A non-government information service on Turkey
Un service d'information non-gouvernemental sur la Turquie


12th Year - N°140
June 1988
38 rue des Eburons - 1000 Bruxelles
Tél: (32-2) 215 35 76 - Fax: (32-2) 215 58 60
 Rédacteur en chef: Dogan Özgüden - Editrice responsable: Inci Tugsavul


While the trial of the two top officials of the United Communist Party of Turkey (TBKP) was beginning in Ankara on June 8, in another mass trial, military prosecutor claimed 74 death sentences and hundreds of life-imprisonments for the militants of the Revolutionary Path (DEV-YOL). At the other outgoing mass trials, thousands of political detainees still face capital punishment or heavy prison terms on the charge of being militants of left-wing organizations such as TKP-ML, TKP-B, TDKP, PKK and DEV-SOL. However these political trials pass unnoticed in the mass media, though the European institutions focus their attention particularly on the trial of Yagci and Sargin from the TBKP.


    The trial of the secretary generals of the Communist Party of Turkey (TKP) and the Workers' Party of Turkey (TIP), Nabi Yagci and Nihat Sargin, began on June 8, 1988, at the State Security Court of Ankara.
    As reported by The Guardian, "the case has sparked wide domestic and international interest as Turkey's 65-year ban on communism comes under the most intense scrutiny yet. In Europe, it is seen as one of the factors preventing Turkey's full membership of the European Community. At home, there is often intense debate over whether a Communist ban is appropriate, in a country supposedly returned to democracy after the 1980 military coup, but the Government has made no moves towards changing the law."
    Brought handcuffed to the court, Yagci and Sargin were taken under military escort through a courtroom side door, as some 800 people, including international observers, and 200 defence lawyers, tried to gain access.
    There were scuffles as journalists, international observers and some lawyers, as well as most members of the public, were denied access to the court, which was packed to overflowing. The judges, two civilian and one military, rejected defence requests to move to a bigger courtroom. As a protest, all but five defence lawyers left the courtroom. The remaining five submitted a statement complaining that a proper defence could not be conducted.
    The prosecutors have asked for 66.5 years' imprisonment each for Yagci and Sargin. Though reading the indictment is expected to take three days, the judges, in an unexpected move, adjourned the trial until June 17. No reason was given, but there was speculation that the Turkish authorities were defusing tension by playing for time.
    All foreign and local observers as well as many Turkish daily newspapers have qualified the trial "unfair" and incompatible with international norms of justice. Foreign observers were deeply disturbed that one of the judges and one of the two prosecutors were uniformed military officers.
    A group of 32 Greeks, including composer Mikis Theodorakis, was the largest foreign delegation. Others came from Britain, West Germany, France, Scandinavian countries and Canada. The Central Committee of the Soviet Union sent a telegram expressing solidarity with Yagci and Sargin.
    Regretting the attitude of the court, Lord Tony Gifford, representing the House of Lords all-party human rights group, said: "One of the issues in my report will be whether a trial of this magnitude shouldn't have been a room where the public has more access."


    Although the Turkish Government is carrying on a campaign to charm the European public opinion, two editors of Info-Türk, Mr. Dogan Özgüden and Mrs. Inci Tugsavul, have recently received a "demo-cratic" counterattack from it for having ask-ed Prime Minister Ozal some embarrassing questions during a press conference he held in Brussels. They have been notified by the Turkish Consulate that they had been deprived of Turkish nationality five years ago.
    In fact, Özgüden and Tugsavul, both political refugee in Belgium, had been deprived of Turkish nationality by the military government on June 8, 1983 for their activities abroad to inform the world opinion of the violations of human rights in Turkey. The governmental decree had been published then in the Official Journal and reported by Turkish newspapers.
    The two journalists are among hundreds of opponents who have lost their nationality by the decision of the government. Famous film director Yilmaz Güney, prize winner in the Cannes Festival of 1982, who died in exile in 1984, too was one of the victims of this arbitrary practice.
    Turkish Prime Minister Ozal, in the framework of his diplomatic offensive, held a press conference in Brussels on March 4, 1988, after his meeting with the chiefs of government of NATO countries. During this conference, the two journalists contradicted with their questions the Prime Minister's claims on the restoration of democracy in Turkey. (See: Info-Türk, March 1988).
    Few weeks later, on March 21, 1988, Özgüden, as the spokesman of the new founded Political Refugees' Solidarity and Coordination Committee, made public a series of urgent demands of political refugees, of which the restoration of Turkish nationality for those who have been deprived of it.
    As a counterattack, on April 18, 1988, the Turkish Interior Ministry ordered the Turkish Consulate in Brussels to notify once more to the two journalists the governmental decree on their nationality issued five years ago.
    Finally, on June 1st, 1988, Özgüden and Tugsavul received from the Turkish General Consul in Brussels, Mr. Selçuk Incesu, a registered letter notifying that they had been deprived of Turkish nationality in 1983 and all their properties in Turkey confiscated by the State.
    On the other hand, the Interior Ministry has issued a new communiqué calling on 94 people to surrender to military authorities for making their military service.
    The leader of the Workers' Party of Kurdistan (PKK), Abdullah Öcalan too takes place in the liste. The PKK is the principal Kurdish organization which carries on the guerrilla warfare in the Turkish Kurdistan.
    The communiqué warns that if they do not surrender to the authorities, these 94 people would be deprived of Turkish nationality.


    A group of lawyers representing family of Turkish poet Nazim Hikmet who died in self-imposed exile in Moscow 25 years ago handed in a petition to the prime minister's office on June 3, 1988, demanding the restoration of the poet's citizenship and the delivery of his remains to Turkey.
    After spending 13 years in jail on charges of inciting the army and the navy to rebellion, Hikmet was released by a general amnesty in 1950. However, ordered to surrender himself to the military authorities in order to be taken under compulsory military service and menaced of being assassinated, Nazim Hikmet had to escape from Istanbul aboard a Romanian freighter crossing the Bosphorus to the Black Sea.     
    After his escape, a government decree dated July 25, 1951 stripped him of Turkish nationality. Nazim Hikmet lived in Moscow until his death on June 3, 1963.
    Following his death, many lawyers and even legal authorities said the verdict against Hikmet did not conform with accepted legal procedure. There was no solid evidence of the charges brought against him.
    His sister said, if the nationality rights of the poet are restored, she would take another initiative to bring the remains of her brother from Moscow to Turkey for reburial.
    In a poem he wrote in exile, Nazim Hikmet expressed his desire to be buried under a poplar tree in a remote village in Anatolia.


    The biggest mass trial of the post-coup period has entered in its final phase,on May 5, with the reading of the military prosecutor's final act of accusation in which capital punishment was claimed for 74 out of 723 defendants. The prosecutor demanded prison terms of up to 15 years for 334 other alleged members of the Dev-Yol (Revolutionary Path) organization.
    The trial began six years, two months and eight days ago at the military court of Ankara Martial Command. The writing of the final act of accusation lasted nine months and its reading 43 days.
    All defendants are accused of attempting to overthrow the established social and political order in the country.
    In another trial at the State Security Court of Istanbul, on May 10, 1988, the prosecutor claimed prison terms totalling 500 years for nine members of the Com-munist Party of Turkey/Marxist-Leninist (TKP/ML).
    On the other hand, on May 11, the Military Court of Cassation approved four death sentences and three life-term imprisonments pronounced against a group of militants who had allegedly been involved political violence in the district of Aybasti of the province of Ordu.

    Yielding to the directive of the National Security Council, composed of army chiefs and some ministers, the Grand National Assembly decided, on May 25, 1988, to extend state of emergency for 4 months from July 19, in Istanbul and eight south-eastern provinces.
    Though martial law has been lifted, the civilian governors use all exceptional powers of martial law commanders in the provinces under state of emergency. Besides, the governors of eleven provinces in the South-eastern Anatolia were placed under the supreme authority of a super-governor.


    The Justice Ministry announced on May 14 that 43 new prisons have been opened in Turkey for last two years. So, the total number of the civilian prisons in Turkey has been raised to 644 in which there are 49,219 detained or condemned people.
    Although the administration of some military prisons have been taken over recently by the Justice Ministry, the complaints against the prison conditions continue as before.
    In May, hundreds of inmates in Amasya, Diyarbakir, Aydin, Buca (Izmir), Gaziantep and Ankara have launched different kinds of protest actions such as hunger strikes or boycotting meals.
    On May 17, 1988, two mothers of political prisoner, Saliha Sener and Rahime Sahin, attempted to burn themselves in front of the Diyarbakir Municipality for protesting against ill-treatment of their sons, but they were saved by the passers-by.
    Recently, two delegations from the Human Rights Association (IHD) and the Association for Solidarity With the Parents of Prisoners (TAYAD) came to Europe and held a series of press conference in Brussels and other capitals for drawing attention to the prison conditions in Turkey.


    Amnesty International issued a new report as regards "torture and medical neglect of prisoners" in Turkey. Below we are reproducing the extracts concerning medical neglect:
    "The Turkish authorities have repeatedly argue that political prisoners cannot expect to receive better treatment than the population at large. However, the authorities have to accept the legal minimum requirements for prison health care and their argument fails to address the fact that numerous detainees suffer prison-related problems, infectious diseases such as tuberculosis, and injuries caused by torture an dill-treatment during police interrogation or in the prisons. While Turkish legislation provides clear instructions for the provision of medical care to prisoners —frequency of examination, procedures in cases of emergency, etc.— the medical care which is provided in reality often falls short of the legal requirements.
    "Allegations of medical neglect frequently assert that the number of medical staff in the prisons is insufficient and that they are often inexperienced. In military prisons in particular, young physicians who have just finished medical training are appointed for the same period as is spent in military service without having any prior practical experience. (Ordinarily in Turkey, all fit males between the ages of 20 to 41 must undergo a period of 18 months military service.) The Turkish press published in August 1987 the following figures to illustrate the ratio of doctors to inmates in a number of prisons:
    "In Mamak prison: three doctors and one dentist for 347 inmates.
    "In Sagmalcilar prison: three doctors and one dentist for 2,829 inmates.
    "In Sanliurfa and Sinop prisons: no doctor for hundreds of inmates.
    "Mamak Military Prison, despite the relatively better ratio of doctors to prisoners than in some other prisons, is one of the places from which many allegations of medical neglect have been received Prisoners there have frequently complained that they have to wait for weeks; no more than seven prisoners per ward of up to 70 prisoners are examined at a time and others requiring attention must wait until the following week. The same applies to prisoners who want to see a specialist such as the dentist as well as the prison doctor. They have to wait at least two weeks before they will be examined by both.
    "It has further been alleged that even in serious cases medical examinations are carried out very superficially, often merely by a visual inspection through the window in the door of the ward. It is reported that a li-mited range of drugs is available for prescription, what-ever the disease. Similar complaints have been made in almost all prisons but most frequently in Diyarbakir and Metris Military Prison. In some cases prisoners have had to pay for their own medicines. In others, medicine provided by relatives has not been accepted by the prison administration. These reports contradict has not been accepted by the prison administration. These reports contradict official statements such as one by the Legal Secretary of the General Staff, General Cemil Sezgin, published on 9 January 1987 in the Turkish newspaper Cumhuriyet.  In an answer to complaints about Mamak Military Prison he said:
    "There are three doctors and one dentist in Mamak Military Prison and Detention Center. Everyone is able to see a doctor without any restrictions. Those who are diagnosed as needing a transfer to hospital are immediately transferred to the military hospital. (…) health conditions in the named prison are sufficient."
    "Attached as Appendix 3 is a report from a former prisoner held in Diyarbakir Military Prison between 1981 and 1986. The details he gives are typical of the general complaints about medical care which are received from almost all prisons.
    "The Regulations on Administration and Execution of Sentences in Military Prisons of 30 September 1986 (for the relevant parts on medical care see Appendix 2) state in Article 50 that each prisoner must have a general medical check-up at intervals of three months. Reports by former prisoners, however, indicate that these general check-ups are carried out at most once a year.
    "It is commonly reported that sick prisoners have difficulty in obtaining admission to hospital or that transfer to hospital has been deliberately delayed. The authorities have responded to these complaints by stating either that hospital treatment was not necessary or that the hospital would not accept the patient.
    "This is of particular concern as in most prisons the infirmaries are badly equipped  and would generally meet only the most basic needs. Only one prison in Turkey —Sagmalcilar Prison in Istanbul— has its own hospital facilities. In August 1987, 56 of the 2,829 inmates were in the prison hospital, another 71 were receiving treatment in outside hospitals. In November 1987 Sagmalcilar Military Prison, which had been closed in February 1986 because of poor hygiene conditions, was reopened. This prison is now called Sagmalcilar L-type Prison or Sagmalcilar  II. On 10 January 1988 Kubilay Akpinar, former editor of the journal Günese Cagri  (Call to the Sun) and on trial membership in the illegal Turkish Communist Party/Union(TKP/B) wrote a complaint which was smuggled out of prison. In his letter Kubilay Akpinar, who in August/September 1987 had allegedly been tortured for 20 days during interrogation, said that he and another 25 political prisoners had been transferred to the E-type prison on 22 December 1987, but only two weeks later had they been examined by a doctor. He alleged that seven prisoners who were seriously ill and needed hospital treatment had not been transferred to the nearby hospital (200 m) although the doctor had ordered their transfer. Only three of them had been taken to hospital two days later. The denial of medical treatment was based on the refusal by prisoners in pre-trial detention to wear the prison uniform. Only those prisoners who agreed to wear prison uniforms were taken to hospital.
    "In cases where prisoners held in small towns have medical needs requiring sophisticated treatment they must be taken to either Istanbul or Ankara, but even then only very few hospitals accept prisoners as patients. Political prisoners held in military prisons are most commonly treated at military hospitals with security provisions.
    "In smaller towns the state hospitals normally accept prisoners, but in Adana for instance, with several hundred prisoners, the state hospital has only one ward for prisoners which takes a maximum of 10 patients. On 5 July 1987 Yeni Gündem  reported that prisoners in Samsun State Hospital were chained to their beds and that all prisoners in Ankara's Numune Hospital had been chained to their beds over long periods (apparently in 1984). Halil Kirik, for example, a member of the illegal Kurdish Workers' Party (PKK), was waiting for a second heart operation and was chained to his bed there for weeks until the operation could be carried out. Hakki Zabçi, who spent 32 months in Mamak Military Prison, is reported to have spent four to five months in chains at Gülhane Military Hospital in 1983.
    "Chains appear to be used frequently when prisoners are treated outside the prisons. In order to prevent a prisoner's escape from hospital two guards usually stand watch (often in addition to the constraint of the prisoner by chains). From Izmir the following incident was brought to the attention of Amnesty International. On 1 May 1986 Adnan Kirtay was taken from Buca Prison to Tepecik Chest Hospital for treatment of tuberculosis and on the orders of the military commander was chained to his bed with two guards at his side. When the doctor demanded that the patient be untied for treatment the guards refused to remove the chains, citing their orders. Kirtay remained chained to his bed until his discharge from hospital on 24 July 1986.
    "On 11 August 1986 Yeni Gündem  reported on Ümit Kaya, a political prisoner who spent 27 months in Diyarbakir Military Prison after 1981 and who is said to be still suffering from the result of torture and ill-treatment in prison. In the article it was further alleged that he had been chained to his bed in Elazig Hospital for Mental Diseases for 45 days.
    "Abdülkadir Genelioglu, General Director for Prisons at the Ministry of Justice, said when asked by journalists what the government intended to do about the lack of space for prisoners in hospitals, in August 1987, that talks between his ministry and the Ministry of Health were taking place to discuss provision of secure wards in civil hospitals to allow them to take prisoners.
    "Many prisoners and former prisoners are reported to be suffering from mental illnesses related to torture and ill-treatment in detention and prison. On 11 August 1986 Yeni Gündem  reported that Hüseyin Simsek, who had been imprisoned for several years in Metris Military Prison, was mentally ill. In the same article Mustafa Coskun is mentioned as being still in the same prison since 1981. He had been detained at the age of 17 and spent seven months in Haydarpasa Hospital. Frequently he does not recognize his mother during visits. Veysi Kubat, a defendant in the Ankara Devrimci Yol (Revolutionary Path) trial, held in Mamak Military Prison, was reported in August 1987 to have become violent towards fellow-inmates, screaming at night and requiring sedatives.
    "The Turkish Medical Association (Türk Tabipleri Birligi,  TTB) has taken a strong position against torture, the death penalty and on other human rights issues. Their concern for human rights led to the submission of a letter dated 7 October 1985 to the State authorities asking for the abolition of the death penalty. In accordance with a decision of the 34th Assembly of the World Medical Association in 1981 they particularly wanted doctors to be excluded from being present during executions. Six members of the Central Council of TTB were charged with an offence under the Law on Associations which prohibits political statements by associations. After a long trial they were all acquitted on 26 September 1986 by Ankara SSC.
    "At the end of 1986 the TTB drafted a Statute for Ethics in the Medical Profession in an attempt to come into line with internationally agreed standards. Although this statute has not passed all legal hurdles it is supposed to become the new basis for a revised Hippocratic Oath. Article 16 of the statute presents a clear position on torture and the death penalty and medical care for prisoners."


    Twelve Ankara residents including seven expatriates and five Turks went on trial on May 26, 1988, in Ankara's second criminal court on charges of conducting "illegal Christian propaganda" in Turkey. In the initial hearing, the defendants categorically denied possession of outlawed materials or any violation of Turkey's secular code of laws.
    The Ankara case is one of three now in process in Turkish courts against the allegedly illegal activities of both expatriate and Turkish Christians in Turkey.
    Since a spate of newspaper articles and police investigations began this past February, more than 60 individuals including 40 Turks calling themselves "me-sih inanlilari" (believers in the Messiah" have been put under police detention and interrogated in the cities of Samsun, Gaziantep, Eskisehir, Adana, Izmir, Iskenderun, Ankara and Mersin.
    In the first case begun May 12, West German businessman Stefan Pilz and three Turks were formally charged with subverting the State's secular principles for their own religious ends under article 163.
    Another case foes into its third hearing at the State Security Court in Malatya, where two Turkish Christians from Gaziantep are charged with "disseminating Christian propaganda."
    At the Ankara trial, one of the defendants, a 27-year-old teacher said: "Of course I have copies of the New Testament and other books relating to Christianity in my home. I have them because I am a believer in Christ. That is not against the law."
    Meanwhile, two of the expatriate defendants have been suspended from their jobs, and one of the Turkish defendants in effect has been demoted and exiled to a perfunctory post in a provincial town.
    Two English teachers at the Middle East Technical University and the Hacettepe University, American Steve Wibberely and British Julian Lidstone were given notice of dismissal from their posts. Both teachers, contesting the arbitrary firing, announced that they would have recourse to the Administrative Court.


    Despite all the efforts of intimidation by the by the regime, teachers have continued to resist.     After the military coup of 1980, the Teachers' Association (TOB-DER) has been closed down, its leading members arrested and condemned and thousands of teachers dismissed from their teaching posts for their opinions. A group of the leading members of TOB-DER, including Chairman Gültekin Gazioglu, are still exiled in Europe.
    Since professing teachers are forbidden to form or to join unions, their retired or dismissed colleagues have set up a new organization under the name of Educators' Association (EGIT-DER), which marks a concrete step in teachers' struggle.
    On behalf of the founding members, Chairman Ali Bozkurt held a press conference on February 16, 1988 and said:
    "Under ever worsened living conditions and administrative pressures teachers are forced to leave their profession, or forced to find a second or a third job to earn their living. Starting from Ministry to schools, from the top to the bottom, the administrative structure is used as a means of political repression . In the world Turkey is the only country that does not recognize teachers' right to form an association, let alone forming trade unions.
    "Basing on these facts and on the principle of the broadest unity of teachers, we who have carried on duties at different levels of teachers' associations before, have founded EGIT-DER. Our association seeks to cover professing teachers in state and private schools and all eligible teachers and professors. Although professing teachers cannot freely join to EGIT-DER, they could be honorary members."


    Although the majority of the population suffer from a constant impoverishment, balance sheets of giant Turkish holdings have verified that big business increased profits significantly in 1987.
    The top two, Koc Holding and Sabanci Holding increased their profits some 160 percent and 122 percent respectively in past year.
    When the consolidated sales of eight holdings are compared with the national budget set for 1988 which amounted to 10,900 billion TL, the growth of these holdings becomes more visible. Consolidated sales of eight holdings, Koc, Sabanci, Yasar, Dinckök, Ercan, Profilo, Alarko and Sise Cam totaled 11,000 billion TL in 1987, i.e. more than the national budget. This sum is also double that of the largest 10 State economic enterprises operating in the industrial sector.
    In terms of exports, the top eight holdings hold 12 percent of total exports last year. While the largest 91 SEEs had made a total of $569 million in exports in 1987, exports of the holdings mentioned above amounted to $1.1 billion.
    Koc Holding, chaired by Rahmi Koc, achieved the most rapid growth in terms of sales in 1987. Its total sales rose from 2.300 billion TL in 1986 to 4.200 billion TL last year.This amount was roughly equal to the total tax income of the State in 1987.
    The productivity of Koc Holding workers was above the average. In 1983, annual profit achieved by each worker at Koc Holding was 616,000 TL. This figure went up to 1.4 million TL in 1987.
    Sabanci Holding, operating in various sectors ranging from textiles to petrochemical industry keeps its top position since 1980 when taking into account its profits. Sabanci Holding's consolidated sales grew by 46 percent in 1987 from 2,100 billion TL to 3,200 billion TL. Its profits also showed a considerable rise in 1987 and attained 395 billion TL, representing a 122 percent rise over 1986's 178 billion TL.
    Last year, while Koc made an 8 TL profit for each 100 TL, Sabanci Holding's profit amounted to 12 TL.
    Annual profit created by each worker at Sabanci Holding increased from 533,000 TL in 1983 to 1.8 million TL in 1987.
    The number of employees is 34,260 at Koc Holding and 29,100 at Sabanci Holding.

    The European Parliament passed two resolutions on May 19-20, 1988, censuring Turkey on two separate counts, on the violations of human rights and the Cyprus issue.
    The first resolution condemns "flagrant violations of democratic rights" and demands the immediate release of 69 people arrested during the May Day celebrations in Istanbul. During the debate, General Ev-ren's remarks two weeks ago that if Turkey finds itself confronted with a situation reminiscent of the civil strife prior to 1980, the army would not hesitate to takeover again were criticized by the European parliamentarians.
    The first resolutions reads:
    "The European Parliament,
    "A. whereas May Day celebrations are still banned in Turkey, and have been since the coup d'état,
    "B. whereas, despite this ban, 8 Social Democrat MPs, including the President of the baned left-wing trade union Federation, DISK, laid a wreath at the monument of the Republic in the center of Istanbul in me-mory of the 34 demonstrators killed on 1 May 1977,
    "C. whereas, on that occasion, between 500 and 1,000 people, including many trade unionists, were violently dispersed by the police who made 69 arrests,
    "D. whereas these events had been preceded two days earlier by demonstrations against the high cost of living orchestrated by the two opposition leaders, Mr Inönü, President of the Social Democratic Populist Party, and Mr Demirel, President of the Correct Way Party, and by arrests following confrontations between students and the police at Istanbul University,
    "E. whereas, in the face of this rise in tension, the Turkish-President, Mr Kenan Evren, has pointed out that the army would intervene "to save democracy" if there was a return "to the chaos and terror" which preceded the coup d'état,
    "F. whereas the Turkish Government has still not responded to the appeal by the European Parliament for the release of political prisoners, in particular Mr Kut-lu and Mr Sargin,
    "1. Notes that the events connected with the ban on May Day celebrations are a sign of the Turkish Government's lack of determination to bring about significant improvements with regard to respect for human rights and basic freedoms;
    "2. Condemns these fresh, flagrant violations of democratic right by the government of a country which has concluded an association agreement with the EEC;
    "3. Calls for the release of all those imprisoned following the demonstrations, an objective inquiry into the circumstances surrounding the deaths which occurred on 1 May and the release of all political prisoners in Turkey;
    "4. Calls for the full restoration of trade union and political rights for all democratic groups which are currently banned;
    "5. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, the Foreign Ministers meeting in political cooperation and the Turkish Government."

    On the Cyprus Question

    The resolution that concerns Cyprus asks the foreign ministers to apply pressure on Turkey in order to force it to withdraw at least some of its troops from Cyprus, resettle Greek Cypriot refugees in Varosha near Famagusta and evacuate the families that were sent from mainland Turkey to Cyprus to settle.
    The resolution reads:
    "The European Parliament,
    "1. Calls on the Council, in order to facilitate the resumption and successful outcome of negotiations between the two communities, to devote special study to the possibility of an economic opening by the Community towards the Republic of Cyprus as a whole, the practical arrangements for such a move and its consequences, and also, in the long term, the question of Cyprus's possible accession to the Community;
    "2. Notes that the unlawful occupation of part of the territory of a country associated with the Community by the military forces of another country, also associated with the Community, presents a major stumbling block to the normalization of relations with the latter, viz; Turkey;
    "3. Asks the Foreign Ministers meeting in European political cooperation to consider the ways and means whereby a state of law might be re-established in Cyprus, and to devote particular attention to the possibility of a resumption of negotiations between the communities under the auspices of the United Nations Secretary-General, with the aim of conferring on the Republic of Cyprus the status of a federation, the constituent parts of which would be in proportion to the composition of the population, which would guarantee the rights of the two communities, free the island from the presence of all foreign troops and guarantee freedom of movement, freedom of establishment and the property of members of both communities, and ensure the security of both the Greek and Turkish communities, and to keep the European Parliament informed;
    "4. Expects the Foreign Ministers meeting in European political cooperation simultaneously to put pressure on the Turkish Government, which is linked to the EEC by an association agreement and is an applicant for membership, to draw up a precise timetable for the withdrawal of its troops, in accordance with the proposals made by the UN Secretary-General, and that of the Turkish settlers, and to take a number of positive steps in accordance with international law, in particular by withdrawing a considerable part of its contingent without waiting for the final agreement between the two communities to be concluded, and giving the refugees from Famagusta the opportunity to return to and settle freely in their homes and expects the European Parliament to be kept regularly up-to-date on the initiatives  adopted;
    "5. Asks the Foreign Ministers meeting in European political cooperation to pave the way for measures providing, in particular, for a rewriting of the school books on both sides to give each community a positive image of the other and to teach the younger generation to know one  another better, without hatred and in a spirit of respect for each other;
    "6. Also asks the Foreign Ministers meeting in European political cooperation to recommend partial agreements between the two communities on, among other things, technical, economic, cultural and sporting exchanges between the two parts of the Republic, and stresses that such exchanges are a means of enhancing mutual understanding and forestalling fresh complaints;
    "7. Emphasizes that the families of the missing people have a right to know the truth and calls on the Foreign Ministers meeting in political cooperation to redouble their efforts to find a positive solution, in agreement with the Greek-Cypriot authorities and the representatives of the Turkish-Cypriot community, to this humanitarian problem and suggests that they endeavor to obtain agreement from all the sides involved to call in the International Committee of the Red Cross to carry out a search mission unimpeded whenever it feels it can uncover relevant facts:
    "8. Draws the Ministers' attention to the need to find a final solution to this painful problem without delay, particularly through the release of those missing people who might be detained in prison;
    "9. Points out that the cultural heritage of each people must be preserved and condemns the systematic policy of expunging the past and the Hellenic and Christian culture pursued by Turkey in the part of Cyprus occupied by its troops, as regards both the imposition of place-names and the disappearance or transformation of  the island's cultural heritage;
    "10. Views with deeps concern the legal action launched by the Turkish-Cypriot leader Mr Rauf Denktash against the leader of the largest Turkish-Cypriot opposition party Mr Özker Özgür for alleged libel; notes with alarm that the award of £100,000 damages against Mr Özgür by a Turkish-Cypriot court will, if implemented, lead to the closure of Mr Özgür's party office and newspaper and to his personal bankruptcy;
    "11. Asks the Foreign Ministers meeting in European political cooperation to make representations to the Turkish authorities and the representatives of the Turkish-Cypriot community to secure their agreement to UNESCO being entrusted with the task of preserving the Christian and Hellenic cultural heritage in the occupied part of the island;
    "12. Instructs its President to place a reconsideration of the Cyprus situation on the agenda for debate within a year of the adoption of this resolution;
    "13. Instructs its President to forward this resolution and the report of tis committee to the Commission, the Council, the Foreign Ministers meeting in European political cooperation, the Government of the Republic of Cyprus, the representatives of the Turkish-Cypriot community, the Governments of the Member States and the Turkish Government, the United Nations Secretary-General, the Director-General of UNESCO and the Secretary-General of the ICRC."
    However, in Ankara, Foreign Ministry spokesman said: "The resolutions are not of an important and serious character enough to merit an official ripeness."


    The International Press Institute held a three-day conference in Istanbul on May 9-11, 1988, with the participation of more than 200 journalists from 64 countries and adopted resolutions protesting press conditions in Turkey and five other troubled areas.
    The statement on Turkey cited improvements in the press but said it was concerned about "direct and indirect pressures on newspapers."
    "Those pressures include the jailing of journalists, increases in the price of government-produced newsprint, large fines against publications under the pretext of protecting minors and the withholding of advertising from certain newspapers by state banks, because they are critical of the government," said the statement.
    The IPI has demanded amnesty for the prosecuted journalists, claiming no one should be jailed for expressing opinions.


    Taking no heed of the criticisms by the IPI, Turkish authorities go on to prosecute journalists and publishers.
    Prior to the conference, on May 5, responsible editor of the weekly 2000e Dogru, Mrs. Fatma Yazici, was sentenced by a criminal court in Istanbul to 16 months in jail for not revealing the name of the reporter who wrote an article criticizing General Evren.
    The first day of the conference, in Ankara, the monthly review Toplumsal Kurtulus was confiscated and its responsible editor, Felemez Ak was arrested for some articles appeared in the May issue.
    On the second day of the conference, copies of Henry Miller's Tropic of Capricorn were confiscated for the second time. A court ruling made on March 22 directed that copies of the book be confiscated and burnt on grounds of obscenity. Thereupon, 40 publishing houses, in a joint action, prepared Tropic of Capricorn for print omitting the chapters that were found obscene, but adding as a prologue the verdict of the Obscenity Committee.
    The reason behind the book's confiscation for a second time before it appeared on the market in its new form was that the judge found the ruling of the Obscenity Court, printed as a prologue to the novel, obscene.
    The 40 publishers protested censorship in Turkey and called upon citizens and the press to join with them.
    Meanwhile, the weekly 2000e Dogru reported that the Training Department of the Naval Forces ordered all military schools under its command to burn 40 different books taking place in the school libraries. Among them are also many classical works written centuries ago.
    May 13, in Istanbul, two journalists from the daily Cumhuriyet, Cüneyt Arcayürek and Okay Gönensin were indicted for having criticized Prime Minister Ozal. They face a one-year prison term.
    May 16, a concert of folk singer Sadik Gürbüz, organized by the Human Rights Association, was banned by the order of the Governor of Ankara.
    May 22, the Governor of Kars ordered the confiscation of all copies of a musi-cassette, "Weary Democrat", created by another folk singer, Ahmet Kaya.
    May 26, university professor and the former chairman of the Union of Engineers, Prof. Sedat Ozkol was detained in Istanbul.


    On the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Socialist Party of Turkish Kurdistan (TKSP) addressed to the ONU, the European Parliament, the Council of Europe and to heads of state and government, a fourth report on the violation of Human Rights in Turkish-Kurdistan.
    In this report, the ambitious South-eastern Anatolia Project (GAP) of the Turkish Government is evaluated in the following terms:
    "The project consists of the construction of 15 dams and 18 power stations along the Tigris and Euphrates rivers. According to official statistics, after completion of this project, it should be possible to generate electricity at the level of 2.5 thousand megawatts a year. Additionally, an area of 18 million dönüm (an old Turkish area measure, 1 dönüm = 919 sq. meters), in the Kurdish provinces Urfa, Diyarbakir, Mardin, Adiyaman, Antep and Siirt can be irrigated. An increase in the profitability of the agricultural production is thereby expected. The GAP affects a region of Kurdistan in which the industrial sector is the most underdeveloped in Turkey. Here, half-feudal relations of production still prevail.A large portion of farming families do not own any land. In the above mentioned provinces, 43.8% of the farmers are landless. In Diyarbakir, this number lies at 48.5%, in Urfa even higher at 54%. While 4.5% of the population owns 60% of the land, 60% of the population has only 10% of the area at its disposal.
    "This unjust distribution presupposes that,a comprehensive land reform must be conducted so that the GAP benefits the majority of the population. But exactly this is what the feudal lords, big landowners, and Turgut Ozal's administration (cooperating with the others) don not want.
    "In the scope of land-reform it was planned primarily to give 2000 farmers 60 dönüm farmland each. Of the 2750 applications filed by farmers, only 825 were granted, since only these met the conditions. The conditions were as follows: the ability to read and write must be proven; the applicant may not have been convicted of an offense against the State." (Yeni Gündem, Nr. 67, June 14, 1987)
    "Running parallel to the irrigation, more and more machines are also used and modern applied economic methods are being utilized in the agricultural sector. The opening up to the market is also being accelerated. This situation will lead directly to the failure of the small landowners, and as a result, the loss of their property. To prevent this development, a well functioning cooperative system, for instance, must be established for the farmers. In addition, a granting of credit would make a higher outlay for agricultural capital goods possible for the farmers.
    "However, the Turkish Government does not give the slightest thought to such development. For those in the government, it is not a question of protecting the poor Kurdish farmers, but rather the pursuit of their own goals in the realization of GAP.
    "During the excursion to the GAP area, organized by the Turkish Foreign Ministry for foreign ambassadors, the Swedish ambassador made the following remarks: 'The energy produced by project will be used by industry in the west. The increase in production achieved through the irrigation and the profit thereby won will be to the advantage of the big landowners in the region. Will the big landowners reinvest this increased income in the region? Or will they transfer it to the cities?' (Cumhuriyet, June 6, 1987)
    "The results of the GAP will be a further impoverishment and consequent migration of the population from the land into the city, which causes an increase in unemployment. At this point, it should be pointed out that poverty and unemployment in Kurdistan are fare higher than the average for Turkey. Since there is no prospect for work in the Kurdish provinces, most of the migrant workers are forced to move into western Turkey. They try to find a job in the agricultural or industrial areas there. An estimated 5 million Kurds live in Turkey today - that is, outside of Kurdistan. The GAP will cause a drastic increase in this number.
    "The GAP proves to be particular benefit to the large domestic and foreign enterprises, and the big landowners in Kurdistan. Numerous firms, particularly from the USA and the Netherlands, have applied for property to establish latin-american style latifundia - large plantations. The administration in Ankara has signed contracts with US arms manufacturers on the construction of F-16 military aircraft. Consequently, the door to Kurdistan is opened for these firms. The Saudi Arabian capital is also interested in the GAP; the Turkish-Saudi Association is, meanwhile, undertaking some things to establish large plantations. The second largest concern in Turkey, Sabanci Holding (See: Fabulous profits of big business in this issue), has already bought up large areas of land.
    "The villages which encircle the planned dams are supposedly in the way of the irrigation and should therefore be depopulated. The village inhabitants affected are forced to leave this area. Neither house nor land is made available to them, nor are jobs offered. The regime offers the farmers only one alternative: migration into western Turkey.
    "On the other hand, however, the Turkish Government plans to settle the population from the Black Sea coast, s well as from the Marmara and Aegean regions, in Kurdistan. To make this area appealing to the Turkish population, the government propagates that this area will be made fertile as a result of the GAP. It would be worthwhile to emigrate there." (compare Tercüman, February 18, 1987 and Milliyet, June 21, 1987)
    (The full text of the report can be asked from P.O. Box 674 - 11421 Stockholm - Sweden)