Lors de deux congrès réunis simultanément à Ankara, le parti de la Mère-patrie (Anap) et le parti démocrate (DP) ont réuni leurs forces, mais sous la bannière du DP et de son leader, Husamettin Cindoruk.

En 2007, ces deux partis avait annoncé un accord de fusion à l'approche des élections anticipées de juillet, mais l'opération avait échoué, les deux formations s'accusant de ne pas respecter l'accord.

Les élections s'étaient soldées par une victoire écrasante du parti de la Justice et du développement (AKP) du Premier ministre Recep Tayyip Erdogan, qui obtenait un deuxième mandat avec plus de 46% des voix.

Le DP avait eu 5,4% des votes, en-dessous des 10% requis pour accéder à la représentation au Parlement, tandis que l'Anap n'avait pas concouru.

L'AKP du Premier ministre Recep Erdogan, issu de la mouvance islamiste, domine depuis 2002 la vie politique turque, ayant endossé la laïcité et le projet d'adhésion à l'Union européenne, bien que soupçonné par beaucoup d'impulser une islamisation rampante de la Turquie. (AFP, 31 oct 2009)

Forces armées/Armed Forces

Turkish Military Planned Attacks on Christians

Senior Turkish military officers had made extensive plans to terrorize non-Muslims in Turkey. In the large Ergenekon* scandal recently a well-planned terrorist operation was revealed. The operation which is called "Kafes Operasyonu Eylem Plani", in English meaning "the execution of the cage - operation" was to eliminate the remaining small group of Christians living in Turkey today.

The plan was revealed when police arrested Levent Bektas, a major in the Turkish army. The evidence seized reveals more than 27 officers and senior military officers involved in the conspiracy against Christians.

In order to identify key persons among the Christians and then kill them, this terrorist network has broken into a Greek church congregation compound and stolen computers. The purpose of this was to access the congregation's member lists.

"When our office was emptied of computers and files, church members were very concerned. Since the murder of the monk Santoro, the journalist Hrant Dink and the brutal murder of three publishing workers in Malatya, Christians are living in constant fear," said lawyer Kezban Hatemi, representing the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate in Istanbul.

On November 28, 2007, the Syriac Orthodox monk Daniel Savci in Turabdin was kidnapped in southeastern Turkey. The monk resides in the St. Gabriel monastery, which Turkish authorities are trying to confiscate. A few days later the monk was found beaten. Shortly after, the police arrested some village guards, a state-sanctioned militia subordinate to the Turkish army, for the kidnapping. Many people with insight into the situation interpret the kidnapping as a direct threat to the remaining Assyrians in Turabdin.

Christians were attacked across the country. To implement the strategic attacks, the country"s Christian population was mapped out and 939 key persons from different parts of the country were identified as potential targets.

The fully detailed operation consists of four phases: preparation, spreading propaganda, shape opinion and execute.

The newspaper Taraf, which has been able to access the information, has published several articles about this. On its website www.taraf.com.tr it is described in detail how the plan to attack the Christians was to be implemented.

Below are some points that constitute the plan"s main lines.

• Christians are mapped
• Famous and wealthy Christian businessmen kidnapped
• Systematic fires and looting of Christian businesses
• The Armenian newspaper AGOS be subjected to several explosions
• Murder patrols executing attacks against selected individuals
• Christian cemeteries subjected to explosions
• Churches and institutions belonging to Christians subjected to explosions
• Put the blame on imaginary militant organizations
• From the late 1980s to the 2000s, thousands of people have been killed, among them there were also many Christians. The perpetrators of the killings have never been found. But officially they have been systematically identified as an organization named "Hizbullah".

A military arsenal provides the network with weapons. The police have, after following the tracks, at a house search in Poyrazköy outside Istanbul found a weapon cache to be used in the attacks. Among the weapons were several items, from C4 explosives to Uzi firearms and other sophisticated weapons.

According to the newspaper Taraf, major Eren Günay has been arrested for having provided the attackers with arms and ammunition. According to the newspaper there are indications that the plan is sanctioned by the highest Turkish military leadership.

For a long time, Christians houses, property and businesses in the Christian areas of the cities of Istanbul and Izmir have been labeled, in order to identify them. MP Sebah Tuncel notified the Turkish government with a written question last summer. The question addressed the Ministry of Interior and was about what the government intends to do against the labeling of Christian properties and about Christians being identified. Even today, the government has not replied to this question yet.

As long as the attacks were aimed at Christians and other minority groups, the Turkish government acted indifferently. Not until the ruling government party AKP themselves felt threatened they began to act. In recent years the relationship between the government and the military has been strained and on several occasions the military has made attempts to make a coup d"état, without succeeding fully.

(Dikran Ego , freelance journalist - www.acsatv.com, November 29, 2009)

* Ergenekon is a terrorist network that consists of many different elements, from high military officers to teachers and journalists, there are many professional groups represented in the network. This network is also called the "deep state" in Turkey.

"Nobody Wears down the Military, the Military Frays Itself"

The Heinrich Böll Foundation organized a 2 days symposium in Istanbul on the topic of "The Military's Political Role in Turkey". In the last session of the meeting, Taraf newspaper journalist Lale Kemal Sarıibrahimoğlu emphasized the importance of auditing the financial resources the army is benefiting from as well as its spending.

In the session, the Turkey Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV) introduced their latest report on reducing the military's efficacy in politics.

Besides security almanac co-writer Kemal Sarıibrahimoğlu, economist Zeynep Şarlak, TESEV representative Dilek Kurban and Hale Akay from Bilge University were among the orators.

Kemal Sarıibrahimoğlu: The problem is the wrong spending of the military

Addressing the people who claim that the "military is being worn down", Kemal Sarıibrahimoğlu stated that in fact it was the other way around, "Nobody wears the army down, the army is fraying itself". Those objections benefit from keeping the actual military spending secretly, Kemal Sarıibrahimoğlu said.

Taraf journalist Kemal Sarıibrahimoğlu indicated that including extra-budgetary resources, the military has a budget of approximately 20 billion dollars at its disposal. The journalist pointed out that no information is being published of how and where this money is spent, whereas this information could be obtained from the countries the weapons are bought from. "These are not state secrets. The problem is the wrong spending. Does our tax money go straight to weapons purchase? Why should the military hide information about its spending?" Kemal Sarıibrahimoğlu asked.

The Taraf daily journalist urged the need to form an auditing commission in the parliament in order to make the military withdraw from internal security issues and to find out about the military spending in detail. Such an auditing commission is essential to point out mistakes. Furthermore, civil prosecutors should be able to access the military information, Kemal Sarıibrahimoğlu requested.

"Institutions do not give up their privileges voluntarily. It needs political will-power", the journalist explained, adding that she did not observe this will-power in the government.

Şarlak: "Trust the military" - what does that mean?

Economist Zeynep Şarlak said that those who intend to protect the army are paying the price for their actions. Şarlak continued that a culture of fear became dominant. "Social psychologists must also work in this field. Who fears whom and for what reasons, we have to find out the reasons for such a fear" Şarlak said.

Moreover, Şarlak emphasized the need to question survey outcomes like the one showing "the military as the most trusted institution". The economist illustrated, "The mass media does not publish anything opposing the military, let us not trust the military. All the parties supporting the army after 12 September have lost in the elections. That means we have to understand what that trust actually means".
Kurban: Freedom of Expression is essential

Dilek Kurban from TESEV highlighted the importance of freedom of expression. Also referring to the Kurdish question Kurban said "Whatever the topic, this is essential. Otherwise it is impossible to generate information", Kurban argued.

Akay: I do not vote for "National Security"

Hale Akay from Bilge University, author of the TESEV report, reminded that the National Security Policy Document (MGSB) does not reveal any of its contents and is kept secret to the public. "The country's politics is determined according to this document. I do not vote in political elections, a do not vote for the MGSB", Akay stated. (BIA, Tolga KORKUT, 24 November 2009)

Lieutenant Sentenced for Causing 4 Soldiers' Death

In the hearing on last Friday (20 November) the Elazığ 8th Army Corps Commandership in eastern Turkey convicted Lieutenant Mehmet Tümer for causing the deaths of 4 soldiers, namely İbrahim Yaman, Ibrahim Öztürk, Ali Osman Altın and Mesut Bulut. Tümer had made Öztürk hold on to a hand grenade of which Tümer had removed the pin before. The lieutenant received a 9 years and 2 months prison sentence.

Approximately 2 hours of discussing the basic aspects of the case, the court found lieutenant Tümer guilty of "causing the death of more than one person by deliberate negligence". Initially, the court handed down an 8 years prison sentence, which was then increased to 11 years but was finally set to 9 years and 2 months.

The families of the victims had claimed the maximum penalty for Tümer. Özgür Murat Büyük, lawyer of the family of İbrahim Öztürk, to whom Tümer gave the grenade, had demanded to sue the lieutenant under charges of "killing with probable intention". Büyük told bianet that in such a trial the punishment would come out much higher.

For his defence Tümer claimed that what he did was not a "punishment" but an "opportunity of education".

Lethal punishment

Sergeant Yaman and privates Öztürk, Altın and Bulut were killed in the incident on 17 August in the Elazığ Karakoca Battalion. Tümer has been detained in a military prison since 18 August.

Tümer stated that he gave Öztürk the live grenade in order to educate him because he had slept on duty. The lieutenant admitted that Öztürk came twice to ask the removed pin back but Tümer refused. He balmed that on the fact of his inexperience since he had only be lieutanant for 56 days then and he apologized for the incident.
Bedir Bulut, uncle of killed private Bulut, stated in the previous hearing on 11 November that he did not believe in an accident. He said that when Tümer gave the grenade to Öztürk he apparently said, "Now go from post to post, let them see what kind of person I became". (BIA, Tolga KORKUT, 23 November 2009)

The Turkish Army's holding OYAK plans acquisition in 2010

The Turkish Armed Forces Pension Fund, or Oyak, is expected to expand through an acquisition in 2010.

The $8 billion fund, which currently manages a mixed portfolio of 53 companies and financial instruments, completed its most recent large-scale acquisition in 2006 when it bought the Erdemir steel group.

Throughout 2007 and the first half of 2008, Oyak divested from its three core financial-services companies – Oyak Bank, the Oyak Emeklilik private-pension company and the AXA Oyak Sigorta insurance company – which it sold to ING and AXA, respectively.

Caner Öner, a senior advisor at Oyak, said the divestment enabled the fund to enter the crisis with a large amount of cash in hand.

“We already saw some problems emerging in the banking sector before the crisis kicked off and decided to divest. Increasing volatility and the upcoming compliance requirements to Basel II and international accounting rules meant our holdings in the financial sector were no longer a pension fund kind of investment,” Öner said. “All the sales of our financial-services firms were timely and very profitable for us. We were lucky to have acted on time.”

OYAK is looking to invest the cash from the financial-services companies in a business that would complement its current strengths in the automotive, steel, energy, cement and logistics sectors. “We are not looking for green field or start-up projects, as these do not fit our strategy. We are not interested in tourism, construction, media or retail-related industries either,” Öner said.

Markets looking brighter:

The final decision about the new acquisition is likely to be made in 2010 when the global economic landscape becomes more settled. “We have been receiving offers and are evaluating different proposals. However, there is still a way to go in terms of prices,” Öner said.

Overall, Oyak’s holdings weathered the storm relatively well because of the diversification of its portfolio, which in 2008 yielded an impressive return of 26.3 percent.

While some of the fund’s subsidiary companies, for example in the steel sector, were hit by the global trend in terms of prices and demand, others such as energy maintained earlier business volumes.

Markets have started looking brighter, Öner said, adding: “Most believe that we have already seen the worst.” (Hürriyet Daily News, November 11, 2009)

Turkish academic Ismet Akça criticizes OYAK

The Turkish Armed Forces Pension Fund, or OYAK, a major producer of steel and cement as well as a leading car manufacturer, is little more than a “military holding,” said Ismet Akça from Istanbul’s Yıldız University.

He also condemned the fund as being a creation of Turkey’s military coup in 1960 and said its mission is to increase the socio-political status of the military and to protect its privileges.

OYAK, known for its deft 2006 sale of its banking unit to ING Group for $2.6 billion, has frequently been the target of such claims in the past. The company, however, has convinced investigators dispatched by the European Commission of its arm’s-length distance from the military. The company also frequently points out that while it was created in 1960 as a military pension fund, the same legislation that year also created analogous retirement funds for teachers and civil servants. The other two funds languished amid mismanagement and closed in the 1960s.

Akça argued that despite efforts by current OYAK Chairman Coşkun Ulusoy to emphasize the institution’s civilian dimension, the administrative structure presents a contrary picture. All of its 241,000 members are military personnel, he said. Its 40-member board of directors includes only nine civilians, he claimed.

Its companies are run by professional civilians, said Akça, but he argued that the decision-making mechanisms are dominated by the military.

Akça also claimed OYAK enjoys a special tax status and enjoys liquidity that other commercial enterprises lack because all military personnel pay 10 percent of gross incomes directly to the fund, to be returned as annuity upon retirement. That structure, however, is routinely defended by the company as being analogous to many public pension funds in Europe and the United States. (Hürriyet Daily News, November 22, 2009)

Libération d'un officier turc inculpé pour complot contre le gouvernement

Un tribunal d'Istanbul a remis en liberté vendredi un officier turc de haut rang inculpé et écroué deux jours plus tôt dans le cadre d'une enquête sur une présumée conspiration dans l'armée visant à plonger le pays dans le chaos, a rapporté l'agence de presse Anatolie.

La cour a décidé de relâcher dans l'attente de son procès le colonel de marine Dursun Ciçek, accusé d'"appartenance à une organisation terroriste", après avoir examiné les réclamations des avocats du prévenu, a indiqué Anatolie, sans donner plus de détails sur les motivations de cette décision. (AFP, 13 nov 2009)

Un officier de haut rang inculpé pour un complot présumé contre le gouvernement

Un officier turc de haut rang a été inculpé et écroué mercredi soir par une cour d'Istanbul dans le cadre d'une enquête sur une prétendue conspiration dans l'armée visant à plonger le pays dans le chaos politique, rapporte l'agence Anatolie.

Le colonel de marine Dursun Ciçek qui travaillait dans un service de l'état-major des armées, est accusé d'avoir préparé un document secret pour déstabiliser le gouvernement issu de la mouvance islamiste.

L'officer a été entendu pendant plusieurs heures par des procureurs qui l'ont déféré devant une Cour qui l'a inculpé et décidé de l'incarcerer "dans le cadre de l'enquête sur le document" portant sur le prétendu complot, précise Anatolie.

Le texte incriminé publié en juin dans la presse, stigmatise le Parti de la justice et le développement (AKP).

Il décrit le projet de lancer de fausses accusations contre l'AKP pour le discréditer aux yeux de l'opinion publique et entraîner la chute du gouvernement islamo-conservateur, accusé de vouloir modifier le système laïque de la Turquie.

Le même officer avait déjà été arrêté une première fois l'été dernier avant d'être rapidement remis en liberté.

Cette affaire fait des remous en Turquie qui a connu quatre coups d'Etat militaires depuis 1960.

L'armée qui se considère comme garante de la laïcité, a récemment annoncé avoir ouvert sa propre enquête sur l'affaire après qu'un officier eut envoyé le document original du prétendu complot au parquet de la justice civile.

A l'issue d'une première enquête, il y a quelques mois, le parquet militaire avait conclu que le document en question était un faux.

Dans une intervention, ce week-end, sur la chaîne de télévision publique TRT, le Premier ministre Recep Tayyip Erdogan a indiqué qu'il mettrait tout en oeuvre pour que les responsables de l'affaire soient jugés. Mais il a aussi  déclaré qu'il gardait confiance au chef d'état major, le général Ilker Basbug,  qui s'est engagé à épurer l'armée de ses éléments factieux. (AFP 11 nov 2009)


"General Staff Should be Connected to Ministry of Defence"

Former military judge Ümit Kardaş commented on Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's pronouncement about deposing the Chief of General Staff from office, saying, "If he is removed from office, he will go to the military judiciary", Kardaş interprets Erdoğan's words as "pragmatism".

According to Kardaş, an amendment of the constitution is not necessary to transfer most of the power to the Ministry of Defence (MSB), allowing a struggle with politics. It is in Erdoğan's hands to take a step for bringing the military judiciary to the level common in democratic countries, where it is only involved in soldiers' disciplinary issues.

The Prime Minister was quoted as follows in a life interview on TRT on 8 November:

"The Chief of General Staff does not come upon an appointment of the prime minister. He comes upon the proposal of the Council of Ministers and the approval of the President. What happens otherwise? This is not the concern of the Prime Minister. So if there is an objection, it appeals to the military judiciary. Those evaluations have to be done very carefully. These steps have to be taken by considering the country's unity and entirety".

Kardaş commented:

There is no example of a Military Council in the world: After the memorandum from 12 March 1971in the course of amendments of the constitution, the Military Supreme Court was established, formerly known as the Military Council. The purpose was to handle legal supervision of military actions by the military and keep it away from civil judiciary. This court consists of 3 military judges and 2 officers. This is what the Prime Minister refers to. There is no other example of an administrative court in the world.

Pragmatism of AKP (ruling Justice and Development Party): We are always talking about these issues since nobody has thought about a reform of the system. The pronouncement of the Prime Minister shows his pragmatic (opportunistic) perspective. We need a reform in the context of ensuring civil supervision, stretching from the educational curriculum to the military judiciary, considering the Military Assistance Agency (OYAK) as well as the constitution. Otherwise, this structure ties up your hands and arms on every topic. You cannot carry out a [democratic] initiative with the current structure.

Powers granted to the General Staff should be returned to the Ministry of Defence: Again after 12 March 1971, many of the powers previously inherent to the Ministry of Defence were transferred by law to the General Staff, including the approval of the military budget. The Ministry of Defence was demoted to a support institution. This institutional autonomy of the General Staff means political autonomy at the same time. However, these powers have to be returned and the General Staff must be connected to the Ministry of Defence. The military budget of democratic countries is prepared by civilians. In our country, the General Staff's weekly press conference is held by civilians in the Ministry of Defence. It is easier to amend that law than to amend the constitution. AKP has the power to do that, by they don't.

A referendum can be initiated if necessary: A change of the military judiciary's purview requires an amendment of the constitution. If this appears to be too difficult to AKP, they can also initiate a referendum. The Prime Minister should speak openly, he should name the problems and concerns. He should tell us what is done and what not. (BIA, Tolga KORKUT, 10 November 2009)

Wrangling over the Web sites established by the Army

A former senior Prime Ministry official has denied that the Turkish Armed Forces were given a mandate to monitor certain Web sites in 2000. A disagreement that erupted between the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) and the Prime Ministry after it was revealed that the military established Web sites to back its psychological warfare against civilian groups has escalated with a statement from a former undersecretary of the ministry.

Ahmet Şağar, who served as the prime ministry undersecretary in 2000, stressed in a written statement that no directive was sent to the TSK for the establishment of such Web sites. “I did not issue such a directive. I do not recall such an issue,” he noted on Monday. A General Staff spokesperson, however, had claimed last week that the Web sites were established following directives from the Prime Ministry in 2000, when the government was led by a coalition under former Prime Minister Bülent Ecevit. The existence of the TSK's Web sites was revealed recently in an e-mail sent by a military officer to a number of journalists and newspapers. The officer, who wished to remain anonymous, claimed that the armed forces established 42 Web sites as part of its psychological warfare against “dangerous” civilian groups, which were categorized as “reactionary,” “separatist,” “pro-Justice and Development Party [AK Party]” and “anti-TSK.”

Following Şağar’s statement, Prime Ministry officials checked the archives at the ministry but failed to find the directive in question, confirming the statement. Therefore, the ministry requested from the General Staff the date and serial number of the directive. The ministry will decide what action to take against the Web sites after the General Staff responds.

Besides establishing 42 Web sites to conduct psychological warfare against civilian groups, the armed forces also monitored the activities of more than 400 Turkish and foreign language Web sites. The Web site plan was devised at the Third Information Support Unit of the General Staff by a number of colonels and was coordinated by First Army Corps Commander Gen. Hasan Iğsız. Chief of General Staff Gen. İlker Başbuğ was also reportedly informed about the plan.

The 42 Web sites in question were used to provoke tension in society over a number of current developments that created uneasiness in the public. One of the Web sites, www.terorveguvenlik.net, for example, featured articles that argued that a Council of State attack in 2006 that left a senior judge dead was launched due to “religious purposes.” Web sites www.irtica.org and www.irtica.net, on the other hand, campaigned against the election of an AK Party member as the new president, claiming that such an election would increase chaos within society. Several other Web sites launched smear campaigns against scholar Fethullah Gülen. The Web sites featured articles by a number of columnists from nationalist newspapers such as Sözcü, Cumhuriyet and BirGün.

A Web site pointed to the AK Party government as the sole source of the headscarf controversy. According to the site, the AK Party was the number one enemy of the regime in the country and worked to undermine the military and judiciary in Turkey. The same Web site threatened the life of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. An article on the site recalled the execution of former Prime Minister Adnan Menderes, saying the end of Erdoğan would be no different than that of Menderes.

Another Web site detailed a plan to support the Milli Görüş (National View) movement in parliamentary elections to divide public support flowing to the AK Party. The site featured several articles that defended the Milli Görüş movement against the AK Party, claiming that the movement backs national policies in every field.

Plan continues to draw criticism

The TSK’s Web site plan continues to draw criticism from observers, who have called for the trial of members of the military who established the sites.

According to Ali Kemal Yıldız, a jurist, the armed forces has no authority to establish Web sites to conduct psychological warfare against civilians. Jurists’ Union President Sinan Kılıçkaya said the TSK committed a crime by setting up such Web sites.

“The Web sites should be evaluated within the scope of an article of the Turkish Penal Code [TCK] that rules against fomenting hatred and enmity in society. In accordance with the TCK, an individual who foments hatred or enmity against an individual on the basis of his social class, race, religion or denomination is punished with three years in jail,” Kılıçkaya noted.

Internet Technology Association (İTD) President Mustafa Akgül said the categorization of civilian groups on Web sites is a crime. “Everyone is categorizing people in our day. The TSK also categorized people. We are against any pressure or ban concerning the Internet. Judicial bodies should take necessary action against the TSK categorization,” he remarked.

According to Füsun Nebil, a manager of Turk.internet.com, a Web site for Internet technology professionals, civilian institutions should be responsible for monitoring Web sites deemed “dangerous.” “State institutions and the General Staff should not conduct these kinds of monitoring activities,” she added. (Zaman, 11 November 2009)

General Convicted for Defamation of Assassinated Hrant Dink

The Bakırköy 4th Court of First Instance in Istanbul adjudged Brigadier General Dursun Ali Karaduman from the Giresun Gendarmerie Regional Command on the eastern Black Sea Coast to pay 2,000 Turkish Lira (approximately € 900) in compensation for damages for mental anguish. Karaduman had targeted assassinated editor-in-chief of the Armenian Agos newspaper Hrant Dink in a poem he read out at a soldier's funeral. Furthermore, he was quoted as saying at another soldier's funeral, "They even condemn it and raise their voices when a traitor is killed".

The Dink family symbolically set the amount of the compensation to 1 TL. Yet, in order to be able to hear the case the court raised it of 6,000 TL

"Dink family plans to donate compensation to Nezin Foundation"

Lawyer of the Dink family Deniz Tuna told bianet that the family partially accepted the amount claimed by the court and said that the family plans to donate the 2,000 TL decided by the court on 6 November to Nesin Foundation to support victims of the flood that hit parts of Istanbul in September this year.

Karaduman allegedly defamed Dink twice after the journalist had been assassinated on 19 January 2007. The first time he targeted Dink in a speech Karaduman made at a soldier's funeral on 9 April 2007. The second time he mentioned Dink's name to his disfavour in a poem he read out at another soldier's funeral on 20 June 2007.

The court found Karaduman guilty of attacking Dink's moral integrity on the grounds of his speech and his poem.

Hate speeches on 2 funerals

In his speech in April 2007 Karaduman said, "...the ones who panned this games and who was nominated for it must have been informed very well that the country and the nation of the Turkish Republic is an indivisible whole. Our fight will continue until there is not a single terrorist left. Today the American Senate, the French Parliament, the English House of Lords and the EU Parliament in Brussels have condemned the ones who killed you. They even condemn it and raise their voices when a traitor is killed. The immortal heroes who shed holy blood, who made this geography our homeland and who entrusted it with us; I condemn all the traitors and their supporters for you here today".

In June Karaduman implemented elements of hate into a poem he read at the funeral of soldier Kadir Aydın. He complained about the "world's indifference" and compared the situation of Aydın, who "carried a thoroughly original Turkish name" as Karaduman put it, with journalist Hrant Dink.

A total number of 20 defendants are tried before the 14th High Criminal Court in the context of the Dink murder., 8 gendarmerie officials of the Trabzon Gendarmerie Command are prosecuted under charges of "neglect of duty" because they did not prevent the murder despite referring information of the Intelligence Office prior to the assassination. (BIA, Erol ÖNDEROĞLU, 9 November 2009)

Civil society kicks off three-day rally against military plot

Turkey's prominent civil society organizations have stood up to advocate democracy and the rule of law in Turkey against a military plot aimed at undermining the ruling party and a civilian group.

The organizations have kicked off a series of rallies in Ankara and İstanbul, which will last three days. The first gathering point for the rally was the Turkish capital yesterday. A large group of supporters from the Association of Human Rights and Solidarity for Oppressed Peoples (MAZLUM-DER), the Civil Servants' Trade Union (Memur-Sen), the Confederation of Turkish Real Trade Unions (Hak-İş), the Service Sector Workers' Union (Hizmet-İş), the Human Rights Association (İHD) and the Turkish Human Rights Foundation (TİHV) participated in yesterday's rally. The rally was aimed at voicing opposition to the coup attempts in the country.

The rally came shortly after the discovery of an original copy of a military plot detailing plans to undermine the power of the governing Justice and Development Party (AK Party) and the faith-based Gülen movement. The main theme of the rally was “No to Military Coups!”

Most observers termed the plot an “open coup attempt” as it was aimed at the military interfering in the political realm.

A joint statement was made at the rally yesterday in which the participants voiced their determination to protect the rule of law in the country. “The action plan is an open threat against the rule of law. Though it may look like a threat against a political party, it is indeed a threat against the will of the public. As civil society organizations, we believe that all threats against freedom should be eliminated for the construction of a regime based on transparency, accountability and the rule of law,” read the statement.

The organizations later filed a criminal complaint against Chief of General Staff Gen. İlker Başbuğ, 1st Army Corps Commander Gen. Hasan Iğsız and Col. Dursun Çiçek over the plot.

Another rally is planned to take place in İstanbul’s Taksim Square at 1 p.m. today. The rally will be attended by a large group of supporters from the Freedom Association (Özgür-Der), the Akabe Foundation and the Civilization Foundation with the slogan “No to junta; try coup plotters!”

Saturday’s rally will be followed by another on Sunday, which will be held on İstanbul’s İstiklal Street at 7 p.m. Among the participants of the rally will be the Young Civilians, the Revolutionary Socialist Workers’ Party (DSİP), the Democratic Society Party (DTP), the Freedom Movement and MAZLUM-DER.

The DSİP leader, Doğan Tarkan, said civil society should gear up against the junta and its plans for a military coup.

“The plot has revealed the existence of the junta. This is a grave development. Steps should be taken immediately. All members of the army who have a hand in the plot should be removed from office, including the chief of General Staff. Whoever dares to do this will have immense public support behind them. If the government fails to take the necessary steps, the public will take to the streets and voice its demands for democracy. The public does not want to live under the threat of a junta any more,” he noted.

Known not only for her ballet dancing but also for her awareness of social issues, ballerina Zeynep Tanbay said the Turkish military is engaged in a fight against the rule of law. “I was horrified when I read the officer’s letter. The existence of a junta shows that the fight against it is not strong enough,” she said.

Tanbay was referring to a letter mailed to an İstanbul prosecutor by an unnamed military officer, who mentioned the workings of a junta within the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK). The officer also attached the original of the military plot, refuting all claims against the authenticity of such a plan.

“The officer’s pledge that he is ready to testify as part of an investigation into the plot makes us believe that there are army personnel who fulfill their military service with dignity. We should show our support for them. They are not alone. The TSK openly committed a crime, but it is still questioning who revealed it. This is the final straw in defiance of the law,” she added.

Ufuk Uras, an independent deputy, said members of the army who had contributed to the preparation of the plot should be tried in a civilian tribunal. “This is a constitutional crime aimed at the parliamentary will. No one has such freedom. It is time to defend the rule of law. Anyone who is behind this plot should be tried in a civilian court,” he remarked.

The Military Prosecutor’s Office of the General Staff initiated an investigation into the plot, but the investigation is aimed at finding out who sent the original plan to the İstanbul prosecutor rather than revealing how and why the plan was prepared. Jurists are doubtful that the military investigation will produce sound results.

Artist Lale Mansur said she was not surprised by the existence of a junta in Turkey. “This is the 50th anniversary of the first military coup in our country. We have witnessed many others since then. We are living in a shameful situation that does not befit the 86th anniversary of the republic. I have always engaged in every anti-militarist movement and will continue to do so,” she remarked. (Today's Zaman, FATIH VURAL / CIHAN YENILMEZ, October 31, 2009)


Affaires religieuses/Religious Affairs

La justice bloque l'accès des étudiants religieux aux universités

Le Conseil d'Etat, plus haute instance administrative turque, s'est prononcé mercredi contre une disposition soutenue par le gouvernement islamo-conservateur et permettant l'accès à l'Université des élèves des lycées d'enseignement religieux, a rapporté l'agence Anatolie.

Cette instance, saisie par le barreau d'Istanbul, a décidé à l'unanimité d'arrêter l'application d'une décision controversée prise en juillet dernier par le Conseil supérieur de l'éducation (YÖK) car des "conséquences graves et irréversibles" pourraient en résulter pour le système éducatif turc, précise l'agence.

Le YÖK avait décidé de permettre l'accès, longtemps refusé par les autorités pro-laïques, aux élèves des établissements publics qui forment des imams, à l'enseignement supérieur. Les lycées d'enseignement religieux comptent plusieurs milliers d'élèves.

Le YÖK, une institution autrefois bastion du laïcisme, empêchait depuis des années, par un complexe jeu de coefficients, ces élèves d'accéder aux universités, excepté les facultés de théologie.

Le Premier ministre Recep Tayyip Erdogan, qui dirige un parti majoritaire issu de la mouvance islamiste, s'était félicité de cette réforme.

Le YÖK a été réformé de fond en comble par le parti d'Erdogan et la plupart de ses membres, des recteurs d'universités, ont été nommés par le président Abdullah Gül, ancien cadre du Parti de la justice et du développement (AKP), au pouvoir.

Les membres défendant un respect strict de la laïcité y sont aujourd'hui minoritaires.

L'AKP avait fait adopter l'an dernier un amendement constitutionnel pour autoriser le port du foulard islamique dans les universités mais celui-ci a été annulé par la Cour constitutionnelle, qui a failli ensuite interdire le parti pour "activités anti-laïques".

Le port du voile est interdit dans la fonction publique et les universités en Turquie, pays musulman au régime laïque, et est perçu par les milieux pro-laïques comme un signe ostensible de soutien à l'islam politique. (AFP, 25 nov 2009)

Colloque à l'Assemblée nationale française: Dersim: 1936-1938

Vendredi 27 novembre 2009, de 9h30 à17h30
Assemblée Nationale
(Salle Victor Hugo)
101, rue de l’Université, 75007 Paris

Organisé par Institut kurde de Paris

La révolte de Dersim qui s’étale sur la période 1936-1938, est la dernière des grandes révoltes kurdes sous la République kémaliste en Turquie. Elle est aussi celle qui a été le plus durement réprimée. Prenant l’allure d’une véritable campagne d’extermination, l’ « opération de pacification » de Dersim a laissé un traumatisme durable parmi ses survivants dispersés dans les campagnes anatoliennes, mais aussi, dans l’histoire de la République turque.

Pour le pouvoir, Dersim, qui jouissait d’une autonomie de fait, posait en effet un triple problème : un problème historique, car comme le rappelait le général Kâzim Karabekir, cette région « hérétique » avait par le passé résisté au pouvoir ottoman et sauvé nombre d’Arméniens lors du génocide de 1915 ; un problème « national », car elle était considérée comme le dernier refuge d’une kurdicité défaite dans les autres parties du Kurdistan ; un problème « civilisationnel », enfin, car Dersim constituait aux yeux du pouvoir un « continent clos » où la Révolution kémaliste ne parvenait pas à s’implanter.

Le colloque de l’Institut kurde de Paris, « Dersim : 193-1938 » vise à établir un état des lieux de la recherche sur l’ensemble de cette période qui connaît ces derniers temps un regain d’actualité en Turquie où de vives polémiques opposent les démocrates kurdes et turcs aux kémalistes justifiant la répression et les massacres.

PROGRAMME

9h30 : Accueil des participants
10h00 : Mot de bienvenue
 
10h05-11h30 : 1ÈRE TABLE RONDE : CONTEXTE IDÉOLOGIQUE
 
Modérateur : ∗ Joyce Blau, professeur émérite des Universités, Paris.
∗ Dr. Ugur Umit Ungor, University College, Dublin
«Les Jeunes turcs et le génocide arménien, les Jeunes Turcs et le massacre de Dersim »
∗ Hovsep Hayreni, chercheur, Bruxelles
«Génocide arménien à Dersim »
∗ Mehmet Bayrak, chercheur, écrivain, Istanbul
«Le massacre des alévis de l'empire ottoman à la République turque »
∗ Sêvê Evîn Çîçek, chercheuse et écrivaine, Genève
«Les massacres de Koçgiri prélude des événements de Dersim »

11h05-13h10 : DERSIM : UNE CAMPAGNE GÉNOCIDAIRE ?
 
Modérateur : ∗ Hamit Bozarslan, professeur à l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, Paris
∗ Dr. Hans Lukas Kieser, chercheur, Genève
«La campagne du Dersim en Turquie kémaliste: contexte, cadre, questions ouvertes »
∗ Ali Murat Irat, chercheur, Istanbul
«Dersim : A travers le prisme de l'Etat »
∗ Erdogan Aydin, chercheur, Istanbul
«La politique d'Etat à Dersim et les caractéristique de la résistance »
∗ Mete Tekin, chercheur, Paris
«Chronologie des événements »
∗ Dr. Ali Kiliç, chercheur, Paris
«Dersim dans les archives françaises »
13h45-14h45 : Pause déjeuner
 
15h00-17h30 : DERSIM DANS LA MÉMOIRE COLLECTIVE
 
Modérateur : ∗ Gérard Chaliand, écrivain et expert en géopolitique, Paris
∗ Dr. Bilgin Ayata, John Hopkins University, USA
«Recherche de la mémoire au pays de l'amnésie »
∗ Mithat Sincar, journaliste, Istanbul.
∗ Kazim Gundogan, documentariste, Istanbul
«Dersim et la politique d'adoption forcée »
∗ Dr. Marie Le Rey, chercheuse, Paris
«la production et les usages de la mémoire autour de cette période »
∗ Serafettin Halis, député de Dersim
17h30 : Discours de clôture du colloque

S'INSCRIRE EN LIGNE : http://institutkurde.org/inscription/inscription.php

Conference "Dersim 1937/38, Alevites and the role of the State"

The 1938 tragedy of Dersim has not only left behind the dead, the wounded and banishments, it has left behind a depopulated region whose name and all presence has been banned. 71 years after, those responsible for the deaths of thousands of people have never been trialed, victims have not been brought out into light, and Turkish State is still not willed to acknowledge Dersim Genocide like many other Genocides committed to Kurdish communities. Armenians, Greeks, Kurds, Jews, Alevis-Kizilbashes, Syrians, Assyrians, all citizens of Turkey and those who were classed as "the other" are the real owners of this move for Turkey to accept its past.
 
The Association of Reconstruction of Dersim invites you to discuss lessons from the past and perspectives for a future in a peaceful and diverse Turkish State.

Jürgen Klute, MEP (GUE/NGL) - juergen.klute@europarl.europa.eu

Program:

Welcome and opening remarks 09.00 - 09.20

Opening and Presentation
• Lothar BISKY, Chairman of the Party of the European Left
• Mustafa ŞEN, Deputy of the Association for Reconstruction of Dersim

Session I 09.25 - 11.30
Dersim in the history, Alevi-Kizilbas policy of the state and events in history
Moderator: Mehmet Ali Doğan, Akademiker

• The Alevi politics and slaughtered during the period of the Ottoman Empire
Mehmet BAYRAK, Historian / Author

• The Alevi politics in the period of the Republic
Erdoğan AYDIN, Historian / Author

• The differences and faith politics in Turkey
Prof. Dogu ERGIL, Academics / Researchers

• The awakening of the majority in the period of the Ottoman Empire
Prof. Dr. Daniel BARTEMENT, Faculty Member of the University of Montpellier

Questions, Answers and Comments / Concluding Speech

Session II 11.30 - 13.25
Dersim 1937-38 / Deportation and Assimilation
Moderator: Erdal Er, Journalist

• State Report Dersim in 1938 and the Tunceli Law
Mete KALMAN, Author

• Dersim 1930-1938 in the documents from the Turkish General Staff
Faik BULUT, Author / Researchers

• Dersim in 1938 and the deportation to the West
Sema KAYGUSUZ, Author

• Issues and the confrontation with Dersim 1938
Şerafettin HALIS, MP for the Democratic Society Party-DTP / Turkey

Lunch 14:00 - 14:50

From Maraş to Gazi - The role of the state during the massacres
• The massacre in Çorum (1980)
Muharrem ERDEM, Educator / Witness

• The massacre in Sivas and Madımak (1993)
Yeter GÜLTEKIN, Educator / Wife of famous Alevi singer Hasret Gültekin (Killed during the events in Sivas / Madimak.)

• Alevi massacres, the perpetrators and the legal process
Kazim GENC, Lawyer / Secretary General of the Federation of Alevi-Bektashi

• Differences in Turkey and the confrontation with the history
Derya SAZAK, Journalist / Author

• The policy of assimilation, separatism, the state and constitutional citizenship
Oral ÇALIŞLAR, Journalist / Author

Questions, Answers and Comments / Concluding Speech

• Turkish-Islamic synthesis as a state policy and the Alevis
Esat KORKMAZ, Researcher / Author

• The questions of the Alevis and the obstacles to organizing
Pir RIZA YAĞMUR, Democratic Federation of Alevis

• The Alevi identity, continuous problems, the sight of the state and the solutions
Kemal BÜLBÜL, Secretary General of the Associations Pir Sultan Abdal

• Alevis and the nomination process for the European Union / Differences and freedom of expression
Barbara LOCHBIHLER, Member of European Parliament / European United Left-Nordic Green Left Confederal Group EUL-NGL

• Confrontation with the Past and Future
Nazım ALPMAN, Journalist / Author

• The democratization and the role of the Left and Alevis
Ufuk URAS, Independent MP / Turkey

Closing Speech
Aysel TUGLUK, MP for the Democratic Society Party-DTP / Turkey
Jürgen KLUTE, Member of European Parliament / European United Left-Nordic Green Left Confederal Group EUL-NGL

Closing Session 18.00 - 18.30
Questions, answers and comments / concluding speech of the moderator

The presentation of the final resolution

Alevis voice demands at mass rally in Istanbul

The lifting of compulsory religious education, abolishing the Department for Religious Affairs, transforming the Madımak Hotel in Sivas (eastern Turkey), where 33 people died in a fire, into a museum and acknowledging the 'cem' houses (Alevi houses of assemblage) as places of worship - these were the claims of more than 200,000 Alevi that came together for a demonstration against discrimination in Kadiköy, Istanbul, yesterday (8 November). They also demanded, "Don't build mosques in Alevi villages and don't send imams [prayer leaders]". The demonstrators called the government to be sincere about the rights of the Alevi.

Alevi converging from 3 different starting points

The demonstrators gathered in 3 different places before midday to march to the meeting point in Kadıköy, a popular district by the sea shore on Istanbul's Anatolian side.

Alevi organizations participated in the event as well as political parties and organizations side by side with unions and MPs.

Among the participants were the independent MP Kamer Genç from Tunceli, Democratic Society Party (DTP) MP Ayla Akad and Şerafettin Halis, independent MP Ufuk Uras from Istanbul, Confederation of Trade Unions of Public Employees (KESK) chairman Sami Evren, Eğitim-Sen chairman Zübeyde Kılıç, Republican People's Party (CHP) MPs Mehmet Sevigen, Mustafa Özyürek and Mehmet Ali Özpolat, Istanbul provincial chairman Gürsel Tekin, Ercan Karakaş, Hakan Tahmaz, Confederation of Progressive Trade Unions (DİSK) general secretary Tayfun Görgün, Labour Party (EMEP) chairman Levent Tüzel, Eşber Yağmurdereli, Freedom and Solidarity Party (ÖDP) chairman Alper Taş, Communist Party of Turkey (TKP) chairman Erkan Baş and Community Centres president İlknur Birol.

The meeting was furthermore supported by the Socialist Party Initiative of the Oppressed (ESP), the Workers Movement Party (EHP), the Greens, the Libertarian Left Movement, the Social Democratic Populist Party (SHP), the Democratic Left Party and by a large number of non-governmental organizations.

Call to the government for sincerity

The event started with one minute of silence to commemorate the victims of the fire in the Madımak Hotel in Sivas on 2 July 1993.

Ritual dancing and music performances accompanied the meeting. The crowd shouted slogans such as "The bill for Sivas will be asked", "Remove the Department of Religious Affairs" and "Down with AKP [the ruling Justice and Development Party]".

The Hacı Bektaşi Veli Association president Tekin Özdil, the Pir Sultan Abdal Culture Association president Fevzi Gümüş and the Alevi Bekatşi Federation (ABF) president Ali Balkız rose to speak during the meeting.

All 3 of them touched the topics of brotherhood between the people and the importance of living in unity. They criticized the government's "Alevi initiative" and the Alevi Workshop. They organization presidents argued "The AKP tried to form the Alevis according to their own ideas, all Alevi should oppose to this".

Moreover, Özdil, Gümüş and Baklız stated that "It is divisive not to recognize the cem houses as places of worship" and criticized Department of Religious Affairs president Ali Bardakoğlu as well as president Abdullah Gül who took of his shoes (a custom for entering a mosque) before he went into a cem house, and prime minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and culture minister Ertuğrul Günay for not transforming Madımak hotel into a museum. Besides, they urged the officials to effect regulations for a base of equality to lift the insincerity regarding Alevi rights. They also called for the application of court decisions in favour of the Alevis.

Following the speeches, the meeting was brought to an end with musical performances of Emre Saltık, Sabahat Akkiraz, Şevval Sam, Ferhat Tunç, Edip Akbayram and Suavi, accompanied by traditional folk dances. (BIA, Bawer CAKIR, 10 November 2009)


Socio-économique / Socio-economic

Grève dans la fonction publique en Turquie

Des centaines de milliers de fonctionnaires turcs observaient mercredi des arrêts de travail pour réclamer le droit de grève et de meilleurs salaires, provoquant des perturbations dans les services publics, selon un journaliste de l'AFP.

La police anti-émeutes est intervenue et a fait usage de gaz lacrymogènes dans le centre d'Ankara contre des jeunes membres d'ONG soutenant le mouvement, sans faire de blessés et sans procéder à des interpellations, a rapporté la chaîne d'information NTV.

Les transports ferroviaires, routiers et aériens étaient perturbés dans les métropoles où le mouvement était largement observé et les hôpitaux n'acceptaient que les urgences.

Salim Uslu, dirigeant du syndicat Hak-Is (droite), a souhaité que le gouvernement du Premier ministre Recep Tayyip Erdogan réforme le droit du travail pour se conformer aux normes de l'Organisation internationale du travail (OIT). Ce syndicaliste et d'autres présidents de syndicats de fonctionnaires ont qualifié cette journée de "grève préventive".

La dernière grève des fonctionnaires remonte à l'an 2000.

M. Erdogan a mis en garde les grévistes, affirmant qu'ils "assumeraient les conséquences" de leur "mouvement illégal".

Les quelque 2,5 millions de fonctionnaires turcs ont le droit d'adhérer à un syndicat, mais n'ont pas le droit de faire grève dans un pays qui aspire à intégrer l'Union européenne. (AFP, 25 nov 2009)

Government Does not Recognize Right to Strike

Public workers in Turkey go on strike today for their right to collective agreements and their right to strike. The reason for this is that the government has not amended the laws remaining from the time after the military coup in 1980. In fact, this is contrary to the actual situation. Turkey signed Convention No. 87 of the International Labour Organization (ILO) which recognizes the right to form unions for state employees. Moreover, the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) recognized the right to collective agreements and the right to strike for Turkish pubic workers in 2 decisions, when the court determined a violation of trade union rights and the freedom of association in both cases.

"The government was supposed to amend the laws a long time ago"

If the ECHR determines a violation of rights, the countries recognizing the court's authority are required to amend the regulations subject to the violation.
Public Workers Unions Confederation (KESK) legal advisor Öztürk Türkdoğan talked to bianet about the amendments the government needs to enforce:

- The Public Servants Unions Law No. 4688 has to include the right to collective agreements and the right to strike.
- Law No. 657 must lift the ban to strike for state officers. The judiciary does not take the law into account anymore and invalidates discipline penalties given to state officers in this context.
- The process of  "collective negotiation" should be skipped and a process of collective bargaining with the public workers should be initiated instead.
ECHR recognized right to collective agreements and the right to strike

The ECHR convicted Turkey 2 years ago upon the case of union member Erhan Karaçay. The ECHR overruled the penalty that had been given to Karaçay for participating in union activities. Also the court in Strasbourg indicated the public servants' right to strike.

In a decision from last year concerning the Union for All Municipality and Local Management Service Workers, the ECHR pointed out that public servants in Turkey do have the right to collective agreements, saying that "if there is no right to collective agreements, union rights are worthless".

"This problem will persist"

Türkdoğan warned that this problem will be brought up in the future by the European Council and the European Union if the government does not enforce the according amendments. However, in Türkdoğan's opinion, the government aims to gain time: "The government tries to gain time because they do not want to allocate the referring share of the budget to the public workers. While their share of the budget was 46 percent 10 years ago, today the share has been reduced to about 20 percent. This IMF application beyond the IMF program suits the government. Yet, sooner or later they will have to face reality".

Collective agreement is not the same as collective negotiations

Türkdoğan explains the difference between "collective bargaining/agreement/strike" and "collective negotiations":

"For collective negotiations the full authority lays with the Council of Ministers. No matter whether they agree or not, the Council of Ministers has the last word. If an agreement cannot be reached in the collective bargaining on the other hand, the workers have the right to go on strike. If they reach an agreement in the collective bargaining, the Collective Agreement is a binding document, whereas the government is not obliged to apply the outcome of the collective negotiations. Those texts settle for the basic rights anyways. This year the government did not even sign the Collective Negotiations memorandum of understanding. The government did not deviate of its position one single millimetre. They announced a raise of 2.5 percent plus another 2.5 percent and that is what was done". (BIA, 25 November 2009)

La Turquie maintient ses projets nucléaires

La Turquie est décidée à construire une centrale nucléaire et lancera un nouveau projet pour remplacer un premier dont l'appel d'offres vient d'échouer, a annoncé samedi le ministre de l'Energie, Taner Yildiz.

"Le fait que l'appel d'offres soit abandonné ne signifie pas que le processus soit abandonné. Notre détermination sur les centrales nucléaires demeure", a-t-il dit à Kizilcahamam, près d'Ankara, selon l'agence Anatolie.

La Turquie avait annoncé vendredi avoir annulé un projet lancé en 2008 en vue de la construction de la première centrale nucléaire du pays, un programme compromis notamment par des décisions de justice. La compagnie publique de distribution d'électricité, Tetas, chargée du dossier, avait indiqué que le projet avait été annulé par la direction, sans préciser les raisons de cette décision.

Le cahier des charges de l'appel d'offres pour ce premier réacteur stipulait que Tetas était "libre" d'annuler le projet. Un consortium conduit par la société d'Etat russe Atomstroyexport était le seul candidat pour la construction de la centrale de 4.800 mégawatts à Akkuyu, dans la province de Mersin, sur la côte méditerranéenne.

Le processus de l'appel d'offres était sous le feu des critiques depuis qu'il est apparu en septembre 2008 qu'un seul consortium était candidat à ce projet et que le prix offert pour fournir de l'électricité au réseau turc était supérieur à celui du marché.

Le consortium, qui se compose également des groupes russe Inter Rao et turc Park Teknik, a révisé en baisse son prix mais Ankara estimait que le prix était toujours trop élevé.

Le Conseil d'Etat avait bloqué le 10 novembre le projet en suspendant trois articles du règlement régissant le concours public, selon un communiqué de l'Union des chambres d'ingénieurs et d'architectes de Turquie (TMMOB), à l'origine du recours contre l'attribution du projet.

Le ministre a précisé samedi que les responsables préparaient de nouvelles procédures plus rapides pour mettre en oeuvre le projet avec une éventuelle participation du secteur public.

Ankara projette de construire trois centrales nucléaires afin de prévenir une pénurie d'énergie et réduire sa dépendance envers l'énergie importée, mais ces projets sont critiqués par les écologistes. (AFP, 21 nov 2009)

Court of Appeals: Virginity as Essential Wedding "Qualification"

Upon the groom's claim that the bride "turned out not to be a virgin in the nuptial night" the Court of Appeals 2nd Judicial Office ruled for the annulment of the marriage, declaring that "the woman did not provide the necessary qualifications".

Lawyer Selin Nakıpoğlu Akın told bianet, "This decision enhances once more a male dominated state and judicial system". Akın continued that the arguments for the decision show that "women are seen as property". Moreover, the lawyer pointed out formal problems in the decision since oral statements of the husbands and other witnesses were counted as written evidence.

Women's 'qualification': "to be virgin..."

A newly wed husband from Bolu on the eastern tip of the Sea of Marmara filed a case against his wife to annul the marriage because in the wedding night he supposedly found out that she was not a virgin any more. Hereupon, the newly wed wife obtained a report from the local Obstetrics and Gynaecology Hospital proving her virginity and filed a divorce case against her husband.

After combining the cases, the Bolu Family Court rejected the husband's claim and accepted the woman's divorce claim. The case was brought to the Court of Appeals and the Family Court's decision was overruled. 3 of the 5 court members decreed for an annulment of the marriage and reasoned their decision as follows:

"Upon the collected evidence it is understood that the defendant respectively plaintiff woman appeared not to be a virgin in the wedding night. Thus, accepting the husband's case the rejection is ineffective, since the necessary qualifications of the women were not provided".

The 2 court members who objected the decision did not question the virginity. They based their objection both on the medical facts presented in the doctor's report, proving that "the defendant is still a virgin" and on statements given by witnesses.

"Violence against women becomes legitimized this way"

Akın said it has to be explained what the Court of Appeals meant with the term "qualification".

"They are justifying qualities on the side of the women as a reason for an annulment of the marriage. Then men kill their wives or girlfriends sheltering behind the same justification. After this men benefit from mitigation of punishment because of unjust provocation based on the same reasons again. Like this the chain of violence goes on", Akın warns.

"This kind of decisions taken by the high courts about a woman's body and her sexuality is directly connected to men putting women under pressure regarding their bodies, their sexuality and their honour. That is why this decision is not innocent, but a dangerous one. (BIA, Yonca CINGOZ, 11 November 2009)

Un tribunal turc bloque un appel d'offres pour une centrale  nucléaire

Le Conseil d'Etat, plus haute instance administrative turque, a bloqué un appel d'offres pour la construction de la première centrale nucléaire en Turquie remporté en 2008 par un consortium dirigé par le géant russe Atomstroyexport, a annoncé mardi une organisation professionnelle.

"Le Conseil d'Etat a suspendu trois articles du règlement régissant l'appel d'offres", a indiqué dans un communiqué l'Union des chambres d'ingénieurs et d'architectes de Turquie (TMMOB), à l'origine du recours auprès de cette instance contre l'attribution du projet.

"Après cette décision, l'appel d'offres pour la centrale nucléaire est légalement annulé. Il a été invalidé", a souligné la TMMOB.

Le consortium conduit par Atomstroyexport était le seul candidat à cet appel d'offres portant sur la construction et l'exploitation de la centrale, mais le gouvernement n'a pas encore attribué le projet, car il n'est pas satisfait des conditions financières proposées.

Le gouvernement n'avait pas encore réagi mardi à la décision du Conseil d'Etat.

Le processus de l'appel d'offres est sous le feu des critiques depuis qu'il est apparu en septembre dernier qu'un seul consortium était candidat à ce projet et que le prix offert pour fournir de l'électricité au réseau turc était supérieur à celui du marché.

Le consortium, qui se compose également des groupes russe Inter Rao et turc Teknik, a ensuite révisé en baisse son prix mais Ankara estime que le prix est toujours trop élevé.

Le projet prévoit la construction de quatre réacteurs nucléaires d'une puissance totale de 4.800 mégawatts à Akkuyu, dans la province de Mersin, sur la côte méditerranéenne.

Il est vivement contesté par les écologistes, notamment en raison des risques de séisme, Akkuyu étant situé à proximité d'une faille sismique. En 1998, un tremblement de terre d'une magnitude de 6,3 sur l'échelle. (AFP, 10 nov 2009)

En Turquie, frappée par la grippe, polémique sur la campagne de vaccination

En douze jours, la Turquie a enregistré quinze cas mortels de la grippe H1N1, tandis qu'une polémique sur la campagne de vaccination, partie du sommet de l'Etat, enfièvre le pays.

Un premier décès lié à la grippe a été annoncé le 24 octobre. Depuis, ils sont quotidiens, avec un point culminant lundi, six morts en une seule journée.

Et avec quatre nouveaux décès annoncés mercredi, les autorités tentent de convaincre qu'il n'y pas lieu de s'affoler.

Mais la multiplication même des mesures de prévention -campagne de sensibilisation dans les médias, aéroports équipés de caméras thermiques, écoles provisoirement fermées pour désinfection- contribue à entretenir la psychose.

Le ministère de la Santé a entamé lundi une vaste campagne de vaccination, concernant en premier lieu les personnels médicaux, les pèlerins se rendant à La Mecque et les femmes enceintes, opération qui devrait concerner 28 millions de personnes.

Mais à la surprise générale, le Premier ministre Recep Tayyip Erdogan a déclaré mardi devant les députés de son parti qu'il ne se ferait pas vacciner, attisant les doutes de nombre de Turcs sur l'efficacité du vaccin.

Et il a publiquement sermonné son ministre de la Santé, Recep Akdag, affirmant "ne pas partager sa position" sur les mérites de la vaccination et que l'on ne pouvait "forcer" les gens à se faire immuniser.

L'opposition parlementaire a sauté sur l'occasion, accusant le gouvernement d'incompétence. "Le Premier ministre lui-même dit qu'il ne se fera pas vacciner, pourquoi alors immuniser les citoyens ?" s'est interrogé le chef de l'opposition, Deniz Baykal.

"Que doit faire le citoyen ?" lançait mercredi le journal Vatan.

La facture des 43 millions de doses commandées par les autorités, s'élèverait à 335 millions de dollars, fait aussi polémique.

Une somme que la Turquie n'aurait pas du dépenser en temps de crise, dénonce l'ancien ministre de la Santé, Osman Durmus, de l'opposition nationaliste.

Pour ce professeur de médecine, les Turcs ont été utilisés comme des "cobayes" par les autorités médicales qui ont, selon lui, négligé les effets secondaires, notamment causés par la présence d'adjuvants dans les vaccins.

Selon les prévisions officielles, sans campagne de vaccination, jusqu'à 5.300 personnes pourraient mourir du H1N1 en Turquie, mais la grippe saisonnière fait chaque année davantage de victimes, rappelle un ancien responsable du ministère, le docteur Aytun Çiray.

"Deux millions de gens (sur 71 millions) seront grippés, il n'y a pas quoi paniquer", assure-t-il.

Certains voient d'ailleurs dans la mobilisation anti-grippe un moyen de détourner l'attention de l'opinion, alors que le gouvernement est à la peine sur l'initiative qu'il a engagée pour résoudre le vieux conflit kurde.

"Nous avons exagéré la grippe aviaire (quatre morts en 2006) et nous exagérons la grippe porcine (H1N1) qui n'est pas plus contagieuse ni dangereuse que la grippe saisonnière. C'est un prétexte du gouvernement pour détourner l'attention des véritables défis" de la Turquie, a ainsi affirmé Mustafa Akaydin, médecin et médecin d'Antalya, grande ville du littoral méditerranéen. (AFP, Burak Akinci, 4 nov 2009)

La Turquie annonce neuf décès de la grippe H1N1, lance les vaccinations

Quatre enfants et une femme souffrant de la grippe H1N1 sont décédés à l'hôpital dimanche et lundi en Turquie portant le bilan des morts de cette maladie à neuf, alors que le pays a entamé une campagne de vaccination, a annoncé le ministère de la Santé.

Les derniers décès concernent une fillette de 13 ans à Istanbul et une autre de quatre ans à Sanliurfa (sud-est) ainsi qu'un bébé de 22 mois et un garçon de 14 ans à Konya, dans le centre de la Turquie, a indiqué le ministère.

Une femme de 65 ans est par ailleurs morte à Ankara.

Une dizaine d'autres patients, dans un état grave, sont traités dans des unités de soins intensifs pour cette maladie dans le pays, selon la même source.

La Turquie a enregistré 1.870 cas de grippe H1N1 depuis que celle-ci a été diagnostiquée pour la première fois en mai dernier.

Le ministère de la Santé a d'autre part annoncé lundi le lancement d'une grande campagne de vaccinations, qui concernera en premier lieu les personnels des services de santé.

Les pèlerins turcs se rendant en Arabie Saoudite pour le Hadj annuel à La Mecque devraient également figurer parmi les premiers à être vaccinés suivis ensuite par les femmes enceintes.

Les autorités turques ont annoncé leur intention d'acheter 43 millions de doses de vaccin contre le H1N1 et de vacciner gratuitement quelque 28 millions de personnes.

La campagne de vaccination a suscité une polémique en Turquie, de nombreux virologues s'opposant aux vaccins contenant des adjuvants.

L'Organisation mondiale de la Santé (OMS) a indiqué la semaine dernière que quelque 5.700 personnes étaient mortes de la grippe H1N1 depuis que le virus a été découvert en avril dernier. (AFP, 2 nov 2009)


Relations turco-européennes / Turkey-Europe Relations

Conférence-débat: "Turquie: je t’aime, moi non plus!"

MIDI-ZOOM

De quoi avons-nous peur par rapport à l’entrée éventuelle de la Turquie dans l’Union européenne?

Avec

Ignace BERTEN, Théologien, Directeur d’Espaces,
Dogan ÖZGÜDEN, Rédacteur en chef d’Info-Türk et Président des Ateliers du Soleil.

Jeudi 10 décembre 12h30 à 14h30

A la rue Maurice Liétart 31 à 1150 Bruxelles
(proche de la station Montgomery)

La Commission « Europe : cultures et élargissement » de
Pax Christi Wallonie-Bruxelles organise,
en collaboration avec Justice et Paix

Avec le soutien du Service Education permanente de la Communauté française de Belgique

Inscription souhaitée au plus tard le 9 décembre à info@paxchristiwb.be ou 02/738.08.04.

Possibilité de commander un sandwich au prix de 2,50 Euros au plus tard le 9 décembre.

Le Parlement européen regrette le peu de progrès dans le domaine des libertés en Turquie

La résolution du Parlement sur la stratégie 2009 de la Commission européenne relative à l'élargissement concernant les pays des Balkans occidentaux, l'Islande et la Turquie, rédigée par Gabriele Albertini (PPE, IT), a été adoptée en séance plénière du 26 novembre 2009 à mains levées.

La résolution souligne l'importance de mettre en œuvre rapidement une réforme du système judiciaire en vue d’améliorer le fonctionnement de l'Etat turc et de la société. Les députés regrettent le peu de progrès réalisés dans le domaine de la liberté de religion (non-musulmans et communautés alévies) et de la liberté d'expression, à la suite de l'amende sans précédent infligée à un groupe de médias. Le non-respect des engagements découlant du Protocole additionnel à l'accord d'association CE-Turquie est également critiqué par les députés. La Turquie est invitée à procéder à sa mise en œuvre intégrale et non discriminatoire.

Extraits de la résolution du Parlement européen:

Le Parlement européen ,

- souligne que la liberté d'expression est l'un des principes fondamentaux de la démocratie et constate avec inquiétude qu'elle n'est toujours pas pleinement respectée dans certains pays;

- considère qu'il est prioritaire, pour les Balkans occidentaux et la Turquie, d'assurer aux médias la non-ingérence politique et de garantir l'indépendance des instances de régulation;

- invite les pays concernés à mettre en place des cadres juridiques adaptés et à veiller au respect de la loi;

- félicite la Turquie, en tant que pays candidat, pour les progrès accomplis afin de remplir les critères politiques de Copenhague;

- demande instamment au gouvernement turc et à tous les acteurs parlementaires en Turquie de dégager un consensus sur l'élaboration et la mise en œuvre des réformes clés;

- salue l'approbation par le gouvernement de la réforme judiciaire et souligne l'importance cruciale de sa mise en œuvre rapide pour le fonctionnement de l'État et de la société en Turquie;

- se déclare préoccupé par la situation dans le domaine de la liberté d'expression et de la presse, notamment à la suite de l'amende sans précédent imposée à un groupe de médias;

- note avec satisfaction l'ouverture croissante du débat public en Turquie sur d'anciens tabous;

- regrette les progrès limités dans le domaine de la liberté de religion, et invite instamment le gouvernement à établir un cadre juridique conforme à la Convention européenne de sauvegarde des droits de l'homme et des libertés fondamentales, afin que toutes les communautés religieuses non musulmanes, de même que celle des Alévis, puissent fonctionner sans entraves abusives;

- déplore le non-respect persistant des engagements découlant du protocole additionnel de l'accord d'association CE-Turquie et invite instamment la Turquie à procéder à la mise en œuvre intégrale, non discriminatoire, desdits engagements;

- invite le gouvernement turc, ainsi que toutes les parties concernées, à contribuer activement à l'élaboration rapide d'un règlement global de la question chypriote, sur la base des résolutions du Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies et des principes sur lesquels l'Union est fondée;

- se félicite des efforts déployés pour résoudre la question kurde dans le cadre du projet d''ouverture démocratique", encourage le gouvernement turc à prendre des mesures concrètes pour répondre à la situation des citoyens d'origine kurde, et exhorte toutes les forces politiques à soutenir ce processus;

- salue les efforts diplomatiques mis en œuvre pour normaliser les relations avec l'Arménie et demande instamment à la grande assemblée nationale turque et au parlement arménien de ratifier les protocoles nécessaires;

- se félicite de la signature par la Turquie de l'accord intergouvernemental sur le gazoduc Nabucco, dont la mise en œuvre demeure l'une des plus importantes priorités de l'Union en matière de sécurité énergétique, et appelle à l'ouverture du chapitre sur l'énergie dans les négociations d'adhésion;

- prend acte de la réouverture des négociations portant sur un accord de réadmission avec l'Union, et prie instamment la Turquie de mettre pleinement en œuvre, entretemps, les accords de réadmission bilatéraux existants avec les États membres;

- invite le gouvernement turc à intensifier la coordination de sa politique étrangère avec l'Union, en particulier en ce qui concerne l'Iran;

- regrette toutefois que la coopération stratégique OTAN-UE, qui dépasse les accords dits "Berlin plus", continue à être bloquée par les objections de la Turquie, ce qui a des répercussions négatives sur la protection du personnel de l'Union déployé sur le terrain, et exhorte la Turquie à abandonner ces objections au plus vite.

European Parliament pressures Turkey over its Iran policy

The European Parliament, debating a report on Wednesday, called on the Turkish government to coordinate its Iran policy with the European Union and suggested that Ankara might be blamed for possible European casualties in Afghanistan because it is blocking military cooperation between the EU and NATO due to concerns over Cyprus.

The document, formally called the European Parliament 2009 Enlargement Report and due to be voted on in the parliament on Thursday, “calls on the Turkish government to coordinate its foreign policy with the EU, in particular regarding Iran; [but] regrets, however, that the EU-NATO strategic cooperation extending beyond the ‘Berlin Plus’ arrangements continues to be blocked by Turkey’s objections, which has negative consequences for the protection of the EU personnel deployed, and urges Turkey to set aside those objections as soon as possible.”

Turkish officials were unhappy about the critical tone of the report, drafted by Italian Christian Democrat Gabriele Albertini. “This is extremely unfair to Turkey,” a senior Turkish diplomat who wished to remain anonymous told Today’s Zaman.

The so-called “Berlin Plus” agreement provides the basis for NATO-EU cooperation in crisis management by allowing the EU to have access to NATO’s collective assets and capabilities for EU-led operations, including command arrangements and assistance in operational planning.

NATO member and EU candidate Turkey wants the EU to address injustices by persuading EU-member Greek Cyprus to drop its veto over Ankara’s bid to become an associate member of the European Defense Agency (EDA) -- the body set up to nurture EU-wide defense industry policy. Ankara also wants to be consulted more on European security policy, arguing that it is already a major participant in EU-led military operations.

The five-page report, which deals with the membership process of Western Balkan countries as well as Iceland and Turkey, also focused on the Cyprus problem from a Greek Cypriot perspective and urged Ankara “to contribute actively to the swift devising of a comprehensive settlement of the Cyprus question.”

Turkey has built close ties with neighboring Iran in the past years and now says it is ready to help efforts to resolve an international dispute over Tehran’s contentious nuclear program peacefully. But the growing cooperation between Turkey and Iran has led to speculations in the West that Turkey is shifting from its Western-oriented foreign policy to an Eastern-oriented one.

Helene Flautre, co-chairperson of the Turkey-EU Joint Parliamentary Commission, told a group of Turkish journalists in Strasbourg that the regime in Iran is not acceptable: “Turkey plays a key role in a region which is vital for Europe. You should be proud of yourself, but as I told [Foreign Minister Ahmet] Davutoğlu, the regime in Iran is not acceptable. They came to power thanks to a disputed election,” she said.

Addressing Iran’s misgivings over sending low-enriched uranium (LEU) abroad before it gets reactor fuel in return as part of a compromise plan, the UN nuclear watchdog International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) has suggested Iran place the LEU in a friendly third country like Turkey, pending arrival of the fuel. Iran, however, has so far not accepted the offer, leading to calls in Europe for sanctions on Tehran. Ankara dismisses sanctions and call for talks for peaceful resolution of the dispute instead.

“If we have a problem here, the solution requires diplomacy and dialogue,” Foreign Ministry spokesman Burak Özügergin said yesterday at a press conference in Ankara, pledging that Ankara would continue to work hard for a peaceful settlement. “There are thoughts of other options, but we don’t even take them into consideration.” (todayszaman.com, Ayse Karabat, November 26, 2009)


Un député néerlandais d'extrême-droite "pas le bienvenu" en Turquie

Le député d'extrême-droite néerlandais Geert Wilders, adversaire déclaré de l'islam, n'est "pas le bienvenu" en Turquie, a déclaré mercredi un porte-parole du ministère turc des Affaires étrangères.

"Nous rejetons les vues racistes de cette personne (...) Il n'est pas le bienvenu dans beaucoup d'autres pays européens", a déclaré à l'AFP ce porte-parole, Burak Ozugergin, réagissant à des informations sur un projet de visite en Turquie de l'élu néerlandais.

Geert Wilders, qui dirige le Parti de la liberté, devait se joindre à une délégation de parlementaires des Pays-Bas, attendue en Turquie en janvier.

Le député estime que l'Europe est menacée d'islamisation. Il a comparé le Coran au livre d'Adolph Hitler, "Mein Kampf", appelé à son interdiction et qualifié la culture islamique d'"arriérée".

Geert Wilders est farouchement opposé à l'entrée de la Turquie dans l'Union européenne, qui ferait selon lui de ce pays un "cheval de Troie" ouvrant la voie à une augmentation de l'immigration musulmane.

"Nous avons de très bonnes relations avec les Pays-Bas. Nous craignons que l'inclusion de cette personne dans la délégation néerlandaise ne jette une lumière désagréable sur toute la visite", a ajouté le porte-parole turc.

Les vues du député néerlandais "frisent le fascisme", a estimé de son côté un responsable turc qui a requis l'anonymat.

Geert Wilders a été refoulé en février à l'aéroport de Londres du fait de ses "messages haineux et violents". Il s'est rendu néanmoins à Londres le mois dernier, après la levée de son interdiction d'entrée sur le territoire britannique. (AFP, 24 nov 2009)

Van Rompuy appelé à clarifier sa position à l'égard de l'adhésion de la Turquie

Les élus écologistes au Parlement européen ont demandé vendredi au nouveau président désigné de l'UE, le Belge Herman Van Rompuy, de clarifier sa position à l'égard de l'adhésion de la Turquie dans l'UE, qu'il avait rejetée en 2004 dans un discours.

"Je suis inquiète de la nomination à la tête du Conseil européen d'un homme politique qui a argumenté avec conviction que l'adhésion de la Turquie serait une menace pour les valeurs fondamentales de l'Europe", a dénoncé l'élue Verte Hélène Flautre, co-présidente de la commission parlementaire mixte UE-Turquie au Parlement européen.

M. Van Rompuy "doit s'expliquer sur la Turquie", a-t-elle dit, car, a-t-elle ajouté, "le soutien massif de Mme (Angela) Merkel et de M. (Nicolas) Sarkozy à la nomination de M. Van Rompuy n'est sans doute pas étranger à cette +ancienne+ conviction sur la Turquie, développée en 2004".

Les Verts européens sont favorables à l'entrée dans l'UE de la Turquie, alors que les négociations à ce sujet piétinent aujourd'hui. La chancelière allemande et le président français sont en revanche opposés à une adhésion et lui préfèrent un partenariat privilégié.

En décembre 2004, devant le parlement belge, M. Van Rompuy, membre du parti chrétien-démocrate flamand et catholique pratiquant, avait déclaré: "Un élargissement de l'UE à Turquie ne peut être considéré comme un élargissement comparable à ceux du passé. Les valeurs universelles de l'Europe, qui sont aussi les valeurs fondamentales de la chrétienté, perdront en force avec l'entrée d'un grand pays musulman tel que la Turquie".

La presse britannique a récemment évoqué ce discours pour critiquer les positions de M. Van Rompuy. La Grande-Bretagne est, elle, favorable à l'adhésion de la Turquie.

L'entourage de M. Van Rompuy a cherché à minimiser la portée du discours en question, soulignant qu'il avait été prononcé à un moment où l'intéressé n'avait pas de responsabilité gouvernementale et était dans l'opposition. (AFP, 20 nov 2009)

Turkey accused of undermining security for EU troops

The European Parliament has hinted in a draft report that it can point a finger at Turkey for possible European casualties in a future peacekeeping operation because, it says, Ankara is blocking EU-NATO cooperation over its concerns related to Cyprus.  

In a report on enlargement prepared by Italian Christian Democrat Gabriele Albertini, the European Parliament claims that Turkey has been hindering EU-NATO cooperation, thus paving the way for less security for EU personnel. Formally called the European Parliament 2009 Enlargement Report, the draft will be discussed today at the Committee on Foreign Affairs (AFET). Ankara, which has not been happy about the wording of the paragraph on Turkey, has already started to inform members of the European Parliament of its objections. The five-page draft, which deals with the membership process of Western Balkan countries as well as Iceland and Turkey, focused on the Cyprus problem from a Greek Cypriot perspective.

Contrary to the commission and council conclusions, the draft starts with alleging that Turkey has “made some progress towards meeting the Copenhagen political criteria.” In numerous EU documents, it has been asserted firmly that Turkey has sufficiently fulfilled the Copenhagen criteria. The paragraph on Turkey refrains from using the term “membership.” One of the most controversial remarks in the report is about EU-NATO cooperation. The draft implies that in the case of the loss of EU personnel in an operation, Turkey could be accused of blocking the cooperation of the two institutions. The draft expresses regret “that the EU-NATO strategic cooperation extending beyond the ‘Berlin Plus’ arrangements continues to be blocked by Turkey’s objections, which has negative consequences for the protection of the EU personnel deployed,” and urges Turkey to set aside those objections as soon as possible.

The draft also calls on Turkey to coordinate its foreign policy with the EU and in particular its relations with Iran. According to the report, the European Parliament “notes that Turkey has made some progress towards meeting the Copenhagen political criteria; urges the Turkish government and all parliamentary parties to establish consensus on key reforms; points out the crucial importance of a swift implementation of the judicial reform strategy for the functioning of the Turkish State and society; regrets the limited progress made in the area of freedom of expression and freedom of religion; deplores the continued non-fulfillment of commitments stemming from the Additional Protocol to the EC-Turkey Association Agreement; calls on the Turkish government to contribute actively to the swift devising of a comprehensive settlement of the Cyprus question; welcomes the efforts to resolve the Kurdish issue and encourages the Turkish government to take concrete measures to address the situation of citizens of Kurdish origin; commends the diplomatic efforts made to normalize relations with Armenia and urges the Turkish Grand National Assembly to ratify the relevant protocols; calls on the Turkish government to coordinate its foreign policy with the EU, in particular regarding Iran; regrets, however, that the EU-NATO strategic cooperation extending beyond the ‘Berlin Plus’ arrangements continues to be blocked by Turkey’s objections, which has negative consequences for the protection of the EU personnel deployed, and urges Turkey to set aside those objections as soon as possible.” (Zaman, Selçuk GULTASLI, 4 November 2009)

L'UE va accroître les contrôles sur les poires importées de Turquie

L'Union européenne va accroître les contrôles sur les importations de poires originaires de Turquie en raison de traces élevées de pesticides dans ces fruits, a annoncé mercredi la Commission européenne.

Des experts des pays européens réunis au sein du Comité permanent de la chaîne alimentaire et de la santé animale ont approuvé une recommandation en ce sens de la Commission, qui avait relevé de hauts niveaux d'amitraze (un pesticide) dans des poires importées de Turquie.

Les niveaux d'amitraze relevés dans ces poires dépassaient le seuil acceptable.

Tous les pays de l'UE vont désormais contrôler systématiquement au moins 10% des poires importées de Turquie. Les lots déjà sur le marché vont également faire l'objet de contrôles sanitaires, a précisé la Commission. (AFP, 4 nov 2009)


Turquie-USA/ Turkey-USA

Le directeur du FBI discute de la lutte contre le PKK à Ankara

Le directeur du FBI, la police fédérale américaine, a rencontré mercredi à Ankara des responsables turcs pour discuter des efforts conjoints destinés à combattre l'organisation rebelle kurde du Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK), a annoncé l'ambassade des Etats-Unis.

La visite du patron du FBI, Robert Mueller, est concentrée "sur notre importante et constante coopération en matière de contre-terrorisme et de problèmes d'application de la loi", selon un communiqué de l'ambassade qui soulignant le soutien de Washington à la lutte de la Turquie contre le PKK, considéré comme une organisation terroriste par les deux pays.

"Nous avons hâte d'avoir un échange de vues sur les possibilités d'une coopération encore plus étroite et plus efficace dans notre combat commun contre le terrorisme et ceux qui violent la loi", ajoute le communiqué.

Selon les médias turcs, l'utilisation de la Turquie comme une éventuelle route de sortie pour transporter les troupes américains devant être retirées d'Irak figure également au programme des discussions.

Le directeur du FBI a rencontré le vice-Premier ministre Cemil Cicek, le ministre de la Justice Sadullah Ergin et le chef de la police turque Oguz Kagan Koksal.

Avec l'aide du renseignement américain, l'aviation turque bombarde depuis décembre 2007 les positions du PKK du nord de l'Irak.

Ankara a récemment annoncé des mesures visant à améliorer les droits des Kurdes dans l'espoir d'éroder le soutien du PKK.

Le PKK a entamé en 1984 une insurrection visant à l'indépendance du sud-est anatolien. Cette revendication s'est progressivement muée en une demande d'autonomie régionale et de renforcement des droits culturels des Kurdes. Le conflit kurde a fait quelque 45.000 morts, selon l'armée turque. (AFP, 18 nov 2009)


Relations régionales / Regional Relations

La Turquie et Israël cherchent à réchauffer leurs liens

Des responsables turc et israélien ont exprimé mardi leur volonté de remettre leur alliance sur les rails à l'occasion de la visite du ministre israélien du Commerce et de l'Industrie, Benyamin Ben Eliezer, en Turquie, évoquant un "partenariat stratégique".

A l'ouverture d'une commission économique mixte, le ministre israélien a fait état de "liens particuliers" entre les deux Etats qui sont engagés dans un "partenariat stratégique", précise l'agence Anatolie.

"Nous partageons des valeurs démocratiques communes", a souligné le ministre, assurant que son pays souhaitait poursuivre des relations dans les domaines politiques, stratégiques et économiques avec Ankara.

Il s'agit de la première visite d'un responsable officiel israélien à Ankara depuis l'opération israélienne "Plomb durci" à Gaza, pendant l'hiver dernier, qui avait suscité de vives critiques côté turc et un refroidissement des relations bilatérales.

Le ministre turc de la Défense, Vecdi Gönül, qui représentait son pays à la commission, a indiqué de son côté que la Turquie considérait ses liens avec l'Etat hébreu dans "une perspective durable" et visait à "approfondir et développer leurs rapports bilatéraux".

"Je n'ai aucun doute que nous devons maintenir notre amitié dans le droit chemin", a rétorqué M. Ben Eliezer.

Après avoir signé avec M. Ben Eliezer des accords de coopération économique, M. Gönül
a par ailleurs annoncé la visite en Turquie "d'ici à un mois" de son homologue israélien Ehud Barak, selon Anatolie.

Lundi à Istanbul, M. Ben Eliezer avait affirmé que la Turquie pouvait contribuer à "remettre les choses en place" dans le conflit entre Israël et la Syrie, laissant entendre que son pays serait favorable à une nouvelle médiation turque.

Le Premier ministre turc Recep Tayyip Erdogan a quant à lui indiqué qu'Ankara était prêt à jouer un rôle dans le processus de paix au Proche-Orient si on le lui demandait.

Le ministre israélien des Affaires étrangères, Avigdor Lieberman, avait exclu cependant que les Turcs puissent à nouveau assurer une médiation.

La Syrie et Israël ont engagé en mai 2008 des négociations indirectes par le canal de la Turquie. Elles ont été interrompues par la Syrie en décembre dernier après le lancement de l'offensive israélienne à Gaza. (AFP, 24 nov 2009)

Israël et la Turquie reprennent leurs manoeuvres militaires conjointes

Israël et la Turquie ont effectué leur premières manoeuvres militaires conjointes depuis la récente crise diplomatique qui a tendu les relations entre les deux pays, a-t-on appris mardi de source militaire israélienne.

Ces manoeuvres, consistant en un exercice de sauvetage, se sont déroulées à Ankara du 3 au 5 novembre, a indiqué un responsable militaire israélien sous couvert de l'anonymat.

Les relations entre les deux capitales se sont tendues après les critiques sans précédent du Premier ministre turc Recep Tayyip Erdogan contre Israël en raison de son offensive dévastatrice, en décembre et janvier derniers, dans la bande de Gaza.

En octobre, Ankara avait décidé d'exclure Israël de manoeuvres militaires aériennes internationales en Turquie, ce qui avait conduit à leur annulation pure et simple.

La Turquie, pays majoritairement musulman au régime laïque, est le principal allié d'Israël dans la région depuis la signature par les deux pays d'un accord de coopération militaire, en 1996, mais elle entretient des liens étroits avec les Palestiniens. (AFP, 17 nov 2009)

Béchir renonce à assister à la réunion de l'OCI en Turquie

Le président soudanais Omar el-Béchir, sous le coup d'un mandat d'arrêt international, a renoncé à assister lundi en Turquie à une réunion de l'Organisation de la conférence islamique (OCI), a indiqué dimanche l'agence officielle Suna, évoquant des impératifs domestiques.

M. Béchir, qui assistait dimanche au Sommet Chine-Afrique à Charm el-Cheikh, en Egypte, a téléphoné dans la soirée au président turc Abdullah Gül pour lui signifier qu'il ne pouvait se rendre à la réunion d'Istanbul, a indiqué Suna.

Selon la même source, le président soudanais a affirmé devoir rentrer à Khartoum afin de "trouver une solution" au différend qui oppose son parti à l'ex-rébellion sudiste.

L'agence turque Anatolie, citant des sources "crédibles", avait peu avant affirmé qu'Omar el-Béchir, visé par un mandat d'arrêt de la Cour pénale internationale (CPI) pour crimes de guerre et crimes contre l'humanité au Darfour (ouest du Soudan), ne se rendrait pas à Istanbul.

La presse turque parue dimanche avait également indiqué que ce déplacement, qui met Ankara dans une position délicate, risquait d'être annulé en raison des réactions internationales, dont celle de l'Union européenne.

"Les Soudanais voient et comprennent bien les difficultés", avait déclaré à l'AFP un haut diplomate turc ayant requis l'anonymat avant l'officialisation de l'annulation.

La Turquie, musulmane mais laïque, n'a pas ratifié le Statut de Rome de 2002 qui instaurait la CPI mais l'UE, à laquelle elle souhaite adhérer, l'incite à le faire pour se conformer à ses normes.

Dimanche, le Premier ministre turc Recep Tayyip Erdogan, qui dirige un parti issu de la mouvance islamiste, a douté que le président du Soudan ait pu orchestrer un génocide au Darfour, affirmant qu'"aucun musulman ne peut perpétrer un génocide".

Mais d'après Suna, l'annulation du voyage d'Omar el-Béchir est liée à l'actualité soudanaise et la question du Sud-Soudan.

Le nord et le sud du Soudan ont mis fin en 2005 à plus de deux décennies de guerre à l'origine de deux millions de morts. Un accord de paix, qui a permis la formation d'un gouvernement d'union nationale, prévoit des élections en avril 2010 et un référendum début 2011 sur l'éventuelle sécession du Sud.

Mais le Parti du congrès national (NCP) de M. Béchir et les ex-rebelles sudistes du Mouvement populaire de libération du Soudan (SPLM) s'opposent sur des projets de lois clés devant être adoptés afin de garantir la bonne tenue de ces scrutins.

Les deux partis ont tenu dimanche des pourparlers au palais présidentiel à Khartoum afin de régler leurs différends, selon des sources politiques dans la capitale.

"En raison de la nécessité de consulter le président de la République au cours des prochains jours sur ces enjeux, le président a reporté son voyage en Turquie", souligne ainsi l'agence Suna.

Le président iranien Mahmoud Ahmadinejad est arrivé dimanche après-midi dans la métropole turque et s'est entretenu avec M. Erdogan, qui s'est tout récemment rendu à Téhéran pour signer des partenariats commerciaux et énergétiques.

M. Ahmadinejad, dont le pays est la cible de critiques internationales pour son programme nucléaire controversé, doit participer lundi à un sommet économique de l'OCI.

Le programme du sommet de l'OCI, qui réunit 57 Etats pour une journée de débats, est axé sur les questions commerciales et la lutte contre la pauvreté.  (AFP, 8 nov 2009)

Erdogan doute que le président Béchir ait orchestré un génocide au Darfour

Le Premier ministre turc Recep Tayyip Erdogan doute que le président du Soudan Omar el-Béchir, attendu en Turquie pour une réunion internationale, ait orchestré un génocide au Darfour, affirmant dimanche qu'"aucun musulman ne peut perpétrer un génocide".

Dans un entretien accordé à la chaîne de télévision publique TRT, cité par l'agence Anatolie, M. Erdogan, qui dirige un parti puisant ses sources dans la mouvance islamiste, a souligné qu'il s'était personnellement rendu au Darfour (en 2006) mais n'y avait pas constaté de génocide "comme on le dit".

"De toute façon, un musulman ne peut perpétrer un génocide, il n'en est pas capable", a-t-il estimé, dans une allusion au président soudanais sous le coup d'un mandat d'arrêt international de la Cour pénale internationale (CPI) pour crimes de guerre et contre l'humanité au Darfour.

"S'il y a une telle chose (un génocide), nous sommes capables d'en parler face-à-face avec le président Béchir", a encore dit M. Erdogan.

Il a ajouté que la participation attendue du président soudanais à un sommet économique de l'Organisation de la conférence islamique (OCI), lundi à Istanbul, répondait à une invitation de cette Organisation et non de la Turquie. (AFP, 8 nov 2009)

Des étudiants lancent des oeufs sur l'ambassadeur d'Israël à Trabzon

Des étudiants turcs mécontentents de l'attitude d'Israël envers Gaza ont lancé des oeufs mercredi sur la voiture de l'ambassadeur israélien en Turquie, provoquant l'annulation de sa visite prévue dans une université du nord-est du pays, ont rapporté les médias turcs.

En visite à Trabzon, grande ville du littoral de la mer Noire, l'ambassadeur Gabby Levy a été accueilli à l'université locale par une vingtaine d'étudiants aux cris d'"Israël assassin", selon la chaîne d'information NTV.

Les étudiants ont lancé des oeufs sur sa voiture et l'ambassadeur a dû précipitamment quitter le campus, sans même sortir de son véhicule, a précisé l'agence Anatolie.

Refusant de se disperser après le départ du diplomate israélien, les protestataires ont été interpellés par la police, ajoute l'agence.

La veille, à Rize, le maire de cette ville voisine Halil Bakirci, auquel l'ambassadeur rendait visite, a exhorté Israël à cesser de "tuer des enfants", en référence à l'offensive israélienne contre la bande de Gaza en hiver dernier, assaut qui est à l'origine de tensions entre la Turquie et Israël.

M. Bakirci a dénoncé une politique "expansionniste et d'occupation" d'Israël.

Les provinces du littoral de la mer Noire sont prisées des touristes israéliens qui s'y rendent pour des excursions de trekking.

Le maire, cité par Anatolie, s'est déclaré inquiet au sujet des touristes israéliens visitant sa région, mais a assuré qu'un maximum de précautions étaient prises pour empêcher qu'ils pâtissent d'événements "indésirables".

Les relations entre Israël et la Turquie, pourtant alliés stratégiques dans la région, se sont fortement tendues après les critiques des dirigeants turcs
contre Israël en raison de l'offensive massive à Gaza.

Cette tension s'est traduite par la décision d'Ankara d'écarter l'aviation israélienne de manoeuvres qui étaient prévues début septembre en Turquie. (AFP, 4 nov 2009)

Karabagh : L’Arménie rejette la demande turque

Le ministre arménien des Affaires Etrangères a rejeté les appels turcs de concessions dans le conflit du Nagorno-Karabakh en échange du rapprochement historique entre Erevan et Ankara.

Donnant une interview à l’agence de presse Reuters vendredi dans la soirée, Edouard Nalbandian a dit que les négociations entre la Turquie et l’Arménie étaient finies et que les deux parties seront obligés de bouger rapidement pour établir des relations diplomatiques et ouvrir leur frontière selon les accords signés le mois dernier.

Les leaders turcs disent qu’ils veulent voir des progrès dans les négociations entre l’Arménie et l’Azerbaïdjan à propos du Nagorno-Karabakh avant que le Parlement à Ankara ne ratifie les accords, une condition que l’Arménie rejette.

"Pourquoi avons-nous signé deux protocoles si nous n’allons pas les ratifier et les exécuter ?" a déclaré Edouard Nalbandian, 53 ans, lors d’une interview accordée dans la capitale arménienne Erevan.

"Je pense que la communauté internationale dans son entier attend une ratification rapide et l’exécution et le respect des accords qui sont dans les protocoles" a-t-il dit, parlant en anglais.

"Si une des parties crée du retard et crée des obstacles dans la voie de la ratification et l’exécution, je pense qu’elle devra porter toute la responsabilité des conséquences négatives."

Les diplomates et les analystes disent que la Turquie, avant qu’elle ne ratifie les accords, cherche au moins un petit signe de progrès dans les négociations entre l’Arménie et l’Azerbaïdjan sur le Nagorno-Karabakh, où un cessez-le-feu fragile a été signé en 1994.

Une telle liaison est de la dynamite politique pour les arméniens. L’opposition intérieure et la diaspora estiment que la Turquie doit d’abord reconnaître le génocide avant que des liens ne puissent être rétablis.

Edouard Nalbandian affirme que le dégel arméno-turc et les négociations sur le Nagorno-Karabakh sont "deux processus séparés."

"Ce n’est pas seulement une approche arménienne, mais l’approche de la communauté internationale" a-t-il dit, ajoutant que les négociations entre la Turquie et l’Arménie étaient terminées.

"Les négociations ont été achevées au début février."

Des incertitudes demeurent quant aux conditions posées par la Turquie pour une ratification des protocoles mais la pression sur Ankara pourrait monter avec en avril le 95 ème anniversaire du génocide quand le président américain publiera sa traditionnelle déclaration de jour de la commémoration.

Edouard Nalbandian a minimisé la possibilité d’une percée imminente au sujet du conflit du Karabagh.

Il y a une "dynamique positive" a-t-il dit. "Mais dire que demain ou dans un mois ou dans une période de temps très courte nous parviendrons à un accord, je ne pense pas que cela soit très sérieux." (Stéphane/armenews, 1er novembre 2009)

Afghanistan: passage de relais de la France à la Turquie à Kaboul

L'armée française a transmis samedi à l'armée turque le commandement des troupes de l'Otan stationnées dans la région capitale (Kaboul et ses environs) en Afghanistan, a constaté un journaliste de l'AFP.

Lors d'une cérémonie de passage de relais à Camp Warehouse, la grande base militaire de l'Otan à Kaboul, le général français Marcel Druart a loué "le plus grand succès de ces derniers mois, le transfert de la responsabilité de la direction des opérations de sécurité aux forces de sécurité afghanes".

Depuis début 2009, les forces de l'Otan n'interviennent plus qu'en "troisième cercle" dans la région capitale, après la police en "premier cercle" et l'armée afghane en "deuxième cercle", a expliqué un porte-parole de l'armée française.

Le contingent français de Kaboul, présent depuis 2002 dans la capitale, a été redéployé dans la province voisine de Kapisa et dans le district de Saroubi (province de Kaboul), où se trouvent des bases militaires françaises.

Le général turc Levent Colak a souligné que "la présence de soldats turcs en Afghanistan ne doit pas être prise seulement comme une tâche militaire", mais aussi comme preuve de "l'amitié entre l'Afghanistan et la Turquie".

A ses "frères afghans", il a assuré que "notre patrimoine culturel commun, (...) comme la religion, les valeurs et les traditions, et notre bonne volonté aideront à endurer toutes les difficultés".

Environ 3.000 militaires français sont actuellement en Afghanistan. Quant à la Turquie, elle a récemment doublé son contingent de 900 à 1.700 soldats en prévision de sa prise de commandement, qui durera un an. (AFP, 31 oct 2009)

Chypre et la Grèce / Cyprus and Greece

L'UE appelle la Turquie à remplir ses obligations vis-à-vis de Chypre

L'Union européenne a réaffirmé jeudi à Istanbul la nécessité pour la Turquie d'ouvrir ses ports et aéroports aux navires et avions chypriotes, en amont d'un Sommet européen où sera évalué le processus d'adhésion d'Ankara au bloc européen.

"Il est absolument clair que l'application du protocole additionnel est une obligation pour la Turquie (...) Et nous nous exprimerons sur cette question" lors du Sommet européen, a affirmé le ministre suédois des Affaires étrangères Carl Bildt, dont le pays assume la présidence tournante de l'UE.

La Turquie a signé en 2005 un protocole la contraignant à étendre aux nouveaux membres de l'UE les bénéfices de l'Union douanière la liant au bloc européen. Elle a cependant refusé d'appliquer ce document à la République de Chypre tant qu'un accord global sur la question chypriote ne sera pas trouvé.

M. Bildt s'exprimait après un déjeuner de la "troïka européenne", comprenant également le secrétaire d'Etat espagnol aux Affaires européennes Diego Lopez Garrido, dont le pays succédera à la Suède le 1er janvier, et le représentant de la Commission européenne en Turquie Marc Pierini, avec le chef de la diplomatie turque Ahmet Davutoglu et le ministre aux Affaires européennes Egemen Bagis.

La troïka, qui devait encore avoir une réunion de travail avec ses interlocuteurs turcs, est venue à Istanbul évaluer l'évolution processus d'adhésion de la Turquie, entamé en 2005.

M. Davutoglu a pour sa part appelé les Européens à ne pas mettre en danger les négociations de paix en cours entre les Chypriotes grecs et les Chypriotes turcs.

"Ce n'est pas en exerçant des pressions unilatérales sur la Turquie que ce problème (de l'ouverture des ports, ndlr) sera résolu mais en trouvant une solution globale, juste et durable à la question chypriote", a-t-il déclaré.

"Nous espérons que le Sommet européen n'affectera pas négativement les négociations de paix par certaines actions ou déclarations", a ajouté le ministre.

L'UE a déjà gelé par mesure de rétorsion huit des 35 chapitres thématiques de négociation jalonnant le processus d'adhésion de la Turquie.

Dans un entretien récent à un journal turc, le président chypriote Dimitris Christofias a laissé entendre que son pays pourrait réclamer de nouvelles sanctions contre la Turquie au cours du Sommet.

Certains analystes estiment toutefois que l'UE pourrait faire preuve de mansuétude pour éviter de faire dérailler les pourparlers de paix en cours, menés sous l'égide de l'Onu depuis septembre 2008.

Chypre est divisée depuis l'invasion en 1974 du tiers nord de l'île par la Turquie, en réaction à un coup d'Etat de nationalistes chypriotes-grecs soutenus par Athènes qui voulaient rattacher l'île à la Grèce. (AFP, 26 nov 2009)

Un cas de spoliation examiné pour fixer le sort de 1.475 plaintes

La Cour européenne des droits de l'homme a examiné mercredi la plainte d'une famille chypriote-grecque privée de ses biens dans le Nord de Chypre après 1974, une plainte dont l'issue va déterminer le règlement de 1.475 affaires analogues.

Takis et Eleni Demopoulos ainsi que leur fille reprochent à Ankara de ne pouvoir accéder à leurs biens depuis l'occupation en 1974 de la partie nord de l'île par l'armée turque, en représailles après une tentative de coup d'Etat de rattachement de l'île à la Grèce.

Ils invoquent notamment des violations de la protection de la propriété, du droit au respect de la vie familiale et de l'interdiction de la discrimination.

La Cour européenne, qui a entendu mercredi les deux parties, rendra dans les prochains mois "un arrêt-pilote" qui permettra de statuer sur l'ensemble des autres plaintes en attente.

Elle avait demandé en 2005 à la Turquie d'instaurer une voie de recours garantissant une réelle réparation des spoliations.

Une commission d'indemnisation avait été instaurée après l'adoption par "la République turque de Chypre du Nord" d'une loi sur l'indemnisation des biens immobiliers à l'intérieur des frontières.

A Strasbourg, Michael Wood, conseil du gouvernement turc, a regretté que les plaignants ne se soient pas adressés à cette commission au prétexte que leurs démarches devant la CEDH étaient antérieures à sa création. "Ils n'ont pas épuisé les voies de recours en n'allant pas devant la Haute Cour administrative", a-t-il argumenté.

David Anderson, conseil des plaignants, a répliqué que la loi ne permettait pas à des ressortissants d'origine chypriote-grecque de jouir de leurs biens dans la partie nord "car ils ne peuvent bénéficier que de visas de trois mois'.

"Il ne peut en outre y avoir de restitution lorsque le bien est occupé par des tiers" a-t-il argumenté avant d'estimer que s'adresser à la commission revient pour un Chypriote-grec "à collaborer avec l'occupant".

 433 demandes ont été déposées en 30 mois devant la commission et 37 millions de livres sterling ont été allouées, a rétorqué Michael Wood.

 Les juges de Strasbourg avaient pris en 2005 un premier arrêt-pilote en condamnant la Turquie pour violation du droit au respect du domicile et de protection de la propriété de Myra Xenides-Arestis. D'origine chypriote grecque, elle s'était vu allouer 885.000 euros d'indemnités. . (AFP, 18 nov 2008)

Lellouche: "Il reste un mur à abattre en Europe"

Le secrétaire d'Etat français aux Affaires européennes, Pierre Lellouche, en visite à Chypre, a souligné qu'il restait "un mur à abattre en Europe", en allusion à la division de l'île, jugeant que l'UE devait "sûrement en faire davantage".

"Alors qu'on va fêter (...) le 20e anniversaire de la chute du Mur de Berlin, on s'aperçoit qu'il reste encore un mur à abattre, celui qui divise les deux communautés (grecque et turque) ici", a déclaré à l'AFP M. Lellouche, en marge de l'inauguration samedi du nouvel aéroport international de Larnaca (sud), réalisé par une entreprise française.

Membre de l'Union européenne, l'île est divisée depuis 1974 entre la République de Chypre, la seule reconnue internationalement, et le tiers nord occupé par la Turquie et autoproclamé République turque de Chypre Nord (KKTC).

"Cette situation de division à l'intérieur même d'un pays de l'UE est difficilement acceptable", a poursuivi le responsable français, qui a effectué vendredi une visite dans la zone tampon à Nicosie.

"On a l'impression d'entrer dans le congélateur de l'histoire", a-t-il dit à propos de ce no man's land contrôlé par l'ONU.

Evoquant les négociations de réunification lancées en septembre 2008 sous l'égide de l'ONU, Pierre Lellouche a estimé que l'UE "devrait sûrement en faire davantage".

"C'est d'abord l'affaire des Européens. Il est difficile de parler d'une Europe qui s'affirme dans le monde et, dans le même temps, qui ne prenne pas à bras le corps cette affaire", a-t-il fait valoir, tout en appelant la Turquie "à prendre ses responsabilités".

"Ce conflit reste un obstacle majeur à l'adhésion de la Turquie (à l'UE). (...) Il y a une prise de conscience turque, qui ne peut traîner derrière elle les conflits du passé", a-t-il noté, signalant les récentes avancées d'Ankara concernant notamment ses relations avec l'Arménie.

"Je suis convaincu qu'il y a une fenêtre d'opportunité" à Chypre, a conclu M. Lellouche, qui a rencontré le président chypriote Demetris Christofias et le leader de la KKTC, Mehmet Ali Talat. (AFP, 7 nov 2009)

Pas de solution dans un proche avenir, selon le président chypriote

Le président chypriote Dimitris Christofias ne s'attend pas à une percée dans un proche avenir dans les négociations de paix visant à mettre fin à la division de Chypre.

"Je ne vois pas de règlement d'ici ou avant décembre", a-t-il dit dans un entretien publié mardi par le journal d'expression anglaise Today's Zaman.

"Si l'on avance au rythme actuel (...), il sera difficile de parvenir à une solution même avant avril".

Les Chypriotes-turcs, soutenus par la Turquie, ont réclamé un calendrier pour une solution sur l'île, appelant l'ONU et les puissances occidentales à s'engager pour les débloquer.

Des discussions sous l'égide de l'ONU entre le leader chypriote turc, Mehmet Ali Talat, et le président chypriote (grec) ont débuté en septembre 2008, mais n'ont pas donné lieu à des avancées significatives, les divergences entre les deux camps chypriotes (grec et turc) restant profondes.

Soutenus par Ankara, les Chypriotes turcs ont appelé à un règlement du problème d'ici à la fin 2009 ou au début 2010.

Le mois de décembre est crucial pour la Turquie: c'est à cette date que les dirigeants de l'Union européenne doivent décider lors d'un sommet de la manière à réagir au refus des Turcs d'ouvrir leurs ports et aéroports aux avions et navires chypriotes grecs, comme le stipule un accord conclu entre Ankara et l'Union.

L'UE a gelé 8 des 35 chapitres d'accession de la Turquie en raison de ce différend douanier avec la république de Chypre que la Turquie ne reconnaît pas.

Et en avril, des élections seront organisées dans l'entité turque de Chypre (nord, non reconnue internationalement) de l'île pour choisir le prochain président, un scrutin que M. Talat pourrait perdre.

Prié de dire si les Chypriotes-grecs demanderaient d'autres sanctions contre Ankara en décembre, M. Christofias a dit: "Tout est possible".

Chypre est divisée depuis l'invasion en 1974 du tiers nord de l'île par la Turquie, en réaction à un coup d'Etat de nationalistes chypriotes-grecs soutenus par Athènes qui voulaient rattacher l'île à la Grèce. (AFP, 3 nov 2009)

Immigration / Migration

Seminar on Anti-Terror Lists: "We don’t talk to terrorists" 

Thursday, 3rd of December 2009
13:00-16:00
Ghent University, Academieraadzaal, Volderstraat 9, Ghent (Belgium)
 
“The principle that countries do not negotiate with terrorists is practically accepted as dogma. The appellation of terrorist thus has an extremely delegitimizing impact on whatever political cause the terrorist group purports to represent.” (Joanne Mariner, Human Rights Watch, 2002)
 
Since 9/11 a Global War on Terror has been on stage. Many organizations were – against this background of securitization – enlisted as ‘international terrorist organizations’. A good thing, so it appeared: few people would endorse organizations that commit attacks on innocent civilians.

The anti-terror lists were soon to become subject of controversy though. Several political movements found themselves labeled as ‘terrorists’. However, often these have a clear political project and represent a great number of people that have remained excluded from the political arena. Governments, in particular in the Middle East, benefit from defining groups that threaten to undermine their political power as ‘terrorists’. With terrorists one does not need to dialogue. This particular categorization thus delegitimizes these movements and very often, that is particular what is sought.

The terrorist label is not an innocent instrument. It’s impact is felt in the daily lives of many thousands of people. For more than two years the people of Gaza, living in ‘Hamas-controlled territory’, have suffered the consequences of a blockage and an international political isolation. In Afghanistan the military anti-terror war strategies vis-à-vis the Taliban still haven’t brought any solution and the number of deaths is rising. In Turkey, the current ‘peace initiative’ of the government risks to remain stillborn as the political recognition of the Kurdish movement continues a taboo. On many occasions violent conflict continued as the terrorist label ran negotiated solutions with governments and international actors impossible. The question then is if the terrorist lists are not creating more problems than they actually seek to solve?

In this seminar we will give the floor to prominent guests who all have their own particular answers to these urgent questions.

The language of the seminar will be English. There is no translation foreseen.

Program

13u00 Welcome and introduction by Ludo De Brabander, vzw Vrede
13u15-13u40 The anti-terror policy and the European Union by Gilles de Kerckhove (EU Anti-Terror Coordinator – to be confirmed)
13u40-14u05 The ‘crusade’ against terrorism and its consequences for the ‘Greater Middle East’ by Jef Lambrecht (VRT-Journalist en author of 'De heilige Wereldoorlog' / ‘The Holy World War’)
14u05-14u30 The War on Terror and its consequences for political protest and conflict resolution by Mark Muller QC (Chair of the Bar Human Rights Committee of England and Wales and the Kurdish Human Rights Project)
14u30-14u55 Terrorist lists and the criminalization of resistance by Liz Fekete (Deputy Director of the Institute of Race Relations in London and author of A Suitable Enemy: Racism, Migration and Islamophobia in Europe)
14u55-15u30 Paneldiscussion
15u30-16u00 Questions and Answers
 
Free Entrance
Please inscribe: Vrede vzw, Filips van Arteveldestraat 35, 9000 Gent – vrede@vrede.be – 09/233.46.88
Organized by  11.11.11. – Umbrella of the Flemish North-South Movement, Middle East and North Africa Research Group/MENARG and Vrede vzw.
(Marlies.Casier@UGent.be,  November 17, 2009)

L’appel du CLEA à mobilisation vers le verdict DHKP-C du 16 décembre

Dans un mois exactement, le 16 décembre prochain, le procès DHKP-C connaîtra son épilogue... après plus de dix années de batailles judiciaires. Le verdict qui sera prononcé revêt une importance particulière pour tous les citoyens car il décidera de l'introduction (ou non) de la loi «antiterroriste» dans la jurisprudence belge.

C'est la raison pour laquelle le CLEA lance d'ores et déjà un appel à mobilisation pour ce jour-là. Nous vous encourageons donc à lire et à diffuser notre tract et à être présents en nombre à ce rendez-vous.

Pour le télécharger, cliquez sur le lien ci dessous:
[http://leclea.be/#verdict ]
[Lien direct: http://leclea.be/affaire_dhkp-c/proces_de_bruxelles/pdf/tract161209.pdf]

Militer n'est pas du terrorisme, alors agissez sans attendre. Nous disposons de trente jours pour faire comprendre à vos connaissances, à vos collègues, à vos amis et familles que Bahar, Musa et leurs camarades ne doivent pas retourner en prison et que la loi liberticide «antiterroriste» qui les menace et nous menace tous, doit être abrogée.

PROJECTIONS DE "RÉSISTER N'EST PAS UN CRIME",
LE FILM RETRAÇANT LE COMBAT DU CLEA:

Si vous souhaitez rencontrer certains des militants poursuivis dans cette affaire ainsi que les réalisateurs du film et des membres du CLEA, deux projections du documentaire «Résister n'est pas un crime» suivies de débats sont prévues à Bruxelles et à Liège, les 19 et 25 novembre, dans le cadre de la neuvième édition du Festival "Voix de Femmes":
[http://www.voixdefemmes.org/2009/06/08/rencontres/ ]
[http://leclea.be/clea/resister_pas_un_crime.html ]
(clea@leclea.be, 16 novembre 2009)

Amnesty et l'Acat contestent l'inclusion de la Turquie à la liste des pays "sûrs"

Amnesty International et l'Action des chrétiens pour l'abolition de la torture (Acat) "s'inquiètent" dans un communiqué reçu mercredi d'un projet de révision de la liste des pays d'origine "sûrs" établie par la France dans le cadre des procédures d'asile.

Les deux associations "s'inquiètent des modalités de modification de la liste des pays d'origine dits +sûrs+ établie par le Conseil d'administration de l'Office français de protection des réfugiés et apatrides" (Ofpra) et "appellent à une procédure transparente et réellement protectrice des réfugiés".

Le 13 novembre, le Conseil d'administration de l'Ofpra doit examiner la nécessité de retirer et/ou d'introduire des Etats sur cette liste et doit notamment débattre de la situation de la Serbie, du Kosovo, de l'Arménie et de la Turquie.

Les deux associations de défense des droits de l'Homme précisent que des délégués de la commission des droits de l'homme de la Grande assemblée turque ont demandé récemment, au cours d'un entretien au Sénat, que la France reconsidère sa position sur l'exclusion de la Turquie de cette liste.

"Si le Conseil d'administration de l'Ofpra acceptait d'examiner la requête de la Turquie, ce précédent constituerait une importante brèche dans le régime de la protection des demandeurs d'asile et réfugiés en France", souligne Geneviève Garrigos, présidente de Amnesty France. "De nombreux Etats pourraient profiter de cette porte ouverte pour réduire les droits de leurs ressortissants qui les fuient et sollicitent la protection de la France".

Les deux associations demandent notamment que le Conseil d'administration de l'Ofpra "précise les critères et la procédure pour le saisir d'une proposition d'ajout ou de retrait d'un Etat sur la liste" et "exclue d'être saisi de toute sollicitation directe ou indirecte émanant des autorités d'un autre Etat".

Un pays est considéré comme "sûr" par la France "s'il veille au respect des principes de la liberté, de la démocratie et de l'état de droit, ainsi que des droits de l'homme et des libertés fondamentales", précise le code de l'entrée et du séjour des étrangers et du droit d'asile.

La présence d'un Etat sur cette liste très controversée prive ses ressortissants de certains droits et autorise notamment leur renvoi dans leur pays, avant que la Cour nationale ait statué sur leur demande d'asile. (AFP 11 nov 2009)

La Suède refuse d'extrader un ex-membre du PKK accusé de meurtre par Ankara

La Cour suprême suédoise a rejetté mercredi une demande d'extradition turque pour un homme de 51 ans qu'Ankara accuse du meurtre d'un écrivain kurde en 1992 et d'appartenance au PKK.

"Il y a des obstacles à l'extradition de Cemil Kadir Aygan", écrit la haute juridiction suédoise dans son jugement. "Les preuves données (par la Turquie) comme base de la détention ne soutiennent pas les accusations" contre lui, ajoute-t-elle.

M. Aygan, connu en Turquie sous le nom d'Aziz Turan, a fait l'objet d'une demande d'extradition turque en août 2008 l'accusant de "crime contre l'unité de l'Etat pour avoir tué l'écrivain Musa Anter et blessé par balles Orhan Miroglu le 20 septembre 1992 dans le cadre des activités de l'organisation terroriste PKK", selon la cour.

Brièvement arrêté en janvier 2009 en Suède, M. Aygan, qui affirme être innocent, a été relâché avec l'interdiction de quitter le territoire suédois.

La Turquie fondait sa demande sur des déclarations rapportées de l'accusé dans lesquels il aurait avoué les faits, des déclarations que M. Aygan dément.

Selon lui, le meurtre de l'écrivain a été perpétré par une unité militaire turque longtemps secrète, le Jitem, qui combat le PKK, écrit la Cour suprême.

M. Aygan a dit au tribunal qu'il avait été membre du PKK entre 1975 et 1985 avant de passer au service du Jitem entre 1990 et 2001, puis de démissionner.

Il dit craindre d'être liquidé à son retour en Turquie. (AFP 11 nov 2009)

 informations du mois passé Informations of the past month
Toutes les informations depuis 1976 All informations since 1976