A non-government information service on Turkey
Un service d'information non-gouvernemental sur la Turquie


12th Year - N°135
January 1988
38 rue des Eburons - 1000 Bruxelles
Tél: (32-2) 215 35 76 - Fax: (32-2) 215 58 60
 Rédacteur en chef: Dogan Özgüden - Editrice responsable: Inci Tugsavul

630,000 people detained, 76,316 tried,  50,455 condemned;
thousands are still tried at military or state security courts


    A recent evaluation that we have made on data given by different Turkish authorities and newspapers proves that state terrorism applied since the proclamation of martial law in December 1978 up to the end of 1987 reaches shameful dimensions.
    According to the daily Cumhuriyet of February 9, 1988, security forces have detained 630,000 people in the course of this 10-year period. Of these people, 200,000 have been released after a first police interrogation and 105,000  others after being transferred to prosecutors' offices. Even during a few days of detention, they have got their share from the police cruelty.
    As for 325,000 other detainees, they have been the object of legal proceedings and kept in military detention houses for months during investigation carried out by military prosecutors. By virtue of the Martial Law Code, military prosecutors have been authorized to keep any person in detention without court warrant for a period of up to three months. During this period, all detainees have been subjected to torture or degrading treatment.
    Following these painful days of investigation, 76,316 people have been taken before tribunals, while 250,000 people founded "not guilty" were being released by prosecutors. Of the indicted people 61,461 have been tried at military courts while only 14,855 defendants transferred to civil tribunals.
    Up to now, 50,455 people have been sentenced: 566 to capital punishment and 49,889 others to different prison terms.
    According to a communiqué issued  on April 18, 1986, by the General Staff Headquarters, the distribution of the given judgments until February 28, 1986, was as follows:
    480 to capital punishment,
    693 to life-prison,
    973 to a 20-year prison term,
    2,502 to prison terms of from 10 up to 20 years,
    6,843 to prison terms of from 5 up to 10 years,
    11,472 to prison terms of from 1 up to 5 years,
    25,025 to prison terms of up to 1 year.
    Since then, during the 2-year period of "civil regime", 88 people have been condemned to capital punishment and 2,381 to differents terms of imprisonment.
    Almost the totality of these defendants, with the exception of those founded liable to capital punishment or life-prison for political violence, have been condemned by virtue of Articles 141, 142 and 163 of the Turkish Penal Code.
    Borrowed from Mussolini's Penal Code in 1936 and aggravated later on, Articles 141 and 142 stipulate imprisonment of up to 20 years for Marxist organization or propaganda. As for Article 163, it stipulates to sentence to a prison term of up to 15 years whoever contravenes the principle of secularity (separation of State affairs and religion).
    Another article of the Turkish Penal Code, No. 140, takes as target the regime's opponents abroad. Thousands of people have been summoned to return to Turkey and to be tried before military courts according to Article 140 which stipulates prison terms of up to 20 years for anti-State activities abroad. About 14,000 people abroad have been deprived of Turkish nationality for not surrendering themselves.

Arbitrary raise of prison terms

    One of the astonishing aspects of the 10-year State terrorism is that, according to the Martial Law Code No. 1402 adopted on September 19, 1980,  martial law tribunals have been authorized to increase prison terms by a third or a half. It means that a defendant tried at a military court can be condemned to a punishment heavier than that of any other defendant who is condemned for the same act in a civil tribunal. If this law can be annulled, many political prisoners condemned by military tribunals will immediately be released. But according to the Provisional Article 15 of the Constitution, any law or decree adopted by the National Security Council (military junta) cannot be annulled even by the National Assembly.
    Another exceptional practice has been the condemnation of many defendants to complementary heavy prison terms of up to 20 years only for the words that they pronounced either during interrogation or in the text of their defence. Only in Istanbul, three military tribunals have condemned 87 defendants to complementary prison terms of 555 years, 3 months and 16 days in total.


    Five years after the so-called "return to democracy", all kinds of antidemocratic practices such as arrests of political militants, torture, mass trials, condemnations to heavy prison terms, persecution of intellectuals, ban and confiscation of publications, depriving the regime's opponents of Turkish nationality,  go on as before in Turkey.
    Moreover, despite the lifting of martial law, many political mass trials opened during the military rule are still going on at military tribunals. Mainly, 1909 alleged members of Dev-Yol are tried at three military tribunals in Ankara, Adana and Erzincan, 1374 alleged members of Dev-Sol , 335 from MLSPB i, 376 from TKP-ML and 197 from Unity of Action (EP) at the military tribunal of Istanbul and hundreds of alleged militants the Kurdish party PKK at military courts of Diyarbakir, Adana, Elazig and Malatya.
    As for the DISK Trial, ended in the 264 trade union leaders' condemnation to prison terms of up to 10 years, the file has not yet been sent to the Military Court of Cassation because the military court of Istanbul has written up to now only 4,000 pages of the 10,000-page final decision.
    To give an idea on the continuation of State terrorism, we are resuming below only the record of last one month.

Persecution of intellectuals
    o Six years after that Yilmaz Güney's film Yol obtained the Golden Palm award in Cannes in 1982, the Public Prosecutor of Istanbul indicted the film director Serif Goren and his assistant Muzaffer Hicdurmaz for separatist propaganda. The prosecutor considers that the presentation of the Southeastern Anatolia as "Kurdistan" in the said film contravenes Articles 140 and l42/3 of the Turkish Penal Code. By the virtue of these articles, two filmmakers face prison terms of up to 30 years each. Although this film had been shot by the accused filmmakers in Turkey on a scenario drawn up by Güney, the final montage of the film was carried out abroad by Güney after he escaped from prison and fled Turkey in 1981. After  his success in Cannes, Güney died in exile in 1983.
    o Mr. Aziz Nesin, humorist and chairman of the Writers' Union of Turkey (TYS) and Mr. Mehmet Ali Aybar, former chairman of the defunct Workers' Party of Turkey (TIP), were brought before the State Security Court in Istanbul on January 19, 1987, for their declarations on the Kurdish Question appeared in the weekly 2000'e Dogru. Both face prison terms of up to 15 years for "attempting to weaken and to destroy national feelings by means of publication". In the same case, the responsible editor of the weekly, Mr. Fatma Yazici too is tried and risks same prison term.
    o Economist Arslan Baser Kafaoglu, journalist Emil Galip Sandalci, publisher Ragip Zarakolu, Arslan Kahraman and Adnan Aktas were brought before a criminal court in Istanbul on January 20, 1988, for some articles appeared in the daily Demokrat prior to the 1980 Coup. They are accused of giving support to an extreme left organization and making communist propaganda in the newspaper. Demokrat had been closed down by the military eight years ago. Defendants face prison terms of up to 10 years each.
    o In Adana, publisher of the daily Yeni Osmaniye, Mr. Hüseyin Unaldi was arrested on January 21, 1988, on the accusation of insulting Public Prosecutor and Governor of the district. The prosecutor claims a prison term of up to three years for the journalist.
    o The editor of the satirical weekly Limon, Mr. Mehmet Tuncay Akgün was condemned to a 3-month prison termon January 19, 1988, by a criminal court in Istanbul for having insulting the wife of Prime Minister Ozal.

Confiscation of publications

    o On January 14, 1988, the Public Security Direction of Izmir distributed to all booksellers and libraries a new list containing the titles of 2,028 books of which the selling is forbidden. The works of many famous Turkish and foreign authors, poets, political leaders, cartoonists and scholars, such as the Relativity Theory of Albert Einstein, and even the official telephone book of Istanbul take part in this black list. Some of these books had been the object of legal proceedings and acquitted later on by court decisions.
    o A new best-seller, What kind of democracy we want? written by Prof. Server Tanilli was confiscated on the decision of the State Security Court on January 25, 1988. The author is accused, by the prosecutor, of making propaganda for separatism by raising the question of democratic rights of the Kurdish people in the book. Author of many other works on the question of human rights, Prof. Tanilli had been shot and paralyzed by Grey Wolves prior to the coup.  Since the coup he has been at the Strasbourg University as guest professor.
    o According to the daily Cumhuriyet of January 11, 1988, since the military coup of 1980, Turkish governments have banned the introduction into Turkey 440 different publications appeared abroad. 267 publications have been banned by the military government up to 1983 and 173 others by the governments headed by Ozal since then. The black list of the banned publications contains 195 books, 106 periodicals, 46 pamphlets, 22 newspapers, 7 newsletters, 32 communiques, 3 postcards, 1 poster, 5 calendars, 2 maps, 6 albums, 1 program, 8 poem, 2 musicassettes, 2 touristic guides, 1 article and 13 different kinds of publications.
    o On January 26, the State Security Court decided also to confiscate the 21. and 23. issues of the monthly Yeni Demokrasi on the charge of containing communist propaganda.

Depriving opponents of nationality

    On the question of the political émigrés deprived of Turkish citizenship the Turkish Government behaves double-facedly. While some ministers of the government are claiming that they seek a solution for this problem, the practice of depriving the regime's opponents of nationality is stilled carried on.
    Recently, writer Temel Demirer, a political émigré living in Paris, has been victim of this practice.
    On the other hand, a famous Turkish singer, Mr. Cem Karaca, despite the fact that he returned from exile to Turkey on the guarantee given by Ozal himself, was indicted on January 13, 1988, on the charge of having led activities harmful to the interests of the Turkish State abroad.  The prosecutor claims prison term of not less than 5 years by virtue of Article 140 of the Turkish Penal Code.

Political trials and arrests

    4.1, the trial of 25 alleged members of PKK, whose 22 under arrest, begins at the State Security Court of Diyarbakir. They face prison terms of up to 15 years.
    9.1, in Izmir, police arrests 16 people, whose four women, for attempting to reorganize the TDKP.
    11.1, six alleged members of THKP-C are brought before the State Security Court in Malatya.
    12.1, in Siirt, security forces arrest 18 people on charge of supporting an outlawed organization.
    15.1, at the trial of 813 alleged Dev-Yol members, started in 1983, military prosecutor claims death sentences for 115 defendants and different prison terms of up to 15 years for 382 others. The defendants are accused of having set up a Marxist-Leninist organization in the city of Fatsa. The defendant No.1 of the trial, former Fatsa mayor Fikri Sonmez had earlier died because of ill-treatment in prison.
    16.1, in Izmir, the political police takes into custody 106 persons during a raking operation against left-wing organizations. Among the detainees are also representatives of left-wing reviews Yeni Cözüm, Yeni Asama and Yarin.

Tortures and ill-treatment

    The Association for Solidarity with the Prisoners' Families (TAYAD), on January 27, 1988, addressed to the Speaker of the National Assembly a common petition signed by 25 thousand people and  demanding to put an end to torture and ill-treatment in prisons, .
    Before leaving Istanbul, the TAYAD delegation held a press conference in Istanbul, by the side of the graves of two victims of the repression, Haydar Basbag and Fatih Ökütülmüs, who died during a hunger-strike made in 1984.
    The group spokesman said that, despite the promise of ameliorating the prison conditions, many families were not allowed to visit their imprisoned parents, sons or daughters, even on the eve of New Year. Some of those who were allowed to visit, were detained later on by inventing some pretexts.
    In the prison of Sinop, the prisoners who refuse to wear prison uniform are not allowed to have shower for months.
    As for the association itself, its many leading members have been subjected to legal proceedings and brought before tribunals. Seven out of 16 postal cards issued by TAYAD have been confiscated on pretext that they contain separatist propaganda.
    On the other hand, the officials of Human Rights Association of Istanbul (IHD) were tried at a criminal court on January 28, for their rally made in December against torture and death sentences.
    On January 8, local SHP officials in Siirt announced that 57 people had been detained and tortured for 16 days by security forces. Among the detainees were also eight members of the SHP. Two days later, on January 10, SHP Deputy Fuat Atalay, accompanied by a group of tortured people, held a press conference in Diyarbakir and said: "The torture apparatus used at the Diyarbakir police center did not exist even in the Germany of Hitler. The people often undergo an unprecedented pressure as if their region is under the occupation of a hostile state." Atalay said also that the local SHP chairman in Kiziltepe, Mr. Selanik Oner had been tortured for 29 days.
    The Plenary Assembly of the Cassation Court judged on January 17, 1988, that if a detainee is beaten during his interrogation so as to be incapable to work for less than one week, this act cannot be considered as torture. This high court, claiming that such an act can be considered as an unrespect to human dignity, ratified a 10-month prison term to a police  superintendent who had beaten a woman during interrogation. If the act were considered as torture, the superintendent would be condemned to a 5-year prison term.
    On January 19, at a panel on torture organized by TAYAD in Istanbul, Chairman of the Rehabilitation Center for Tortured People (RCT), Dr. Ingle Lunde and Psychiatrist Rorgen Ortian, said that at least 30 victims of torture from Turkey have been treated at their center in Denmark and they established that at least 34 kinds of torture methods were practiced on victims by the Turkish police. RCT representatives added that their center has treated about 200 people from different countries of the world and they would open a branch of the center in Istanbul.
    After this panel, on January 21, 1988, a group of distinguished intellectuals of Turkey launched a new signature campaign for annulling the repressive articles 140, 141, 142 and 163 of the Turkish Penal Code and stopping torture practices. Among the first signatories are Chairman Aziz Nesin and other members of the Writers' Union of Turkey (TYS).


    While the European Parliament was adopting a new resolution on the situation of human rights in Turkey, a delegation of the European Communities Commission visited Turkey on January 19-20, 1988, with a view to collecting informations on the spot to be used at preparation of the Commission's view as regards the Turkish demand of accession to the Communities.
    Ankara had applied for EEC membership on April 14, 1987. Three days later, the foreign ministers of the 12 European Community countries agreed to refer Turkey's application to the Commission for a protracted study of the problems involved.    
    Mr. Jean Durieaux, chief of Claude Cheysson's office, and M. Jacques Schwed, chief of the EEC's Turkish Desk, had talks at technical level with the concerned ministries and the State Planning Organization.
    The EEC team said that the Commission would take into account also the information on Turkey's economic, social and financial situation provided by the IMF, the World Bank and the EEC member countries.
    Meanwhile, the Ankara Government in another move asked the European Communities to hold the Turkey-EEC Association Council. On this demand, the Chairman-in-office the EC Council of Ministers, announced that the Association Council would take place on April 25, 1988 in Brussels.
    Turkey, since 1963, is an associate member of the European Communities and this Assocation Council is a high-level organ to seek solutions to the problems arising between two sides. However, the meetings of the Association Council was unilaterally suspended by the European Communities after the military coup of 1980.
    After a 6-year interval, the Council met again in September 1986, but this meeting was  only a simple resumption of contact without any practical decision.
    No doubt, at the coming meeting in April, the Turkish side will bring to the table some practical questions, but insist rather on the Turkish accession to the Communities. To the end of gaining over the governments of some member countries, State Secretary Ali Bozer will start a new round in Europe.
    On the other hand, the visit of the French Foreign Minister to Ankara on January 11 and the announcement of Queen Elizabeth's invitation to "President of the Republic" Kenan Evren are considered in Ankara good signs for the improvement of Turco-European relations.


    One major barrier to progress in Turkey-EEC relations has remained its strained relations with Greece and the problem of Cyprus.
    Following a highly publicised, though confidential, exchange of letters between Prime Ministers Ozal and Papandreou last November, relations between the two Aegean neighbours have improved steadily.
    It is at the summit meeting held on January 30-31 in Davos (Switzerland) that Papandreou and Ozal agreed to resolve the problems exiting between the two countries and to meet each year to this end.
    This was the first important meeting after a 10-year interval. The last meeting at this level had taken place between Karamanlis and Ecevit in Montreux (Switzerland) in 1978.
    At a common press conference  Ozal and Papandreou said their talks were held in an atmosphere of comprehension and good will. Two premiers decided to set up two commissions: the first will be charged with developing economic cooperation (tourism, commerce, transport and joint ventures) and cultural relations and the second for seeking solutions to the problems which divide the two countries such as Cyprus and the Aegean Sea. They also agreed to set up a council of business or a common chamber of commerce and industry.
    A few days later, as a first gesture of good will, the Turkish Government decided on February 5, 1988, to annul the decree of 1964 which prevent the restitution of the real properties of 12,000 Greeks having left Turkey in the years 1960, during the crisis of Cyprus. The value of these real properties is estimated at 300 millions Dollars.
    This progress in the Turco-Greek relations is considered by the Turkish press as a very important move in the process of Turkish accession to the European Communities.
à encadrer


    The European Parliament adopted on January 21, 1988, a new resolution on human rights in Turkey, though it had approved one day before two protocols to EEC-Turkey Association Agreement, the first consequent on the accession of Spain and Portugal to the Community and the second on Turkish export to the EEC.
    The resolution on human rights in Turkey reads:
    "The European Parliament,
    "A. whereas there are 154 death sentences pending in Turkey,
    "B. whereas the recently re-elected head of government, Ozal, told a group of foreign special envoys some days ago that the Turkish Parliament would examine the said death sentences, approve some of them and commute the remained to 30 years imprisonment,
    "C. mindful that since the military coup of 1980, 50 persons have been hung, 26 of them for political crimes, and two during Ozal's period in office and that since martial law was declared in 1978, 500 deaths sentences have passed,
    "D. whereas some leaders of the legal opposition, e.g. Erdal Inönü, have set themselves the task of abolishging this 'state-sanctioned torture', by revising the Constitution,
    "E. whereas Turkey has applied to join the European Community,
    "F. recalling that its Resolution of 19 November 1987 calling for the release of Mr. Sargin and Mr. Kutlu have still elicited no reponse from the Turkish authorities,
    "G. having regard to the announcement that Turkey is to sign the Convention on the prohibition of torture, although it has still not responded to Parliament's demand for an inquiry into the torture of Mr. Kutlu and Mr. Sargin,
    "H. having regard to its Resolution of 18 October 1987 on the arrest on the night of 17-18 June 1987 of a young French tourist guide, Michel Caraminot, accused without evidence of pro-Armenian and Pro-Kurdish propaganda,
    "I. whereas, on 7 December 1987, the Diyarbakir Criminal Court sentenced Michel Caraminot in his absence to five years imprisonment with no remission, despite the fact that the Diyarbakir Public Prosecutor himself recommended that he be acquitted since thete was no case against him,
    "J. wehereas Mr. Mehdi Zana, the former democratically elected Mayor of Diyarbakir, who was arrested in September 1980, was sentenced to a total of 32 years imprisonment for 'separatist activioties', although he has neither committed nor advocated acts of violence and was not charged with doing so, and whereas he has been adopted by Amnesty International as a 'prisoner of conscience',
    "K. whereas even after his appeal against his sentences he still remains in prison in Turkey, sentenced to 22 years 8 months detention,
    "L. noting that a new report by the Helsinki Watch Committee on 'Human Rights in Turkey' (December 1987) concluded 'Unfortunately, our expectations for continued human rights progress in Turkey have not yet been fulfilled',
    "M. reaclling the resolution adopted by the European Parliament on 11 December 1986, which reiterated its concern on this subject and called for action by the Turkish authorities to restore full human rights observance, and its resolution of 18 June 1987,
    "1. Calls on the recently re-elected head of the Government of Turkey, the Turkish Parliament and the President of the Republic to take the necessary steps to commute all death sentences pending in the country, until such time as this abominable penalty is abolished;
    "2. Protests against the sentence imposed on and the treatment meted out to the young French guide, Michel Caraminot;
    "3. Calls on the Turkish Government to take a positive step by releasing Mr. Mehdi Zana from imprisonment immediately;
    "4. Calls on the Foreign Ministers meeting in European political cooperation to make representations to the Turkish authorities with a view to ensuring that the case of Michel Caraminot is reviewed, since he has committed no offence;
    "5. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Commission, the Council of Europe, the President of the Turkish Republic and the President of the Turkish Parliament."


    On the other hand, Belgian Liberal Mr. Luc Beyer de Ryke, president of the delegation of observers of the European Parliament, transmitted on January 26, 1988, to the Political Affairs Committee, the following conclusions of the delegation's visit to Turkey held in November 1987:
    - Many Turkish political circles seem very sensible to the reactions of the West on the matter of the violation of human rights. By the side of these circles, there is an independent justice which is more repressive than political power.
    - There is still an unknown which can be named 'military huis clos' because nobody knows what are the role and the will of the Army.
    - Concerning the legalisation of the Turkish Communist Party, The Turkish authorities, referring to the fundamentalist islamic movement, say: "To legalise the one will open the way to the legalisation of the other. So it will serve to the rise of fundamentalism.
    - Having had contacts with the islamic party, Mr. De Ryke noticed that, although the grass-roots and local organizations of this party claim without any ambiguity the application of the Sharia in Turkey and are afraid that the Turkish accession to the EEC will result in the loss of the nation's spirit, the hierarchy did not talk of the Islam and argued only on their economic anxieties.
    - Drawing the conclusions from his short visit in the Kurdish provinces, Mr. De Ryke said: "I saw a province which was not at all rebellious, but was living in a state of insecurity. The population was anxious to speak its own language without apparently claiming necessarily the whole of cultural and political elements such as schools or a "'State'..."
    In conclusion, M. De Ryke considers that the European Parliament finds itself before two alternatives:
    - To wait for that Turks themselves make the housework by adopting, as potential candidates to adhesion, their norms to those of the Community, especially by reforming the Penal Code, the rights to defense and the trade union rights.
    - The elections having marked a significative step, isn't it better to encourage those who wish more democracy, more modernisation and a European anchorage?
    The reply to this question will be sought during the debates on the report of German Socialist Gerd Walter, first at the Political Affairs Committee, later on at the Plenary Meeting of the European Parliament.


    On January 26, 1988, after the communication from the Committee of Ministers, French Communist Deputy Mr. Bordu, recalling that two leaders of the Turkish Communist Party were arrested while visiting their country on 16 November 1987, and that their two lawyers were themselves arrested an prevented from contacting and defending their clients; and noting that reliable sources indicate that the two TKP leaders are being tortured and thus that their physical well-being is seriously in danger, in spite of certain, supposedly official, assurances, to the contrary; wishing to know the conclusions reached by the European delegation to Ankara, asked the Chairman of the Committe of Ministers "What action he intends to take to help secure the release of the two Communist leaders and of all political prisoners, and to establish democracy and respect for human rights in this Council of Europe member country."
    Mr. Jacques Poos, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Luxembourg and Chairman-in-Office of the Committee of Ministers, replied this question as follows:
    "Although the subject of this question has not been discussed in the Committee of Ministers, you will remember that at the colloquy between Ministers and Representatives of the Parliamentary Assembly in November 1987 it was raised by other members of your Assemblè, who were answered by my colleague, the then Turkish Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr. Halefoglu. At the end of his statement, Mr. Halefoglu made particular reference to measures taken in Turkey to strengthen the democratic process.
    "I understand that the case of MM Kutlu and Sargin is pending in Turkey. I would remind the honourable member that Turkey has now signed and ratified the European Convention on Human Rights and recognised the right of individual petition before the European Commision of Human Rights, with which certain individual applications against Turkey have already been lodged.
    "Also, an important new development which the Assembly will certainly welcome is Turkey's signature a few days ago of the European Convention for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. It is to be hoped that speedy ratification by a sufficient number of member states will permit the early entry into force of this convention, which I referred to in my speech, to be put in motion.
    "I might add that the European Parliament adopted in November 1987 a resolution on the arrest of the persons referred to in Mr Bordu's question, to the conclusions of which I can subscribe."
    In fact, the Turkish Government on January 11, 1988, signed the Council Of Europe Agreement on the Struggle Against Torture. The agreement provides for independent teams of experts to investigate torture complaints fully, including visits to prisons, police stations, and other state institutions like psychiatric hospitals. According to The Guardian of January 12, 1988, diplomats in Ankara regarded the signing as proof Turkey realises it must improve the human rights image as it tries to become a full member of the European Community.
    Nevertheless, dissatisfied with the Minister's reply, Mr. Bordu said that the arrest of the Communist leaders and their lawyers was a fundamental violation of human rights. That, as well as reports of torture showed that the Turkish Government despite signing international agreements, was still guilty of unacceptable actions. He asked what the Committee of Ministers indented to do about that.
    Mr. Poos said that Mr. Bordu was expressing a personal view rather than asking a question. However, he noted that each Council of Europe state was entitled to raise questions on human rights in other member states. And he hoped that the Turkish Government would take note of the issued raised.


(From TOB-DER INFO of January 1988)

        Today Turkey is a country where there are more than 10 million illiterates out of a population of 50 million; where 200 thousand school-age children are unable to attend school; where only half of the student at secondary school-age can have such an education; where only 8% of young people, i.e. one in every fifty, can attend universities, where they receive an insufficient and a low-level quality higher education. In the biggest city, Istanbul, in some schools students do nothing during many teaching hours because there are no teachers, meanwhile in east and southeast of the country where Kurdish population lives the number of schools that could not be opened at the beginning of school-year due to lack of teachers reached to grave dimensions. Overall in 83% of schools in Turkey there is a lack of educating staff. At the beginning of 1986 only in primary and secondary level there existed 38 thousand vacancies in teaching positions.
        Let's look at some facts to understand how these conditions are reflected in field of education and to estimate the losses in cultural field. In appearance, everything is in order in the field of education and following the "campaign against illiteracy" initiated by the military regime in 1981, the rate of literates in population has risen from 67.2% to 83.2%, and 4,033,072 persons have learned to read and write during this "campaign". But how true this can be? Let's give some self-explanatory numbers from daily press:
        o In years following the 1980 coup, 39 tons of publications and books have been sent to state owned paper factory to be recycled, in other words to be destroyed.
        o The number of readers using the National Library decreased from 158,657 in 1979 to 23,819 in 1983.
        o Meanwhile the military regime continued to declare opening of "new universities" whose number reached to 28, total number of books in these "universities" libraries appears so ridiculous in comparison to European standards. The total is 3,955,771 and out of this total 1 million 16 thousand books belong the Istanbul University.
        o Due to heavy censorship, repression and price increases book and newspaper circulation decreased in millions.
        o Between 1980-84, total imprisonment sentences given to writers, translators and journalists reached to 316 years 4 months 20 days. Now the imprisonment sentence total is expressed in thousands.
        All these facts show the "importance" given to education by the regime established after 12 September coup.
        Before discussing inequality based on sex, we should mention inequality in education in general terms. According to 1981 figures, population of Turkey is 51,420,757 and male-female distribution of this population is almost equal.
        The give a more realistic picture, we divide this population into three groups:
        First group: Istanbul, Ankara, Izmir (the three biggest cities) with a total population of 11,664,281.
        Second group: East and Southeast regions where mostly Kurdish population lives. Total population: 9,117,938.
        Third group: Population living in other regions outside the first two groups. Total population: 30,664,502. (All figures are taken from State Statistics Institute data).



1. group    1,154,220    558,206
2. group    1,017,256    384,701
3. group    3;688,714    1.754,682

    TOTAL        WOMEN

1. group    35,014    20,368
2. group    33,542    9,717
3. group    141,615    56,955

a) Number of villages without schools: 2,160
b) Those having temporary or prefabric schools:
1. group    a) 52    b) 121
2. group    a) 1,206    b) 853
3. group    a) 902    b) 2,543



1. group    1,806    554
2. group    5,705    3,345

            These facts are indicating the inequality existing in primary school level both in general terms and according to sex. After such an inadequate primary education, a chance of future employment depends on entering a private or state secondary school where education is based on a foreign language.
            Private and foreign schools with heavy tuitions are established mostly in the cities of first group and rare some in the third group. Entering such schools means to succeed in an inhuman "examination marathon". For the students who would not able to pay school fees even if they could won such entrance examinations as a result of a "miracle", the route of life is determined already in primary school level.
            Besides those who are forced to abandon this "marathon" even before starting, most of the others are eliminated on the way. For instance in 1987 134,436 primary school graduates entered to such examination and only 13% of them had the chance to enter such schools promising a relatively secure future.
        Empty classrooms with no teaching equipment and no teachers await those who attend ordinary schools. An example can be given in field of physical education. In 1982-83, 23% of secondary schools in 1. group, 59% in 2. group and 61.2% in 3. group had no physical education. If we consider the matter according the sex, we should take into account the fact that in our country women teachers are assigned for the physical education of girls. In this case, it should be mentioned that during the same year there were only 71 women physical education staff in 852 schools in the 2. group, that means 92% girls ins this group could not have physical education. In the same way, the 90% of girls in the 3. group and 59% of first group could not have the chance to practice physical education.
        Stressing the fact that only half of the secondary-school age children can attend school, following, following figures (1982,83) can be given:



1. group    658,988    289,102       
2. group    212,221    54,613
3. group    1,222,093    411,282

        A striking fact appearing under these circumstances is that, while girls count so less than boys in filed of regular education, they outnumber boys in Koran cours that are used as an instrument of defense and organization by reactionary powers. According to official figures (that are far away from reflecting reality), the number of children-youth attending such courses was 105,778 in 1982-83 and in all three groups girls outnumbered boys in attendance.
        Inequality in higher education level constitutes a far more dark picture. According to 1983 figures, out of total number of 164 faculties and 109 higher education institutions, 145 are established in 1. group. The other groups mostly have "universities" that were opened after 12 September coup and have no more than just buildings.
        (According to UNESCO classification of sciences) distribution of students in universities in 1983-84 all over Turkey is as follows:

Humanities    19,805    6,773
Educational Sciences    50,423    20,987
Fine Arts    4,410    2,144
Law    14,093    8,122
Positive and Natural
Sciences    17,686    7,710
Social Sciences    108,582    34,166
Engineering    65,777    13,222
Medical Sciences    31,246    18,425
Agriculture    11,353    2,939

Of course the meaning of being university graduate is opened to discussion in a country that has more than 6 million unemployed with an annual rate of 20%.
Although they do not reflect the reality in full picture, even the following official figures are enough to reach conclusion:

(1980) 6+ years    MALES    FEMALES

1. group: 8,279,911    473,193    1,080,307
2. group: 6,198,882    1,065,604    2,215,766
3. group: 23,044,830    2,299,685    5,188,795

(6+ years)

6-14    4,933,523    1,716,095
15-19    2,404,442    605,833
19-24    1,975,835    645,136
25-29    1,656,165    669,936
30-34    1,321,174    617,933
35-39    1,119,238    719,739
40-44    1,068,128    742,841
45-49    964,296    596,637
50-54    867,151    495,227
55-59    558,498    313,517
60-64    417,352    397,326
65+    1,157,887    874,648
TOTAL    18,524,552    8,394,868

        As it is seen, in every age group women are deprived of their basic right to education and to gain knowledge in any field, from obtaining their economic independence to child care.
        And last of all, figures concerning educational level of literate women (over 6 ages) can be seen below:

(6+ years)
Non-graduates        2,711,000
Primary school        5,821,000
Secondary school        677,000
Vocational school (secondary)        14,000
High school        397,000
Vocational school (high)        286,000
Higher education institutes        215,000

        All these figures are reflecting how the ruling circles are approaching problem of education and problem of education and problem of providing equal opportunities in education. Besides that facts we mentioned above, one should also bear in mind the anti-democratic content of education that we have not dealt within the frame of this piece of work.


    The first international conference of "Friends of Turkey" (Amis de Turquie) was held on November 27-29, 1987, at the French National Assembly halls in Paris. Mr. Costa Gomes, former president of Portugal,  chaired the conference as the honorary president of the initiative, composed of prominent international figures in fields of politics, education, culture, science and sport.
    Representing Turkey there were more than 40 writers, journalists, politicians, scientists, trade unionists and artists who came from Turkey and from European countries where they live in exile.
    The conference discussed political, legal, cultural and human rights situation in Turkey. Four working committees were established to bring out proposals, approaches and views of the participants on the concerned subjects.
    Last day, the conference adopted an Appeal in which Turkish State authorities are asked to fulfill their obligations concerning human rights. It is also stated that the situation concerning human right violations is to be thoroughly followed, meanwhile international institutions such as European Parliament called to contribute to this end effectively.


    Uproar broke out in the Turkish National Assembly on January 20, 1988, when an opposition MP criticised the oppression of Kurds in south-eastern Turkey -the first time such a speech has been made.
    Mr. Mehmet Ali Eren of the main opposition Social Democrat Populist Party (SHP) said in a debate that Kurds were prevented from speaking and writing their own language, and the traditional names of their villahes had been changed.
    Breaking tradition by naming "Kurds", Mr. Eren compared their plight with that of the Turkish minorities in neighbouring countries.
    The Turksih Government has accused Bulgaria of assimilating its estimated 1,5 million ethnic Turks, and Greece of insisting that the country's estimated 120,000 ethnic Turks call themsleves Greek Muslims.
    Mr. Eren said: "We condemn the plight of the Turkish minority in Greece and Bulgaria. If some minorities in Turkey are being oppressed, we should condemnet this too.""
    His remarks were met by boos and catcalls from government MPs. "There are Turkis in Turkey," shouted a deputy of the ruling ANAP.
The Interior Minister Kalemli interrupted the session. "Such an address shouldn't be allowed on the platform of Atatürk," he said, referring to the founder of the Republic.
    Mr. Kalemli said that what had been referred to as "a minority that should have its own language" was not recognised, and he quoted passages from the Constitution to catcalls from some opposition MPs.


    Four main opposition SHP deputies, Adnan Ekmen, Mehmet Karaman, Ibrahim Aksoy and Cumhur Keskin, after having a round in re region, have drawn up a a detailed report on the situation in South-eastern Anatolia who live Kurds.
    The deputies concluded that:
    - The State has turned the denunciation into an institution,
    - Security forces shoot on sight whosoever goes out in the night,
    - The State considers all citizens "suspects",
    - Criminals are used by the State to intimidate citizens,
    - Whoever refuses to be "village protector" is subjected to pressure,
    - Many people have been the victims of mined areas,
    - The State constructs Gendarme stations instead of work places for the people,
    - Peasants are forced to deportation.


    One of the best-sellers in Turkey, journalist Mehmet Ali Birand's book The Generals' Coup in Turkey (The Inside Story of 12 September 1980) is now available in translation to the English-speaking world. Birand has interviewed 165 of the protagonists of the coup and gained extensive access to previously unreleased documents. His resulting account of the dramatic events of 12 September, and his perceptions of the motivation behind the officers who took part, make this book a fascinating read.
    The book is translated and introduced by Mehmet Ali Dikerdem, a Turkish academic living in the Great Britain, and published by Brassey's Defence Publishers Ltd. in London.


    In the last issue of Info-Türk, we produced a report of the Heritage Foundation asking the Reagan Administration to increase its support to the Ozal administration in Turkey.
    According to New Statesman of May 29, 1987, the Heritage Foundation is the most influential and furthest right think-tank in the United States. It "has chanelled $1 million over the past five years to right-wing organisations in Brtain and, in a smaller way, to other West European countries. The money has been paid with the direct aim of influencing domestic politics in the United Kingdom, "said the British monthly.
    "Heritage, mainly financed by Joesph Coors, a US beer baron and right-wing ideologue, is now bidding to be the core of a 'Conservative International'. Already closer than any other similar centre to President Reagan, Heritage now has the contacts and the funds to further its programmes, which it defines as designed 'to make the voices of responsible conservatism heard in Washington, D.C...and in the capitals of the world'.
    "Heritage's international activities have been helped by its easy entree to Reagan administration circles. In 1982 President Reagan appointed Heritage Foundation President Edwin J. Feulner Jr. chairman of the US Advisory Commission on Public Diplomacy, which evaluates programmes of the USIA including the Voice of America, Radio Marti, Fullbright scholarships and the National Endowment for Democracy.
    "Heritage-funded projects in Europe became more systematic in 1982, when US and British conservatives grew alarmed at the growing influence of the peace movement. In May that yuear Heritage disseminated a 'backgrounder' on 'Moscow and Peace Offensive', in which it called on NATO and 'its affiliated public support organisations' to spread 'information concerning the links... between known Communist front groups and the 'independent' peace groups.
    "In an interview with Inter-Nation, Heritage Foundation Vice-President Burton Yale Pines predicted: 'Maybe the next step will be to organise some kind of Conservative International.' He suggested this could take the form of an alliance of as many as 20 like-minded groups in the United States, Britain, France, West Germany, Japan and other countries. During the last six years, the Geritage Foundation has been a major force behind the 'Reagan Revolution'. The Reagan Administration itself will come to an end by 1988. Heritage will do its best, however, to ensure that the principles of Reaganism continue to shape policies far beyond the borders of the United States."