A non-government information service on Turkey
Un service d'information non-gouvernemental sur la Turquie


12th Year - N°134
December 1987
38 rue des Eburons - 1000 Bruxelles
Tél: (32-2) 215 35 76 - Fax: (32-2) 215 58 60
 Rédacteur en chef: Dogan Özgüden - Editrice responsable: Inci Tugsavul


    Despite all the sacrifices made by the people of Turkey in the sake of the "defense of the Western World", the United States continue to cut down the annual sum of the military "aid" granted to Turkey.
    Recently, despite the Reagan Administration's apparent insistence on a higher sum,  the U.S. Congress decided to reduce to attribute only 490 million dollars to Turkey.
    After the military coup of 1980, in return of many concessions given by the military to Washington, the United States had considerably increased its military "aid" to Turkey. While its annual sum was only 204.9 million dollars in 1980, it was raised up to 251.7 million dollars in 1981, to 403 millions in 1982, to 402.8 millions in 1983, to 718.1 millions in 1984 and to 703.1 millions in 1985.
    Nevertheless, from 1986 on the U.S. Congress has made drastical cuts in the sum of the military "aid" granted to Turkey. This sum fell to 618.1 million dollars in 1986, to 493.2 million dollars in 1987 and finally to 490 million dollars in 1988.
    Whereas, with a view to prolonging the Defense and Economic Cooperation Agreement (DECA) between the two countries, on March 16, 1987, American Secretary of State George Schultz had addressed a letter of intention to his Turkish counter-part and said: "DECA is a solemn commitment on the part of the United States to assist in strengthening the Turkish Armed Forces as well as the economy of the Turkish Republic," and pledged to propose to the U.S. Congress annually a high level of support to Turkey.
    But after the exchange of letters, the United States has shown once more its unrespect to its commitments. When it became clear that the U.S. Congress would not take into consideration the White House's suggestion, the opposition parties in Turkey declared that the "negative developments" seen in the Congress should result in the DECA being totally abrogated. Mr. Erdal Inonu, Chairman of the Social-Democrat Populist Party (SHP) said that  Turkey was paying the price for credits and "aid" it was receiving from the United States, and that if the Congress insists on placing conditions on them, then Turkey should stop receiving them. "Turkey should get credits from other countries as well and should not be dependent on the United States," he added.
    In fact, the military "aid" in the form of FMS (foreign military sales) constitutes a very heavy burden for the Turkish economy. In the period of 1972-1986, the USA gave Turkey FMS credits of 3,528 million dollars in total. Turkey has already paid back 594 million dollars of this sum. Until the year 2015, Turkey will pay back the rest of the debt totalling 2,934.7 million dollars as well as the interests of 3,585.1 million dollars, that is 6,519.9 million dollars in total.
    Taking into consideration the growing opposition in the Turkish public opinion against the US Congress' decisions, on October 22, 1987, the Heritage Foundation addressed to US policymakers a detailed report suggesting to adopt a more realistic approach to Turkey.
    The report, reminding that Ozal's period is the most favourable one of the US interests in Turkey, says:
    "At a time when war and chaos in the Persian Gulf remind policymakers how difficult it is to deal with Middle Eastern states, Turkey remains a rock of stability and reliability in the eastern Mediterranean. The U.S. clearly has strong reasons to maintain the closes possible working relationship with Turkey. Yet cracks are appearing in the Turkish-American relationship. In early May Turkish President Kenan Evren canceled a scheduled visit to the US to signal growing Turkish doubt about American sincerity and reliability because of anti-Turkish actions taken by the US Congress.
    "The 1980 Defense and Economic Cooperation Agreement (DECA) between the U.S. and Turkey limits American use of Turkish facilities to NATO defense purposes. This condition was imposed by Turkey to avoid being drawn into a regional conflict with NATO backing. Yet Turkey still could pay a role in deterring a Soviet move to the Persian Gulf. In 1982 the United States began to modernize ten Turkish air bases, several of them in eastern Turkey, on the flank of possible Soviet invasion routes through Iran. These air bases could enable U.S. warplanes to interdict the supply lines and slow the momentum of a Soviet invasion force attacking Iran.
    "To their credit, the Turks did not threaten to terminate American access to their bases, as has Greece's Papandreu. The Ozal government was criticized by its political opposition for agreeing to renew the DECA without binding US commitments.
    "Prime Minister Ozal, trained as an engineer in the U.S., is dedicated to free market economic reforms. He has been praised by Ronald Reagan as 'a real Reaganite in economic terms' because of his determined efforts to prod Turkey toward free enterprise. Since 1980, Ozal has rationalized the price system by abolishing subsidies and lifting price controls, overhauled the tax system, and slashed income taxes by 20 percent for most workers. He has opened up the economy by liberalizing currency exchange rules and expanding access by Turks to foreign imports, credit, and investment. By encouraging Turkish industry to shift toward exports rather than import substitution, Ozal hopes to harness fully Turkey's comparative advantages, especially its large, skilled workforce and its geographic proximity to both Europe and the Middle East.
    "Despite Ozal's success in stimulating economic growth, his centrist Motherland Party is losing ground politically because of its austerity program and a persistent unemployment rate of 20 percent. Moreover, Ozal's efforts to protect Turkey's credit rating by assiduously meeting its foreign debt commitments ($4 billion in principal and interest was paid on Turkey's $25 billion foreign debt in 1986) have left him open to opposition charges that he serves Turkey's foreign creditors better than his own people.
    "Turkey is a steadfast ally and should not be taken for granted. The Ozal government's strong commitment to NATO, modernization, free enterprise, and free trade make it one of the most pro-American Turkish governments ever to hold power. Ozal's opposition derides him as Amerikanci and criticizes him for not securing firmer U.S. aid commitments in the DECA signed earlier this year. Washington should help Ozal demonstrate the benefits of a close U.S. connection. It should avoid giving help Ozal's critics on the left and the right issues that can be used to discredit him and the rising generation of U.S.-educated technocrats.
    "Long-term U.S. goals should be to facilitate Turkey's transition to a stable democracy, to a free market economy, and to full integration into Western Europe's economy as well as its defense alliance. To accomplish these goals:
    "1) Washington must meet its DECA obligations to help modernize Turkey's armed forces and enable the Turks to fulfill their NATO responsibilities. Military aid to Turkey is one of the most cost-effective means of deterring Soviet aggression in the eastern Mediterranean as well as southwest Asia. While it costs the U.S. $60,000 to outfit and station one American soldier in Turkey, the cost for one Turkish soldier is roughly $9,000. (Testimony of Ambassador Parker Hart, cited in Bruce Kuniholm, "Rhetoric and Reality in the Aegean: U.S. Policy Options Toward Greece and Turkey", SAIS Review, Winter/Spring 1986, p.153)
    "2) Congress should stop linking Turkish aid levels to diplomatic progress on the Cyprus Question. The U.S. arms embargo proved to be a blunt instrument that hardened Turkey's position instead of encouraging compromise.
    "3) The arbitrary 7 to 10 Greece/Turkey aid ratio should be scrapped.
    "4) The Reagan Administration should invoke the 1986 amendment to the Defense authorization act that allows the Administration to transfer surplus military equipment to Turkey, Greece and Portugal.
    "5) Washington should press its allies to increase foreign aid to Turkey and to consider favorably Turkey's application for full membership in the European Economic Community.
    "6) The U.S. should open its markets to Turkish textile exports as much as possible under the Multifiber Arrangement.
    "7) The U.S. should encourage Ankara to open the Ottoman archives to allow a full, open review of the Turks' treatment of Armenians. While the Armenians unquestionable suffered grievous wrongs, there is no incontrovertible proof of a systematic genocide campaign by the Turks against them. A full-scale investigation of the matter, using the old Ottoman archives, could clear up the issue. Congressional resolutions on the Ottoman Armenians would only reopen old wounds and disrupt Turkish-American relations without resolving anything.
    "Given the steady drift of Papandreu's Greece away from the Western alliance, the U.S. must strengthen its ties to Turkey, not weaken them. For if Prime Minister Papandreu chooses to oust US bases from Greece, Turkey is the obvious candidate to provide substitute facilities."
    But, the U.S. Congress has not given heed of these last warnings and lowered the military "aid" to 490 million dollars.


    However, the latest developments on the international arena lead the Turkish political circles and mass media to animate a public debate with a view to reviewing the Turkish military policies in general, the Turkish Army's dependence on Washington, in particular.
    When Gorbachev and Reagan signed an agreement to eliminate INF weapons on December 8, 1987, the attention of the public opinion has switched to the possible consequences of this historical event.
    For the first time an entire missile family is being destroyed, and not an outdated family, but on the contrary, a particularly devastating one - the pride of military technology.
    Several years ago the prospect of such an accord seemed to many people hopeless. In the past few years the Soviet Union has put forward a number of new peace initiatives. On January 15, 1986, it advanced a carefully worked-out programme for the phased abolition of all nuclear weapons by the year 2000.
    Moscow has also advanced proposals to ban the militarization of outer space. These proposals have been approved by the U.N. General Assembly.
    At the Disarmament Conference in Geneva, the Soviet Union has submitted thoroughly elaborated proposals for the prohibition of chemical weapons and destruction of existing stockpiles. The Soviet Union and its Warsaw Treaty allies have urged the NATO countries to reduce the armed forces of the two military blocs by roughly a quarter. All these proposals have been backed up by a carefully devised system of on-site-inspection.
    Lastly, the Soviet Union has advanced the idea of establishing a comprehensive system of international security. The treaty signed by Gorbachev and Reagan stipulates the elimination of a whole class of modern nuclear armaments ranging from 500 up to 5,000 Kms. This is a practical step towards a nuclear-free world.
    However, this peaceful success is not appreciated by the extreme right and conservative circles of the West. According to the hawks in Pentagon, by signing the new arms treaty with Gorbachev, President Reagan has lost his senses, sold out to the Russians and is plunging headlong into another Munich for the sake of "peace in our time." For them, the INF treaty is "a tragic mistake", "a Pyrrhic victory", "a challenge".
    The conservatives have not only devised labels and swear words like "denuclearization of Europe" and "nuclear Finlandization." They have also proposed "compensation" plans which include the deployment in Europe of B-52 bombers carrying air-launched cruise missiles and of additional F-15E and F-111 planes capable of carrying nuclear weapons, submarines and surface ships with cruise missiles on board, "modernization" or, in plain words, the creation of new generations of medium and shorter-range nuclear weapons, particularly in Britain, France and Turkey.
    As a matter of fact, all the nuclear missiles installed on the Turkish territories are those of short range and they do not enter in the framework of the Washington Treaty. In addition to them, Western militarists and their Turkish collaborators have immediately begun to claim that NATO should reinforce its conventional arsenal in order to be able to riposte to the conventional arms superiority of the Soviet Union and Warsaw Treaty countries.
    They propose also to deploy in Turkey short range Lance missiles, to increase the nuclear warheads in this country, to equip F-16 fighters with nuclear arms and to increase armaments of the Turkish Armed Forces.
    This campaign coincides very well with the ambitions of the military-industrial complex of Turkey which resorts to every way in order to turn all Turkey into an infernal arsenal and to push the Pentagonist Turkish generals to "conquests" in the Middle East.
Unconditionally submitted to Washington policies, Ozal Government seems ready to accept whatsoever proposal to be raised by these circles.
    But, the last general elections showed that Ozal has the support of only a third of the population. Despite all repressive measures, democratic opposition is getting stronger and stronger throughout Turkey.
    Just after the elections, the signature of the Treaty to eliminate INF weapons has been a new stimulating event for the democracy and peace forces of Turkey.


    Noting that the government has no intention to free political prisoners and to take effective measures to ameliorate detention conditions, two human rights organizations of Turkey held rallies for claiming freedom of prisoners and protesting against torture in Istanbul on December 6, 1987.
    The rally organized by the Human Rights' Association (IHD) and attended by more than five thousands people was held under strict control of  rapid deployment forces of the police.
    The demonstrators carried banners painted the following on which painted the following slogans: "Torture is a crime of humanity", "Empty prisons, general amnesty", "Freedom to political detainees", "End to torture". Some posters with the portraits of the executed socialist youth leaders, Deniz Gezmis, Yusuf Arslan and Hüseyin Inan" were confiscated by the police.
    The same day, the rally organized in another quarter of Istanbul by the Association for Solidarity with the Families of Detainees and Prisoners (TAYAD) was attended by a few thousands people. At this demonstration, orators said that political prisoners do not ask for "amnesty" as claimed at the other rally, because they do not consider themselves criminals. "On the contrary," they said, "political prisoners assert their freedom seized by force."
    A few days later, the Public Prosecutor started a legal proceedings against the Administrative Board members of the IHD's Istanbul Section. Chairman Emil Galip Sandalci and six other members of the board were interrogated at the State Security Court of Istanbul on charges of tolerating at the rally to shout slogans which had not been allowed beforehand by the security authorities.   
    Concluding another campaign for "amnesty" carried out for months, on December 10, 1987, the Human Rights' Association (IHD) presented to the Secretary General of the Grand National Assembly a petition signed by 130,000 people. The association's chairman, Mr. Nevzat Helvaci, after having handed over 23 files containing the petition and signatures, said: "Turkey has lived an exceptional period. At this period more than 250,000 people were taken into custody and subjected to torture. The rules of state of war have been applied during the trials and legal errors committed by military tribunals reached to unbearable dimensions. The only means of repairing the dramatical results of these practices is a general amnesty. We claim also the lifting of capital punishment."
    According to the press reports, the files of death sentences for 174 prisoners are still on the agenda of the National Assembly for ratification. 103 of these verdicts belong to the people found "guilty" for political actions.


    The Association for Solidarity with the Families of Detainees and Prisoners (TAYAD) announced on December 1st, 1987, that the prison conditions were not yet ameliorated despite many complaints lodged with legal authorities. Particularly the prison administrations in Sinop, Diyarbakir, Amasya, Burdur, Eskisehir and Mersin act arbitrarily taking no heed to prison rules imposed by the Justice Ministry.
    While three political prisoners were carrying on their hunger-strike in the Sinop Prison since the beginning of November, political detainees in Istanbul are carrying on their protest actions against the practice of being taken chained and handcuffed to tribunal and being forced to wear prison uniform.
    On December 8, 1987, nine defendants of the Revolutionary Left (Dev-Sol), tried at the State Security Court of Istanbul, took off their uniforms and tore them to pieces before the judges.Thereupon, the court condemned each of them to a 6-month prison term of which two months to be served in solitary confinement.
    Protesting against the putting their comrades in solitary confinement, 55 political detainees at the Sagmalcilar-2 Prison in Istanbul went on hunger strike from December 22, 1987.
    In support to this protest action, a group of parents of political prisoners too started on December 24 a hunger-strike in Istanbul. This action of 50 hunger-strikers was joined later on by the members of the Association of Women in Democratic Struggle (DEMAK).


    Although the results of the legislative elections put in evidence that the two thirds of the electors do not approve the repressive policies of the present government, Prime Minister Ozal does not show any intention to give heed to this warning.
    Just after the elections, at a press conference he held on December 12, 1987, during his visit to the United States for a medical check-up, Ozal said that he does not envisage a general amnesty, arguing that this practice does not exist in none of the advanced western countries.
    As for the modification of controversial articles 141, 142 and 163 of the Turkish Penal Code, stipulating the punishment of communist or religious propaganda or organization, Ozal claimed: "These articles are the foundation-stones of the Republic. I think that these articles do not set the Turkish people a problem."


    The Military Court of Cassation approved in December 1987 three death sentences, one for a left-wing leader, Garbis Altinoglu from the Revolutionary Union of the People (DHB), and the others for two right-wing activists, Haluk Kirci and Ahmet Ercüment Gedikli, who were found guilty for the assassination of seven left-wing militants in 1978.
    On December 9, 1987, the public prosecutor claimed death sentences for five defendant being tried as presumed members of the PKK at the State Security Court.
    On December 26, 1987, in Adana, the military tribunal sentenced a defendant of the trial "Acilciler" to capital punishment and four others to prison term of 13 years and four months each.
    On December 27, at the final phase of the mass trial against 813 presumed members of the Revolutionary Path (Dev-Yol) in Erzincan, the military prosecutor claimed death sentences for 110 defendants. They are accused, by virtue of Article 146 of the Turkish Penal Code,  of attempting to overthrow the constitution order and to establish the domination of the working class in Turkey.
    One of the defendants liable to capital punishment was Mr. Fikri Sonmez, former mayor of the city of Fatsa. He had been elected by a popular vote with the support of big majority of the city population and put in practice many services for the welfare of the citizens.  He died during the trials because of ill-treatment a few years ago.


    The first stormy debate at the new elected National Assembly has been made on December 29, 1987, about the subject of torture and the spokesmen of opposition parties accused the government of not taking necessary precautions for stopping this inhuman practice.
    Reading his new programme, Ozal claimed that his government was against torturing detainees, and added: "If he can bring me a well established fact, we shall pursue the responsibles."
    On these words, the new elected SHP deputy Ekin Dikmen, who had been tortured during his detention, shouted from his seat "If you want an example, here I am!"
    And other opposition deputies joined the protest by shouting at Ozal:
    "If you want more examples, ask it to your own deputy, Nurettin Yilmaz!"
    As a matter of fact, Nurettin Yilmaz was a member of the Turkish Peace Association and subjected to several kinds of torture during his detention. After his release, the party of Ozal, with a view of picking up the electors of this former left-wing deputy of Kurdish origin, put Yilmaz on the party ticket in Diyarbakir.
    However, Dikmen and Yilmaz are not the only deputies who had been tortured in past years.
    Many victims of torture were elected at last legislative elections to Parliament on as deputies of the Social Democrat Populist Party (SHP). Mainly:
    Chairman of the Progressive Trade Unions Confederation (DISK), Mr. Abdullah Bastürk, Secretary General Fehmi Isiklar and Executive Board member Ismail Hakki Onal were tried by military tribunal under the menace of capital punishment and tortured during their detention.
    Ahmet Türk and Kemal Anadol too were subjected to similar treatments by the military, the former for allegedly supporting the PKK and the latter for allegedly collaborating with the TKP.
    In an interview to the Milliyet of December 18, 1987, Türk who is of Kurdish origin, said: "In 1981-82, I was, along with other detainees, subjected to torture. I was beaten with clubs, hanged by my hands, plunged into sewage or into iced water in the winter, obliged to carry a soldier on my back while I was being taken to tribunal."
    Prior to the debates at Parliament, the Human Rights' Association (IHD) announced  at the 1st Convention on Human Rights it organized on December 12, 1987, in Ankara, that at least 170 people had died under torture after the military coup of 1980.
    Speaking at this Convention, Chairman of the SHP Mr. Erdal Inönü said: "Torture is a national shame for all of us. No doubt all criminal acts should be punished by virtue of laws. But there is not in our laws any punishment in the form of torture."
    As a new example of torture, the Secretary General of the SHP Fikri Saglar, at a press conference held in Ankara on December 18, 1987, showed to journalists a member of his party, Mr. Hüsnü Turan, who had been tortured with red-hot iron bar and electric by police in Izmir on December 9, 1987.
    Saglar also claimed that only in the period from the coming to power of the ANAP in 1983 up to 1985, the number of those died under torture reached to 78.
    Other torture cases in December:
    3.12, in Istanbul, at the mass trial "TIKKO-3", defendants say that the military prosecutor of the tribunal, Erdogan Savaseri was responsible of tortures to which they had been subjected and asked the judges to open an investigation. But the claim is turned down by the military tribunal.
    17.12, in Istanbul, Yasar Tahan, alleged member of the clandestine organization "Acilciler", accused of placing explosives to some offices of the government party ANAP, alleged that during his interrogation he was tortured by policemen.
    18.12, in Adana, five lawyers, addressing a petition to the Public Prosecutor's Office, claimed that their client, Ahmet Pekyen, had been subjected to torture at the police station on December 2, 1987, and the traces of torture were certified by a medical report.
    While the subject of torture was giving rise to indignation in Turkish public opinion, a criminal court in Ankara decreed on December 29, 1987, claiming that a simple beating cannot be considered torture, acquitted two policemen accused of having tortured a political detainee. The accused, Ali Kaymakci and Mustafa Ozcihan, had systematically beaten Ayhan Sarihan, editor of the review Ogretmen Dünyasi, during his 20-day detention. Other detainees witnessed that Sarihan was being taken back to the cell, his face and body bleeding, after each interrogation. Judge Ali Karahan argued in his decision that "For considering an act of beating as torture, the victim should have a medical report certifying that he was made disable to work at least for 10 or 15 days."


    Two officials of the United Communist Party of Turkey (TBKP), Nabi Yagci and Nihat Sargin, after being interrogated for 20 days by police in Ankara, were arrested on December 5, 1987, by the State Security Court and placed in a civilian prison of the capital city.
    During the interrogation of the two top party officials, police arrested also many trade unionists, intellectuals and students in Turkey for their alleged relations with the TBKP. Some newspapers claimed that during their interrogation, both party officials had given or confirmed the names of central committee members and other responsible officials of their respective parties.
    When they were being taken to the prison from the Prosecutor's office, Sargin shouted to journalists that they had been tortured during their interrogation. Later on, in a petition addressed to the Public Prosecutor's Office, Yagci and Sargin alleged that police, with the purpose of obtaining the names of their comrades in Turkey and abroad, had subjected them to many kinds of torture and injected to their body a liquid, probably Sodium Penthotal.
    Nevertheless, the public prosecutor, following his inquiries, concluded on December 21, 1987, that the allegations of torture were unfounded.
     Yagci is the secretary general of the Turkish Communist Party (TKP) and Sargin of the Workers' Party of Turkey (TIP). Both parties had earlier decided to merge in a united party. TKP has been outlawed since 1923 and the TIP since the military coup of 1980.
    Although the Military Court of Cassation ratified prison terms of up to 15 years for 104 members of the TKP on October 28, 1987, Yagci and Sargin announced a few days later their decision to return to Turkey with a view of introducing to the Interior Ministry a petition for legally founding the new TBKP in Turkey.
    When they declared their intention to return to Turkey from exile, the Turkish Consulates, on the approval of the government, delivered for them short-term passports. During his visit to Turkish Consulate in West Berlin for getting his passport, TKP Secretary General Nabi Yagci gave another petition asking the permission to make his military service in the Turkish Army after returning to Turkey.
    However, despite his initial tolerating attitude, Premier Ozal, on the pressure coming from his party's extreme-right wing and from other rightist organizations, has not prevented their arrest by police, claiming that it was too early for forming a communist party in Turkey.
    Leaders of some other outlawed Marxist organizations such as the PKK, the TKP/ML and the TKP/B have accused the TBKP officials of "being renegades and giving up themselves and their comrades to the fascist regime."
    The investigation about the TBKP is now being carried out by the Prosecutor and both party officials will be tried at the State Security Court in Ankara according to Articles 140, 141, 142, 158, 159 and 312 of the Turkish Penal Code for "activities abroad against the Turkish State, communist organization, communist propaganda, inciting social classes against each other, declaration defamating the government, etc."      

    1.12, the PKK combatants kidnap 24 pro-government people from four villages in Silopi and Midyat.
    4.12, the PKK combatants bomb the local office of the governmental party (ANAP) in Nusaybin and shoot dead a guard during their raid to a military residence area in Kiziltepe. In the latter, a police superintendent is gravely wounded.
    5.12, during an armed confrontation in Derik (province of Mardin), security forces shoot dead seven PKK militants. Also two soldiers are killed and another wounded by the guerillas.
    9.12, security forces arrest 10 militants from PKK in Viransehir and 11 from another outlawed organization in Erzincan.
    11.12, Police headquarters in Ankara announces that the operations carried out in Istanbul, Kayseri, Izmir, Hatay, Icel, Ankara and Adana resulted in the arrest of 67 militants from the Emergency Group (Acilciler), allegedly author of many sabotage actions. 18 presumed members of another illegal organization too were arrested in Agri.
    12.12, police forces arrest five presumed members of TKP in Izmir, 28 "separatists" militants in Sanliurfa, 8 presumed militants of Partisan in Erzincan.
    14.12, in Adana, 20 people are arrested on the charge of carrying out sabotage actions.
    15.12, six presumed members of the Emergency Group arrested in Istanbul.
    21.12, in Istanbul, militants of the Revolutionary Left (Dev-Sol) put in seven different places explosives carrying banners with slogans: "No to price hikes", "Hands robing the people will be crushed!"
    28.12, in Istanbul, an armed group of  Dev-Sol militants raid the head office of the Confederation of Turkish Employers Unions (TISK) and paint on the walls: "Price hikes and Tyranny: Ozal", "End to torture".
    30.12, in Izmir, police arrests 16 people, alleged militants of PKK. 


    The British monthly INDEX published in its November 1987 issue a photo with the title of "Turkish Journalists in Canakkale Prison". All were arrested in the months following the military takeover in September 1980 and have been held ever since.
    According to the information given by INDEX:
    Irfan Asik, editor of Partizan journal, tried in 13 different court cases by Istanbul Military Court. Sentenced under Articles 142/1-3, 159 and 312 to a total of 111 years imprisonment. Later commuted to 36 years and ratified by the Court of Appeal.
    Mustafa Colak worked for the journal Ozgürlük. Sentenced to 9 years imprisonment.
    Galip Demircan, editor of Halkin Kurtulusu and Halkin Kurtulusu Yolunda Genclik journals. Sentenced to a total of 20 years imprisonment for unsigned articles in the journals on charges of communist propaganda. Appeal pending.
    Mehmet Ozgen (33), editor of Bagimsiz Türkiye and Devrimci Militan journals. Six court cases were made against him; sentenced, and ratified by the Court of Appeal, to a total of 33 years and six months imprisonment.
    Feyzullah Ozer (33), editor of Kitle and Ilke periodicals in 1977. Sentenced in three court cases to a total of 12 years imprisonment, ratified by the Court of Appeal. In one remaining case, 7 years imprisonment were demanded by the prosecution. Imprisoned since October 1981.
    Candemir Ozler, editor of Savas Yolu, sentenced to 23 years and 10 months imprisonment. Sentence ratified by the Court of Appeal.
    Ali Rabus, editor of Birlik Yolu journal, sentenced to 18 years imprisonment. Sentence ratified.
    Hüseyin Ulger, editor of Genc Sosyalist, sentenced to 18 years and six months imprisonment.
    Hasan Selim Acan, editor of Halkin Kurtulusu, sentenced by Istanbul Military Court under Articles 142/1-3 and 159 of the Penal Code to a total of 331 years imprisonment. After these condemnations being ratified by the Court of Cassation, the prosecutor opened on November 8, 1987, eleven new cases against him in the Criminal Court of Istanbul and claimed a total of 100 years imprisonment.
    Fuat Akyürek, worked for Saglikcinin Sesi, sentenced to 10 years and six months imprisonment.
    Alaattin Sahin (39), editor of the weekly Halkin Yolu from January to November 1977. 44 cases were opened against him. In 25 cases concluded and ratified by the Court of Appeal, he received a total of 108 years imprisonment, later commuted to 36 years. At least 163 years imprisonment have been demanded by the prosecution in the remaining 19 cases.
    Erhan Tuskan, editor of Ilerici Yurtsever Genclik and Genclik Dünyasi periodicals. Ten court cases were opened against him; sentenced, and ratified by the Court of Appeal to 48 years and 10 months imprisonment.
    According to the daily Cumhuriyet of December 6, 1987, since the military coup 404 different courts cases have been opened against 50 writers or responsible editors, including those who are mentioned above, of four newspapers and 20 reviews closed down by the military. 32 journalists have already been sentenced to 3,000 years imprisonment in total by military tribunals and 2,500 years of these condemnations ratified by the Court of Cassation.
    Veli Yilmaz (33), editor of Halkin Kurtulusu and Halkin Kurtulusu Yolunda Genclik, sentenced to a total of 1,170 years imprisonment of which 750 years ratified by the Court of Cassation.
    Osman Tas (31), editor of Halkin Kurtulusu in 1978, sentenced to a total of 770 years imprisonment of which 660 years ratified by the Court of Cassation.
    Mustafa Yildirimtürk (36), editor for eight issues of Halkin Kurtulusu in 1977, sentenced to a total of 215 years imprisonment of which 155 years ratified by the higher court.
    By virtue of the Penal Procedure in Turkey, whatsoever be high the total of different prison terms for one person, it is automatically commuted to 36 years imprisonment plus 12 years compulsory residence.
    These three journalists are still detained in the military prison of Metris in Istanbul.
    Besides, Ilker Demir, editor of the reviews Kitle and Ilke between 1975-77, sentenced by military tribunals to a total of 23 years and one month imprisonment in three court cases. He serves his term in Aydin Prison.


    28.11, the representative of the youth review Yarin, Zekeriya Aytemur detained in Istanbul.
    12.12, in Istanbul, editor Hasan Günes is sentenced to 7-year prison term for having published the translation of Pakistani poet Mevludi's book entitled "Let's change this world." The court also decides to destroy all copies of the book.
    15.12, No.51 of the weekly 2000'e Dogru is confiscated by the court order for having published an official document dressed by military authorities. In this document all Kurdish tribes in Eastern Anatolia are classified as "Those hostile to the State" and "Those friend to the State".
    25.12, Mr. Aziz Nesin, distinguished Turkish humorist and Chairman of the Writers' Union of Turkey (TYS), is indicted by the State Security Court for an interview about the civil rights of Kurds which he gave to the weekly 2000'e Dogru.
    25.12, two editors of the weekly 2000'e Dogru, Fatma Yazici and Dogu Perincek, are tried before a criminal courtof Istanbul for an article on charges of defamating Atatürk.
    29.12, the State Security Court of Izmir decrees the confiscation of all copies of Nikitin's "Political Economy" and Politzer's "Fundamental principles of Philosophy". Both books had been the object of legal proceeding in the past, but acquitted by the courts.


    Just after the legislative elections presented as a new step towards democratization in Turkey, it was announced that the government carried out works in a view to aggravating the repressive measures against the Press.
    According to the press reports of January 5, 1987, the government plans to modify the Law on the Press, the Penal Code and the Law for Protecting Minors against Harmful Publications so as to sentence the author of any "groundless" information to fines of up to 100 millions TL (100,000 dollars). If a newspaper does not publish a denial, it will be sentenced to fines of up to 20 millions TL (20,000 dollars).
    As for the publications "harmful to minors", their fine will not be less than 50 millions TL (50,000 dollars).
    Even without aggravating the fines, between 11 and 18 december 1987, within a week, 14 press cases concerning "harmful publications" resulted in condemnations to a total of 1 billion 267 million TL fines. In 200 other cases, prosecutors claim a 50 billion TL (50 million dollars) fines in total.
    Only the daily Tan has been sentenced to 500 million TL.
    Among the newspapers which have been indicted by virtue of this law are also Günaydin, Hafta Sonu, Haftanin Sesi, Playboy, Playman and Bravo.
    The cases of "harmful publications" are opened on the decision of the Higher Council for Protecting Minors Against Harmful Publications, composed of the representatives of the Prime Ministry, some ministries, the Higher Education Board and the Directory of Religious Affaires.     Famous authors of Turkey too cannot escape being targets of this exceptional law. On December 4, 1987, a criminal court of Istanbul tried Mrs. Pinar Kür for her novels "Unfinished Love" and "The Woman to be hanged"; Mr. Ahmet Altan for his novel "Trace in the Water"; Dr. Haydar Dümen for his two studies on sexological problems and Mrs. Fatma Aylin, for her traduction for Henry Miller's "Tropic of Capricorn".
    The Chairman of the International Federation of Periodical Publications, Mr. Robin Wharmby, said in a letter sent to Turkish Premier Turgut Ozal that "Turkey, with the punishments given to the press has been the nost censored one of the democratic countries."


    The U.S. Helsinki Watch issued in December 1987 a new report on Turkey, based largely on information gathered by Jeri Laber and Lois Whitman, during a fact-finding mission to Turkey in June 1987. Reflecting developments through October 31, 1987, the report arrives to the following conclusions on the situation in Turkey:
    "Unfortunately, our expectations for continued human rights progress in Turkey have not yet been fulfilled. We determined during our most recent  visit, in June 1987, that human rights in Turkey are still in a state of flux. Positive steps are continually being undermined by negative actions. Although there have been some noteworthy improvements, mainly in the area of freedom of association, the continued use of torture in police detention is both distressing and inexplicable, given the Turkish authorities' claims that they have brought an end to the use of torture and that any incidents that come to light are either fabrications aimed at influencing world opinion against Turkey or are isolated cases of police brutality. The evidence of torture that we received indicates that torture is still routinely practiced in Turkey, involving the same techniques in the same police stations as has been documented in the past. If there are fewer instances of torture in Turkey today, it is because there are fewer arrests than before, and not because practices have noticeably changed.(...)
    "The basic problem with regard to human rights in Turkey remains unchanged. It stems from the repressive 1982 Constitution and a series of equally repressive laws that remain in force, exerting a chilling effect on the society. Many of the freedoms that have been tolerated in Turkey since 1983 may very well be a gesture by the government to international opinion, rather than the reflection of a genuine desire for democracy and human rights. And because these freedoms have no legal guarantees, they can be easily reversed if there is a change of policy. Unless the restrictive legislation in Turkey is changed, any human rights progress may turn out to be transitory.(...)
    "Turkish officials, it appears, are unhappy with the fact that Helsinki Watch, after hearing the official point of view in 1985, has continued to criticize many of Turkey's human rights practices. They were particularly upset at our decision to investigate the situation of the Kurds, the most sensitive human rights issue in Turkey.
    "We traveled to eastern Turkey despite the government's disapproval. No efforts were made to prevent us from going there or to limit our activities while we were there. We were able to talk with a number of Kurdish people -lawyers, political leaders, journalists, businessmen- who described a situation of extreme repression that has continued to worsen in many respects since the 1980 coup. The situation is complicated by guerilla warfare that has been raging in the border areas since 1984, waged by Kurdish terrorists seeking an independent Kurdistan.
    "The Kurdish minority in Turkey has long been denied any semblance of ethnic identity: the Kurdish language, culture, customs and history are not recognized by the Turkish government which denies the very existence of the Kurds. Recent military actions in the area appear to have given the government license for still greater intimidation of the Kurds. Ordinary citizens are caught between the army and the guerillas and are being persecuted by both. The guerillas, a relatively small band according to the Turkish government, have been ruthless in their attacks against innocent civilians, including many women and children. On the other hand, however, the Turkish army seems to be waging warfare against the Kurdish population as a whole, accusing the local people of assisting the terrorists. Some parts of the southeast that we visited seemed to be in a continual state of siege. We received more complaints about the day-to-day practices of the army than we did about sporadic attacks by the guerillas.
    "Even on the basis of a cursory inspection, it seemed clear to us that the Turkish government is pursuing a self-destructive policy in the east. By refusing to recognize the ethnic rights and economic needs of the local population, the government is fanning flames of hatred and revolt and encouraging the Kurds to identify their own well-being with the aims of the secessionist guerillas. Although most Kurds reportedly reject the terrorist tactics of the guerillas and do not wish to secede from Turkey, the government is not providing them with a feasible alternative. "We don't like the terrorists," we were told by some local Kurds, "but they are the best we have right now." And a parliamentarian from the area told us that support for the guerillas has increased from zero to 40 percent in his province because of the strong-arm tactics of the Turkish army and the government. "The people don't want a separate Kurdistan," this politician assured us, "they want freedom."


    At the invitation of the Speaker of the Turkish Grand National Assembly, a delegation from the European Parliament visited Turkey from 24th November to 1st December 1987 in order to observe the general elections. The delegation was composed of socialist deputies Ludwig Fellermaier, Richard Balfe, Georgios Romeos; communist deputy Vassilis Ephremidis, Green deputy Wolfgang Von Nostitz and right-wing deputies Luc Beyer de Ryke, Gerd Lemmer, Ramon Diaz del Rio, Georgios Saridakis and John Taylor.
    After an initial series of talks in Ankara, the delegation divided into two groups to visit, on the one hand Istanbul and Izmir, and on the other, Diyarbakir and Mardin. It met again in Ankara on election day and remains there until its departure.
    The delegation met with the leaders of the political parties participating in the elections, the prime minister, the minister for relations with the European Community, the speaker of the Turkish National Assembly, the president of the Supreme Electoral Board, the trade union confederations, both Türk-Is and DISK, the employers' organization TUSIAD and the Chambers of Commerce TOBB, the human rights association, the Bar association, the Women's association against discrimination, the province governors of Diyarbakir and Mardin, the mayors of Izmir and Diyarbakir as well as candidates for the different political parties.
    After having observed various aspects of the election campaign as well as the actual polling on election day, the delegation announced, in a press communiqué, the following conclusions:
    "1. As far as they were able to observe on the sport, the actual voting procedures were carried out in a correct way.
    "2. Concerning the election procedures considerable complains were however made concerning:
    "a. The adoption of an electoral law, which by the introduction of the nationwide 10% clause as well as other clauses discriminates against smaller parties. The delegation notes the official justification that this law was designed to provide a stable majority.
    "b. The abbreviation of the electoral campaign.
    "c. The use by the Government of the public television and radio network during the pre-electoral as well as the actual electoral campaign.
    "d. The use by the ruling party of the Government apparatus and local administration to influence the electorate.
    "The delegation recognizes the significant progress made in establishing democracy. It notes with satisfaction that all political parties represented in Parliament expressed the determination to consolidate democracy by progressively removing still existing restrictions.
    "In this context the delegation noted that existing legislation severely limits the freedom of association, in particular the exercises of trade union rights, and the full participation in political life.
    "It expresses the expectation that this would lead to the legalization of all political parties which conform to democratic principles.
    "The delegation underlined that the process of consolidating democracy would favour the intensification of relations between the European Parliament and the Turkish Grand National Assembly in particular, and between the European Community and Turkey, in general.
    "In conformity with its mandate concerning the arrest of Mr. Kutlu and Mr. Sargin, the Chairman Mr Beyer de Ryke and the Vice-Chairman Mr. Fellermaier met with Mr. Demiral, the public prosecutor before the State Security Court of Ankara to inform themselves about the conditions for their detention as well as the nature of the legal procedures against them.
    "They subsequently visited their place of detention where they were allowed to see but not to speak with them."
    The conclusion of its delegation, in general, and the prolonged detention without court warrant of the two officials of the United Communist Party of Turkey (TBKP), in particular, led the European Parliament to obstructing the vote on the two additional protocols to the Association Agreement with Turkey, one concerning the adhesion of Portugal and Spain, the other seeking to maintain tradition Turkish exports of fresh lemons and table grapes.
    Socialist and communist deputies, on this occasion, severely criticized Turkish Government's arbitrary practices, notably the arrest of two communist officials and asked the European Parliament to give a new warning to the Turkish regime by suspending the vote on the protocols. Considering the fact that the vote on protocols necessitate 260 votes, the socialist group declared that its members would not participate in the session in a view to turning down the two documents. Thereupon, the Parliament decided to send the two protocols to the Committee on External Economic Relations by 130 votes against 123 and 2 abstentions.