A non-government information service on Turkey
Un service d'information non-gouvernemental sur la Turquie


12th Year - N°137
March 1988
38 rue des Eburons - 1000 Bruxelles
Tél: (32-2) 215 35 76 - Fax: (32-2) 215 58 60
 Rédacteur en chef: Dogan Özgüden - Editrice responsable: Inci Tugsavul


    At the beginning or March 1988, Brussels was the scene of a new diplomatic offensive of the Ankara regime with a view to obtaining new support for improving its relations with Europe. Profitting from the occasion of the NATO Summit meeting, Ozal made a series of well-publicized talks and especially after his new tête-à-tête with Greek Premier Papandreou, Turkish Premier Özal held a triumphal press conference at the International Press Center.
    On his first day in Brussels, on March 3, 1988, Özal had talks with West German Chancellor Helmut Kohl, German Foreign Minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher, chairman of the EC Council for the current term, and Claude Cheysson, the commission member responsible for Mediterranean countries.
    But the most important step taken in the way of improving Turco-European relations has been the joint communiqué issued after the second Özal-Papandreou meeting. According to this communiqué, Greece has decided to lift veto which it had opposed up to now regarding the application of the agreement for the adaptation of the Community/Turkey association agreement, following Greece's membership of the Community. This question has been in the balance for seven years: Greece has now become party to the Community/Turkey association agreement and has taken on all the commitments and responsibilities involved. This will happen soon, in fact before the meeting of the Association Council which is planned for April 25, 1988.
    Prior to this meeting, the Political Affairs Committee of the European Parliament adopted a project of resoltuion opening the way, despite the continuation of the violation of human rights in Turkey, to the revival of relations between Turkey and the European Communities.
    At its meeting of February 1988, the Political Affairs Committee, after having debated the report of its rapporteur Mr. Gerd Walter, German socialist, adopted the following motion for a resolution on the resumption of the EEC-Turkey Association:
    The European Parliament
    A. having regard to the eventful role in European history played by Turkey over the last 600 years,
    B. having regard to the political, strategic, economic and treaty ties which have grown out of the Turkish Republic's orientation towards Europe,
    C. having regard to the conflict in the Aegean and the partial occupation of Cyprus by Turkish troops which are jeopardizing the political stability of this region and are detrimental to political relations between the EEC and Turkey,
    D. having regard to the EEC-Turkey Association Agreement of 1963 and to the rupture of the association arrangements caused by the military coup of 12 September 1980,
    E. having regard to the steps taken by Turkey since that date to restore parliamentary democracy,
    F. having regard to the latest Turkish elections of 29 September 1987, which were observed by a delegation of it members,
    H. having regard to its previous resolutions, in particular those of:
        - 8 July 1982 on the political situation in Turkey
        - 23 October 1985 on the human rights situation in Turkey
        - 11 December 1986 on relations between the EEC and Turkey
        - 9 April 1987 on the crisis in the Aegean Sea;
    1. Stresses Turkey's close historical connection with the development of the countries of Europe, on the basis of which it established in the last 65 years, on the democratic and legal model of the Western European nations, a constitution and a legal system which were overturned by the military coup;
    2. Considers that Turkey's special significance for Europe can best be acknowledged through the application and where appropriate extension of the Association Agreement;
    3. Is therefore prepared to consider a resumption of the association in the light of developments in Turkey:
    Regarding the situation in Turkey
    a) Human Rights
    4. Reaffirms the concern it has expressed in numerous resolutions regarding the unsatisfactory state of human rights in Turkey and refers in this context to the relevant report by its delegation for relations with Turkey;
    5. Notes that the Turkish constitution and penal code continue to rule out the possibility of granting an amnesty to political offenders;
    6. Welcomes the fact that on the basis of a law passed by the Turkish Grand National Assembly in 1987, those involved int he trials of DISK and the Peace Movement have either had their sentences reduced or have been released, although still subject to limits on certain civil and political rights;
    7. Notes also that although the Turkish Government has made some effort, torture and inhuman conditions of detention are still widespread;
    8. Welcomes the signature by Turkey of the European Convention on Torture and calls for comprehensive application of the provisions of this convention, linked with the possibility of international verification;
    9. Stresses that owing to the continued jurisdiction of military courts overs civilians, the long periods of pre-trial custody and restrictions on access to a defending lawyer, there is still a general lack of judicial independence and an insufficient guarantee of the right to a fair trial;
    10. Call for the trials against DISK and the Turkish Peace Movement to be brought to an end as soon as possible;
    11. Wishes to see the continuing restrictions on political and trade union activities and the freedom of expression lifted and the abolition of the death penalty;
    12. Calls for the establishment fo basic rights for the Kurdish people living in Turkey;
    Regarding the restoration of parliamentary democracy:
    13. Refers to its resolutions of 23 October 1985 on the basis of the Balfe report and of 11 December 1986, which made the restoration of parliamentary democracy a precondition for the reactivation of the association bodies;
    14. Points out that since the reconstitution of the Turkish Grand National Assembly, significant steps have been taken on the path to establishing parliamentary democracy;
    15. Welcomes the fact that on the basis of the referendum held in September 1987, the political rights of leading politicians of former parties have been restored ahead of schedule;
    16. Reaffirms, however, the findings of its delegation on the occasion of the Turkish elections of 29 November that
    a) the 10% hurdle established in the electoral was highly discrimination against smaller parties
    b) the arbitrary curtailment of the electoral campaign prevented the proper formation of opinion amongst the electorate;
    c) access to the public media was unevenly allocated to the various parties
    d) the government party used the various public authorities to influence the election result;
acknowledges, nevertheless, that all parties and political forces have achieved a consensus that the remaining restrictions must be removed and democracy further consolidated;
    17. Reaffirms its view that the martial law still prevailing in some provinces involves unacceptable restrictions on political and
parliamentary life;
    Regarding the state of the Association:
    18. Recalls that Turkey first applied for association with the EEC in 1959 only one-and-a-half year after the entry into force of the Treaties of Rome and that the Association Agreement of 1963 which resulted was a significant outcome of the historical process of Turkey's orientation towards Europe;
    19. Notes that Article 28 of the Association Agreement states that as soon as the operation of this Agreement has advanced far enough to justify envisaging full acceptance by Turkey fo the obligations arising out of the Treaty establishing the Community, the Contracting Parties shall examine  the possibility of the accession of Turkey to the Community;
    20. Stresses that Turkey —in particular because of the events within Turkey in 1980 and the break in association relations which resulted— has not fulfilled its obligations under the Association Agreement, in particular with regard to:
    a) tariff reduction and adaptation to the Common Customs Tariff (reduction of tariffs on industrial products, preference arrangements for agricultural produce, etc.)
    b) removal of quantitative restrictions (for industrial products),
    c) movement of persons and services (Community proposals on movement of persons still rejected by Turkey);
    21. Welcomes in this context the decision by the Turkish Government finally to implement the agreed tariff reduction;
    22. Points out that after a break of 6 years, a meeting of the Association Council took place on 16 September 1987, although with no specific results;
    23. Points out also that the protocols of adaptation to the EEC-Turkey Association Agreement following the accession of Spain and Portugal to the Community after referral back to the committee responsible —were approved by Parliament at its sitting of 20 January 1988;
    24. Stresses in this context that its approval of these protocols does not constitute approval of the policies of the Turkish Government to date and that its reservations about the human rights situation and the development of parliamentary democracy remain;
    Regarding resumption of the Association
    25. Stresses that its persistent advocacy of democracy and human rights has contributed to positive developments in these areas in Turkey;
    26. Takes the view that in the wake of the Association bodies are the appropriate framework for promoting the dialogue between the EEC and Turkey on continuing these developments;
    27. Approves as a first step talks between its Delegation for Relations with Turkey and that of the Turkish Grand National Assembly with a view to reconvening the EEC-Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee;
    28. Calls on the Turkish Government in this connection to act in accordance with the obligations incumbent upon for the full restoration of democracy and human rights;
    29. Wishes, therefore, that the Association be resumed with this end in mind;
    30. Reminds the Turkish Government that the occupation of part of Cyprus, which is also linked to the Community by an association agreement, is unacceptable and remains an obstacle to the improvement of relations; regrets the inadequacy of the attempts by the governments of the Member States to contribute to stabilizing the situation in this region;
    31. Welcomes the latest agreement between the Governments of Greece and Turkey to seek to resolve their bilateral disputes by peaceful means and  in accordance with international rules and stresses that the settlement of these disputes will contribute to the improvement of relations between the EEC and Turkey;
    32. Instructs, its President to forward this resolution to the Commission, the Council, the Foreign Ministers meeting in European Political Cooperation, the government of the Member States, the Turkish Government and the Turkish Grand National Assembly.


    Although martial law has been lifted, the state of emergency is still reigning over Istanbul and eight south-eastern provinces. On February 20, 1988, the National Security Council, a military-civilian body having supreme authority on the security matters, chaired by General-President Evren, decreed to extend the state of emergency for another 4-month period.
    This regime empowers the governors of the nine provinces to exercise some of the powers of martial law commanders. In addition, a specially empowered Supergovernor oversees and coordinates the actions of these governors. His field of authority has been extended to four other Southeastern provinces which are not subjected to the state of emergency.
    At a meeting of the Supergovernor and 12 governors held in Istanbul on February 3, 1988, the Minister of Interior Kalemli said that security forces had detained in last six months 59 Kurdish militants as well as 864 peasants accused of helping the former.
    On February 9, 1988, the government decided to transfer the control over Turkey's borders with Iran, Iraq and Syria, carried out up to now by the Gendarmery, to the Land Forces.
    The ERNK (the National Liberation Front of Kurdistan) announced in Paris on January 11, 1988, that the Kurdish Guerilla Units, in 1987, carried out 90 attacks on pro-government positions and shot dead 10 army officers, 72 soldiers, 235 village protectors and government agents. The annual loss of Kurdish guerillas, according to ERNK, was but 18.


    The controversy overt the secret MIT (National Intelligence Organization) report leaked to the press took a new turn at the end of February 1988 when the former army chief, General Necdet Urug demanded the prime minister's office identify the official who edited it.
    The said report claims that during the martial law regime General Urug and some other army generals, thanks to their connections with Istanbul's underworld, had private relations with some famous singers and artists in 5-star hotels of Istanbul.
    An announcement from the prime ministry dated February 25 admitted that such a document did exist but it was only a preliminary report not submitted to higher government levels.
    General Urug said he was going to sue the MIT official who wrote the report. Although the fact that Mehmet Eymür, head of the smuggling department of MIT, is one of the writers of the controversial report is public knowledge, so far no government authority officially named him the culprit.
    According to the press reports, General Evren's son-in-law Erkan Gürvit, one of the top officials of MIT and known very close to Özal's family, might be among those who drew up this report with a view to discrediting General Urug whose name is often mentioned among the possible candidates for the President of Republic in 1989 presidential elections.
    It was not only Urug who was upset by the secret report. Two other top-ranking former army generals also found themselves in trouble because of their statements to the press about the secret report. The public prosecutor accuses former generals Turgut Sunalp and Nevzat Bölügiray of inciting rebellion with their comments on the "secret report affair."
    Sunalp, speaking to the daily Bulvar, accused Prime Minister Özal of undermining the reputation of the army and said anger towards Özal was running high within the ranks of the army.
    As for Bölügiray, founder of the MIT department against smuggling, told the daily Milliyet that Özal, by tampering with such delicate issues as the secret service and the armed forces, was walking in the steps of former prime minister Menderes who was hanged after a coup in 1960.


    The Turkish General Staff announced on February 18, 1988, that during a 8-year period between December 1979 and April 1987, military tribunals tried 59,701 people for the so-called "ideological crimes".
    In 1987, of these people 5,179 were still being tried at military tribunals. The number of the detainees in military prisons was 1,205.
    3,640 of these defendants are labelled "far-left", 438 "far-right", 871 "separatist" and 230 "involved in smuggling.


    The trial of 146 alleged members of the Workers' Party of Kurdistan (PKK) at the military tribunal of Diyarbakir ended on February 5, 1988, in pronouncing 20 capital punishments, 13 life-term imprisonments and 68 different prison terms of up to 24 years.
    On the other hand, with the approval of the death sentences against three right-wing activists by the Military Court of Cassation, the number of the death sentences waiting for Parliament's ratification rose o 189.
    Other trials and condemnations in February 1988:
    4.2, in Istanbul, the State Security Court condemns four members of the Socialist Fatherland Party (SVP) to 5-year prison term each.
    5.2, five members of the Ankara Section the Human Rights' Association (IHD) are condemned to 3-month prison term each for having distributed leaflets. 
    7.2, the condemnations to 37-year prison term to three people accused of sabotage acts is approved by the Military Court of Cassation.
    14.2, it is reported that a  30 years old female militant of the PKK, Mrs. Sakine Polat has been condemned in seven different cases to 76-year prison term in total.
    17.2, in Istanbul, three members of the Human Rights' Association (IHD) are sentenced to 3-month prison term each for having collecting signature for the campaign of general amnesty. Besides, the public prosecutor opens a new legal proceeding against two leading members of the association.
    19.2, seven leading members of TAYAD (Association of Solidarity with the Families of Prisoners) are brought before the State Security Court in Istanbul. Each faces a prison term of up to three years.
    26.2, in Ankara, the State Security Court condemns a member of the TKKKO to 4 years and 2 months prison term.


    A series of protest actions of prisoners and their families  such as hunger-strikes have obliged in the end the government to yield to accept the demands relating to prison rules.   
    First the inmates in the military prison of Diyarbakir started on February 6, 1988, a new hunger-strike in protest again barrack discipline and interdiction of communication in Kurdish language with their Kurdish families. Of the 540 inmates of this prison, 301 were already sentenced to capital punishment or heavy prison terms while 239 other were still being tried by military tribunal of Diyarbakir.
    In solidarity with prisoners, their family members as well as two social democrat members of Parliament, Adnan Ekmen and Mehmet Alniak, joined the action later on.
    The hunger-strike of Diyarbakir prisoners was followed also by hundreds of political detainees in Mersin, Sagmalcilar, Edirne, Bursa, Aydin and Malatya prisons.
    A hunger-striker named Mehmet Emin Yavuz in the Diyarbakir military prison became worse on the eleventh day of the action and was taken to the city hospital, but it was too late and he passed away.
    Considering the reaction in public opinion, the Government decided to show more lenience to prison inmates and to allow them to communicate with their relatives in Kurdish. The new rules extended the time prisoners can spend together with their families from 30 minutes to an hour.
    Another measure adopted by the government was to lift the obligation for inmates to wear prison uniforms. Other demands such as having access to typewriters, radios and painting materials inside the prison were also granted.
    Furthermore, the announcement from the Defense Ministry said telephone booths will be installed inside the prison to enable the inmates to call their families on the phone.
    The prisoners will be allowed to communicate freely with their lawyer bay sitting on the opposite sides of a table without the glass-and-wire screen required previously. They will also be permitted to receive 100,000 TL (80 Dollars) from their relatives, instead of 25,000 TL in pocket money to which they were formerly entitled.
    The Government also decreed on February 25 to transfer political detainees from military prisons to civil ones. Nevertheless, these detainees will be tried as before at military tribunals. According to Article 23 of the Martial Law Code, even after martial law is lifted, martial law tribunals remain in function and carry on the trials started during martial law period.   
    The Chairman of the Turkish Law Institute, Mr. Muammer Aksoy, visiting all political party seats on February 25, asked them to modify the code in a view to putting an end to the trials at military tribunals.
    The TAYAD (Association for Solidarity with Prisoners and Their Families), holding a press conference in front of the Metris Prison on February 23, launched a new campaign for the annulment of all condemnations given by military tribunals during and after martial law period.


    A defendant of the TKP process going on at the State Security Court of Izmir, Miss Seviye Köprü, claiming that she was subjected to sexual torture during her interrogation by police, went on hunger strike on February 25, 1988, in prison.
    26 other inmates of the Buca Prison, for manifesting their solidarity, joined Köprü's hunger-strike.
    On February 26, at the trial of Captain Ali Sahin, Lieutenant Umit Eris, sergeants Mehmet Acar, Ibrahim Yildizgörür and corporal Suat Akova, accused of having beaten dead a teacher during interrogation in Bingöl in 1985, three former draftees declared that they are eye-witnesses of the murder.
    Sergeant Fikret Birge, private Abdullah Zehin and driver Sakip Ay said that, after Siddik Bilgin died under the blows, Captain Ali Sahin ordered them to take the corpse into a wood. When they arrived at the wood, the same captain forced the soldiers to shoot at the dead body for giving the appearance that Bilgin had been shot dead during he was attempting to escape.


    28.1, in Siirt, 40 peasants are arrested for helping guerillas.
    5.2, twelve alleged members of TKP-ML are arrested in Istanbul.
    8.2, in Mardin, a Kurdish militant is captured dead and two others wounded.
    10.2, security forces shoot dead five alleged PKK members.
    11.2, police arrest 24 university students for participating in a rally to protest Israeli brutality on Palestinians.
    13.2, nine alleged members of TKP-ML are captured in Istanbul.
    17.2, the Social Democrat Populist Party (SHP) announces that its 15 members were arrested for helping Kurdish militants.
    21.2, in Gaziantep, eleven people are detained on charge of producing false passports for an illegal organization.
    25.2, security forces shoot dead five Kurdish militants in Tunceli.


    Two newspapers, Tan and Ayna, accused of having published photos "harmful to minors", were condemned by a criminal court to heavy fines, respectively of 149,423,749 TL and 86,490,916 TL. So the total fines pronounced by tribunals against 14 newspapers for "harmful publications since 1984 rose to 7,258,797,342TL (about 7 million US dollars).
    Distribution of fines to newspapers:
    Tan        6 times    784,377,883 TL
    Hafta Sonu    2 times    123,499,326 TL
    Sabah Yildizi    2 times    735,982,800 TL
    Süper Gazete    Once        77,373,750 TL
    Haftanin Sesi    2 times    85,806,999 TL
    Ayna        4 times    163,077,415 TL
    Playboy    11 times    3,946,054,160 TL
    Bravo        7 times    1,342,624,999 TL

    Besides, Tan is still being tried at 15 cases of "harmful publication", Hafta Sonu 1, Playmen 3, Milliyet 1, Sabah Yildizi 14, Haftanin Sesi 2.
    Public prosecutors claim a total of 50 billion TL (50 million US dollars) fine for all of the accused newspapers and books. Among the hundreds of books have been the object of the prosecution for "harmful publication" is also the "Tropic of Capricorn" of Henry Miller.

    Other violations of press freedom:

    10.2, an issue of the weekly 2000'e Dogru reporting the debate on Kurdish question et the German Parliament is confiscated by the decision of State Security Court.
    11.2, a new trial of Fatma Yazici, responsible editor of 2000'e Dogru, begins at a criminal court. She is accused of defaming the President of the Republic and faces a prison term of up to three years.
    13.2, two Cumhuriyet editors, Ilhan Selcuk and Okay Gönensin, are interrogated by the public prosecutor for an article entitled "The fascism of 12th September and ANAP".
    17.2, two editors of the daily Cumhuriyet, Ugur Mumcu and Okay Gönensin, are indicted for articles criticizing the National Defense Minister Vuralhan.
    18.2, a new press case at criminal court against two editors of the daily Cumhuriyet, Ali Sirmen and Okay Gönensin, for on article on the political conflicts prior to the coup.
    19.2, police confiscated two novels on Bulgarian resistance during the Second World War, published by the Habora Publishing House. One of these novels have been printed six times in eleven years and the other 10 times in 19 years.
    19.2, the public prosecutor of Ankara ordered the confiscation of 54 books published by the Sol and Onur publishing houses. Among the confiscated books are also the works of Russel, Darwin, Einstein and Gramsci.
    19.2, two editors of the weekly 2000'e Dogru, Fatma Yazici and Neyir Kalaycioglu, are condemned to a 3 months and 15 days prison each for an article criticizing Premier Özal.
    25.2, the February 1988 issue of the monthly review Yeni Demokrasi is confiscated by the decision of the Istanbul State Security Court for having published an article on Kurds.
    26.2, the public prosecutor of Istanbul ordered to stop the publication of a series of books edited by the Sorun Publishing House.


    The Writers' Union of Turkey (TYS), addressing a petition to the Minister of Culture, criticized the current anti-culture policy and asked to find an immediate solution to the grave crisis in the Turkish book industry.
    According to press reports, in last year, 100 publishing houses have been closed down and 50 publishing houses have stopped to print new books because of financial difficulties and restrictions on the freedom of press. Besides, 80 percent of 1,500 booksellers have begun not to sell books and now sell only stationery.
    For an immediate solution, the TYS proposes:
    - Lifting of articles 141 and 142 of the Turkish Penal Code,
    - Reducing the price of print papers,
    - Launching a campaign under the slogan of "Buy a book instead of flower" for stimulating the sale of books.


    The Turkish police refuses to deliver a national passport to a former detainee, Miss Aysel Zehir, who is in need of a medical treatment abroad because of the destruction of her some cerebral cells during a long-term hunger strike she had made in prison.
    She was arrested in 1981 on the charge of being involved in a left-wing organization. Though a lower military court sentenced her to a 5-year prison term, this sentence was overruled and she was released by the Court of Cassation.
    Impossible to be treated in Turkey, she was invited by Amnesty International to France, but police refuses her passport claiming that her name takes place in the list of "suspects".


    39 members of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe issued, on January 27, 1987, a written declaration on the situation of political refugees from Turkey.
    Signed also by Turkish representatives Cem, Erdem and Talay, the declaration reads:
    "The undersigned members of the Assembly,
    "1. Echoing the views expressed in the past by the Assembly on the rights of political refugees;
    "2. Demanding for Turkey full enjoyment of the basic human rights and freedoms, and particularly freedom of speech and association;
    "3. Request, for political refugees desiring to return to their country, that all the present obstacles to their return be removed, that their right to engage freely in political activity in Turkey be guaranteed, and that a general amnesty be declared forthwith."


    The impoverishment of the people due to the monetarist policies of Özal Government gives way to differents forms of protest. On February 15, 1988, during General-President Evren' visit to a the village of Döseli in the province of Kars, a 45-year old woman, Mrs. Seher Kaya, handed over her 11-month baby to the Chief of State and said: "We are hungry, my General! We cannot afford to feed our children. Take him away with you. May be this poor can escape our fate and have a better future."
    On February 1st, 1988, in Kayseri, a worker named Taner Erdogan stopped two ministers visiting the city, Minister of National Defense Mr. Vuralhan and Minister of State Mr. Yazar, by shouting: "I'm hungry! If you do not find any solution to my problem, I shall immolate myself and all my family!" On this incident, Erdogan was sequestrated by body guards and taken to police station.


    At least 23 leading trade union officials will be obliged to leave their posts because of the labor legislation adopted in 1983 by the military junta. By virtue of the Provisional Article 4 of the Law No. 2821 on Trade Unions, those trade unionists elected to administrative boards prior to 1982 cannot stay in these boards for more than two 3-year office terms.
    Among the trade union leaders who will have to leave their posts is Mr. Sevket Yilmaz, Chairman of the Confederation of Turkish Trade Unions (TURK-IS).
    On the other hand, eleven officials of the Automobile Workers' Union (Otomobil-Is) were arrested in Umraniye, on February 13, 1988, for having organized a protest action against the mass dismissal of some workplaces.


    According to recent  statistical data issued by German authorities, the number of foreigners in the FRG is 4.6 million whose 1,45O,000 are Turkish nationals. Within the population of foreigners, 1,544,000 have the status of employee, of whom 510,000 Turks.
    16 per cent of the foreigner workers are currently jobless, while this proportion remains at 10% for native workers.
    The West German cities marked by high density of foreigners are Frankfurt (25%), Offenbach (22%),  Stuttgart (18%), Münich (17%), Düsseldorf (16%), Mannheim (16%), Köln (15%) and Berlin (14%).
    The Turkish Embassy in Brussels has announced that the number of Turkish nationals in Belgium rose to 75,000 in 1987.  In the same year, a thousand Turkish babies were born in Belgium while 42 Turkish nationals were passing away. The number of Turkish nationals' marriage is 216 in the past year. Only 28 of these marriages have been acted between Turkish nationals and Belgians.

    Suffering from the deficit of native young people to be recruited, the FRG has proposed to the Turkish Government to set up a special Turkish Brigade composed of Turkish immigrant youths. According to estimations, the German Army will have a deficit of 100,000 soldiers in 1995. The number of Turkish population under the age of 21 already rises to 650,000.
    As a recompense, the German Government promises a monthly salary of 1,200 DM for each Turkish soldier and the facilities of naturalization.
    On the other hand, the Interior Minister of West Berlin, Mr. Kewening has announced that his administration plans to recruit Turkish youths as policemen without seeking the condition of being naturalized. 120,000 Turkish constitute the half of the foreigner population of West Berlin.


    27.1, in Zürich, a Turkish worker, Sabahattin Ünsal, is found dead in police station two hours after his detention for the verification of his identity.
    3.2, in Schrissheim (FRG), a dormitory inhabited by political refugees is attacked by  12 unidentified persons. During the quarrel between the aggressors and inhabitants, two refugees are wounded.
    17.2, in Bonn, a 4-flat house inhabited by foreigners is destroyed with explosives by unidentified persons. Five foreigners are wounded and eight cars in front of the house are destroyed.
    19.2, in Offenbach (FRG), a Turkish grocery is put on fire by unidentified persons. The material loss is estimated at 150,000 DM.
    20.2, the daily Hürriyet reports that racist groups distribute leaflets containing jokes to ridicule Turkish immigrant workers. Police indicts two Dutch civil servants for participating in this racist campaign.


    During his triumphal press conference in Brussels, Özal became out of spirits when some journalists asked him questions about the situation of human rights in Turkey.
    First, in response to a question of The Guardian's correspondent, Özal recoursed to his habitual demagogy by declaring that Turkey's signing the European Convention for preventing torture was a proof of Turkish Government's good will.
    Dissatisfied with this answer, two Info-Türk editors, both deprived of Turkish nationality for their opinions, invited Ozal to be more precise in his answer.
    Dogan Ozgüden, reminding that "Turkish press reports that thousands of political detainees are still being in prisons, military tribunals are still functioning as before and more than 14 thousand citizens are still deprived of Turkish nationality," asked Ozal: "Under these circumstances, do you frankly hope that Turkey can be accepted to the European Community which demands first of all a full respect of human rights?"
    "No doubt there is a difference in defining political prisoners," replied Özal. "Prior to 1980, within a 5-year period of political violence, 5 thousand people were killed and 2O thousand wounded. It is not possible to say political prisoners for those who committed these crimes. As for the TKP leaders' return to Turkey, by virtue of the Constitution and laws communist organization and propaganda are forbidden."
    Thereupon, the other Info-Türk editor, Mrs. Inci Tugsavul, asked:
    "Mr. Prime Minister, in Europe there are about 14 thousand Turks who have been deprived of their nationality among whom there are trade unionists, journalists, artist and writers. Do you consider them as terrorists?"
    "No, we do not qualify trade unionists and writers as terrorists. If they are not involved in illegal activities, they can return to Turkey whenever they wish. Turkish tribunals are impartial."
    "I do not want to engage in a discussion on the definition of democracy and illegal activities? I only want to know how can 14 thousand people be deprived of Turkish nationality though they have never been involved in terrorist acts."
    "Have you ever been in Turkey?"
    "I am a Turkish journalist, but for six years, thanks to you, I have no right to go to Turkey."
    "Because of me?"
    "Yes, I am one of those 14 thousand people deprived of Turkish citizenship. I lost my nationality by a decree carrying your own signature. Under all decrees relating to this practice are your signatures."
    "I think that many of these people do not want to return to Turkey, because they have good jobs in Europe."
    Dogan Özgüden: "Mr. Prime Minister, can you tell us the exact number of those who do not want to return to Turkey?"
    "No, I can't... I have no figures..."

    The second meeting between Özal and Papandreou held in Brussels on March 4, 1988, marked a further step in the development of good relations between Turkey and "the two Prime Ministers decided upon ways to promote the rapprochement between the two countries in the light of the new positive momentum in their relations, following the Davos meeting."
    The ten-point joint declaration announced that a joint military committee sill start functioning later in March.  This military sub-committee, consisting of diplomats and military experts is to be convened, under the supervision of the two ministers of Foreign Affairs, in order to examine issues relating to the conduct of national military exercises as well as to problems concerning the flights of military aircrafts.
    The declaration also said Özal agreed to visit Athens between June 13 and 15.
    Persons missing in Cyprus after the military intervention of Turkey in 1974 was another point on which the prime minister's agreed to collaborate. The declaration said both Turkey and Greece would revive a committee -working under a Red Cross representative appointed by the UN Secretary General and consisting of representatives of the two communities on the island- to investigate the fate of these missing persons.
    Another important element in improving Turco-Greek relations has been the outcome of the presidential elections in Cyprus. During a heated political campaign, Mr. George Vassiliou, a millionaire businessman who draws support from the AKEL, promised to meet with Rauf Denktash. In the spirit of Davos and Brussels, some surprise developments can be expected in Cyprus problem as well.
    While Turkey is breaking the ice with Greece in Davos and in Brussels, a thaw in relations with its other neighbor in the West, Bulgaria, was ushered in by a protocol signed in Belgrade by Mesut Yilmaz and Petar Mladenov, foreign ministers of the two countries respectively, on February 13.
    The two ministers came together during the course of the Balkan Conference, which brought the foreign ministers of six bickering Balkan countries to Belgrade.
    Two separate joint commissions are to be set up, the first to deal with the highly sensitive issue of the ethnic Turkish minority in Bulgaria. The second joint committee will deal with economic and cultural exchanges between Turkey and Bulgaria.


        The monthly review SOUTH published in its March 1988 issue an article on the         development of the military-industrial complex in Turkey. We reproduce below the         integral text of this article.

        Traditional guardians of the nation and once so powerful they were dubbed the third sector of the economy, the Turkish armed forces are being forced on the defensive by the private sector challenge mounted under Turgut Özal's rule.
        And as austerity bites, even the rank and file are beginning to question the hefty defence slice of the budget —now about 25%— and the continuing privileges of the officer class.
        Through widespread investment in key sectors, which reached its peak in the 1970s and early 1980s, the military support funds have amassed estimated assets more than US$2-billion. The main players are the air force, ground forces and navy support funds, the army mutual assistance association (Oyak) and the defence industry support fund. Military-backed industries employ about 40,000 workers.
        Oyak, the first, was established in 1961 to cushion the declining income of army officers which had been a key factor in the 1960 coup. Oyak set up a pension fund and provided cheap loans and other financial benefits for 80,000 regular army officers. Around this time, special army markets, like the US Army's PX stores, were established to sell at a discount to army families. The officers were obliged to contribute 10% of their salaries to the fund, which began with investment capital of 8.9-million Turkish lira in 1961 (current rate TL1,060=US$1). This had grown to TL502-million by 1970. Total assets are now estimated between US$600-million and US$800-million.
        By the mid-1970s, Oyak had accumulated controlling interests in the Turkish Automotive Industry and Tukas (a food canning firm), and owned 42% of the share of Oyak Renault car plant, 20% of the Petkim petrochemicals plant, 8% of TPAO (Turkish Petroleum Industries) and 7% of the Goodyear tyre factory.
        Reductions in US military aid were the main spur for the establishment of the three forces support funds in the 1970s, to finance local arms production.
        The air force fund blazed the trail, financed by public levies an lotteries to help shape the first armed forced remodernization plan in 1970. The ground forces and navy support funds followed in 1972. All embarked on extensive investment programmes.
        According to a recent study by Mehmet Ali Barlas, these are concentrated in the machinery, electronics and telecommunications sectors. For  example, in Aselsan (military electronics industries) 51% of the shares are owned by the ground forces support fund, and 13% by the navy support fund. Aselsan employs about 4,000 in its factories and is involved in the production of F-16 and Maverick planes; it is expected to contribute to low-level air defence project.
        The air forces support fund has 45% of the shares of Tusas (Turkish Aircraft Industries) established in 1973, and with its subsidiaries is now producing the F-16 as a joint venture with General Dynamics and General Electric.
        In the boom period of military entrepreneurship in the 1970s, and the first half funds acted to support public sector investments in hi-tech sectors where the fledgling private sector could not compete. This was given ideological support by the argument that private capital could not be trusted in matters of national defence. Meanwhile, a growing number of ex-military personnel took up important civilian positions.
        At the same time, Turkey set out to modernize its defences, which had relied on obsolescent US weaponry.
        Remodernization to Nato standards was estimated to require US$1.5-billion a year. In 1985, the defence industry development and support administration (Dida) was set up to tackle the development of a hi-tech defence industry. Funding for the programme was through the defence industry support fund established in 1986. The Özal administration is keen to attract foreign capital and technology in joint ventures with Turkish private capital.
        The future role of the third sector groups in these projects remains unclear. Proposals to turn over the three forces support funds to the defence industry support fund appear to have been shelved for the time being. Privatization plans of the current administration involve some public and military investments. Most recently the telecommunications company Netas, partly owned by the navy support fund, has been earmarked for privatization.
        Oyak, the oldest military/economic unit, is suffering increasing financial problems. Last year an internal inquiry was commissioned to examine loss-making investments. Despite a TL11-billion profit in 1981, its services are becoming increasingly inadequate at current prices. However, Oyak's consumer credit facility remains useful to military families.
        An uneasy relationship has developed between the military and the civilian government, which is seen to be moving away from the secular traditions of Kemal Atatürk and reducing the heavy involvement of public capital and military investments in the economy.
        And within the forces, the economic privileges which have been a key factor in  maintaining cohesion may be more and more difficult to maintain.