A non-government information service on Turkey
Un service d'information non-gouvernemental sur la Turquie


13th Year - N°147
January 1989
38 rue des Eburons - 1000 Bruxelles
Tél: (32-2) 215 35 76 - Fax: (32-2) 215 58 60
 Rédacteur en chef: Dogan Özgüden - Editrice responsable: Inci Tugsavul


    The European Communities and its member states resort for years to every means for encouraging Turkish immigrant workers to return to their country. Since the stopping of immigration in 1974 until 1984, within a 10-year period, the number of Turkish citizens who left Europe for Turkey reached 1,199,718.
    Of these people, 512,770 were under the age of 18 when they returned to Turkey.
    These young people who were often born in Europe and had studied in European schools often face a dramatic situation in their country of origin where they undergo an antidemocratic, Islamist and chauvinist education. This drama was explained our November 1988 issue.
    The press clippings that we reprint here are more explicit.
    15-year old Melih Calaylioglu one of the immigrant children who returned home from the FRG. As he had freely done in German schools, Calaylioglu expressed his views on social and political problems of Turkey at the Karatas High School in Izmir. He was denounced to police by the school administration.
    On October 4, 1988, he was arrested by police on grounds that he made communist propaganda among his school mates. He was tried by the State Security Court of Izmir under the menace of a 8-year imprisonment.
    The court decided on December 29, 1988 to put him under the observation of the legal medicine in a view to determining whether or not he made communist propaganda in all conscience. The verdict of the court will be pronounced on the legal medicine's report.
    The executive and parliamentary organs of the European Communities who are in the process of accelerating their relations with the Turkish regime!
    May be you are in the opinion that the people of Turkey deserves a second class democracy and that all ongoing antidemocratic practices cannot considered as an obstacle before the development of Turco-European relations.
    What about this drama of 15-year old Melih as well as the others who have been forced to leave your countries due to your politics of repatriation? Aren't they the children of Europe rather than Turkey. Don't you feel a shred of responsibility in this drama?

    According to the daily Cumhuriyet of January 15, 1989, currently 23 journalists are in prisons.
Below are their names, their  periodicals and total of their prison terms
    Veli Yilmaz (Halkin Kurtulusu) 748 years,
    Kazim Arli (OncΩ) 22 years and 6 months,
    Abdullah Erdogan (Kitle) 36 years,
    Irfan Asik (Partizan) 111 years,
    Feyzullah Ozer (Kitle) 17 years and 6 months
    HΩseyin Ulgen (Genc Sosyalist) 12 years et 3 months,
    Ali Rabus ( Birlik Yolu) 17 years,
    Erhan Tuskan (Ilerici Yurtsever Genclik) 123 years,
    Candemir Ozler ( Savas Yolu) 23 years and 10 months,
    Mehmet Ozgen (Bagimsiz Turkiye and Devrimci Militan) 41 years,
    Nevzat Acan (Halkin Kurtulusu Yolunda Genclik) 21 years and 7 months,
    Alaattin Sahin (Halkin Yolu) 130 years,
    Osman Tas (Halkin Kurtulusu) 661 years and 2 months,
    Fikret Ulusoydan (Halkin Sesi) 66 years,
    Ilker Demir (Kitle) 30 years,
    Haci Ali Ozler (Emegin Birligi)
    Remzi Kucukertan (Devrimci Proletarya) 17 years and 6 months
    Kubilay Akpinar (Gunsece Cagri) 7 years and 6 months
    Ertugrul Mavioglu (Yeni CπzΩm) 3 years
    Sureyya Uri (Durum)
    Mehmet Resat GΩvenilir (Emegin Birligi) 29 years and 9 months
    GΩzel Aslaner (Halkin Birligi) 146 years.
    Three other journalists have been condemned in default to different prison terms and courts warrants issued for their immediate arrest in the case of capture:
    Mustafa TΩtΩncΩbasi (Halkin Sesi) condemned to 42 years; Dogan Yurdakul (Aydinlik) to 18 years and Aydogan BΩyΩkπzden (Aydinlik) to 136 years.
    Past year, five journalists have been released  from prison after having served their prison terms: Fuat AkyΩrek, Mustafa Colak, Galip Demircan, Ersan Sarikaya and Muhittin Gπktas.
    Mustafa YildirimtΩrk, responsible editor of Halkin Kurtulusu, escaped from prison in 1988 while serving his 155-year prison term. He is currently in West Germany as political refugee.


    In the last year, public prosecutors started more than 500 different penal or civil actions against daily newspapers and other periodicals.
    303 of these actions are against daily newspapers: Tan underwent 71 legal proceedings, GΩnaydin 54, GΩnes 47, Sabah 40, HΩrriyet 36, Milliyet 20, Cumhuriyet 17, Ulus 11, Milli Gazete 6, TΩrkiye 1.
    As for the weekly or monthly periodicals, they underwent about 200 legal actions. While the weekly 2000e Dogru was indicted in 43 different legal actions, the number of penal actions against monthly reviews as follows: Yeni CπzΩm 8, Emek DΩnyasi 4, GΩnese Cagri 3, Emegin Bayragi 3, Vardiya 2, Yeni Demokrasi 6, Cagdas Yol 3; Medya GΩnesi, Ilk Adim, BΩlten, Toplumsal Kurtulus, Yeni ∏ncΩ, Genclik DΩnyasi and Demokrat Arkadas one each.
    Responsible editor of 2000e Dogru, Mrs. Fatma Yazici was already condemned to 2 years and 4 months imprisonment. The chief editor of the same weekly, Mr. Dogu Perincek was condemned to 17 years and 6 months in prison.
    In addition to the above-mentioned political periodicals, some magazines such as Playboy, Playmen, Bravo and Erkekce have been the subject of legal actions for having published articles or photos which are considered "harmful to minors" by the virtue of a law adopted by the Ozal's majority in the Parliament.

    1.12: Two editors of Hedef Publication House, Nurettin Karakoc and Mehmet Demir, are taken into custody.
    5.12: A prison term of  3 months and 15 days against Necmettin Kurucu, responsible editor of the daily Inanis in Zonguldak, is ratified by the Court of Cassation.
    6.12, responsible editor of the monthly Toplumsal Kurtulus, Mr. Felemez Ak, is taken into custody.
    8.12, public prosecutor opens a legal action against famous folk singer Cem Karaca for his new musi-cassette. He is accused of weakening religious sentiments.
    9.12, editor Asuman Ozcan is brought before the State Security Court of Istanbul for having published Losovsky's work on trade unions. He faces a 7.5-year prison term.
    14.12, the last issue of the mothly Yeni Acilim is confiscated and its responsible editor, Sefik Calik, is interrogated by the prosecutor of the State Security Court of Istanbul.
    15.12, the trial of two distinguished intellectuals, lawyer Halit Celenk and editor Muzaffer Erdost starts at the State Security Court of Ankara.
    20.12, chief editor of the weekly 2000e Dogru, Mr. Dogu Perincek is condemned to a prison term of 17 months and 15 days by a criminal court in Istanbul for an article about AtatΩrk's views concerning God and Islam religion. Responsible editor Fatma Hikmet Yazici is condemned a fine of 135,000 Turkish Liras for publishing the said article. For quoting this article, two editors of the daily Yeni Nesil, Bunyamin Ates and Sabahattin Aksakal too are condemned to 17-month prison each.
    21.12, six journalists are indicted by the State Security Court of Ankara for issuing a press communiqué against the Iraqi Government's using chemical weapons on Kurds. Nadir Nadi Usta (from Yeni Asama), Hatice Onat (Emegin Bayragi), Metin Faruk Tamer (Isci DΩnyasi), Riza Resat Cetinbas and Mehmet Ali Cakiroglu (Yeni Demokrasi) and Can GΩlsenoglu (Medya GΩnesi) face prison terms of up to 6 years each.
    22.12, Secretary General of the United Communist Party of Turkey (TBKP), Haydar Kutlu, is indicted once more by the State Security Court of Ankara for book collecting his speeches and writings.
    27.12, the December issue of the monthly Yeni CπzΩm is confiscated and three members of the editorial board, Recep GΩler, Ilker Alcan and Meral Coskun are taken into custody. A group of 42 people protesting against this arrest are also detained by police.
    28.12, police, on the decision of the State Security Court of Ankara, confiscates 3,300 copies of a book entitled The journal of Death Under Torture , written by poet Nihat Behram. The book puts in evidence police's torturing to death. The same court had ordered the confiscation of 15,000 copies of another book written by the same author. Nihat Behram is one of the Turkish intellectuals deprived of Turkish nationality because of his opinions and is currently in the FRG.
    29.12, famous Turkish sociologist Dr. Ismail Besikci is detained by police for an interview he gave to the monthly OzgΩr Gelecek. He spent more than ten years of his life in prisons for his academic works criticizing the State's repressive policy against the Kurdish people and culture.
    30.12, thousands of new year cards illustrated with Picasso's drawings and worded with verses of Pablo Neruda and Nazim Hikmet are confiscated by police.


    In a move to charm public opinion and especially intellectuals, General Evren gave a reception to outstanding Turkish artists, sportpersons and journalists at the Presidential Palace on January 9, 1989.
    However, many distinguished intellectuals such as septuagenarian humorist Aziz Nesin, film director Atif Yilmaz, musician Ilhan Irem, actor Genco Erkal, poets Melih Cevdet Anday and Cahit Kulebi, writers and novelists Adalet Agaoglu, Ferit Edgu, Furuzan, Tarik Dursun and Ilhan Berk did not attend Evren's party though they were invited.
    Nesin, also chairman of the Turkish Writers' Union (TYS), said after receiving his invitation: "He once described me as a traitor in speeches he made at rally grounds. Now he is trying to be sympathetic. I am not playing his game."
    When 1,380 Turkish intellectuals submitted a petition to Evren in 1984 protesting the injustices and anti-democratic practices of his regime, he said he didn't have any need for such intellectuals who in the past had committed treason against their country.
    Thereupon, Aziz Nesin sued Evren for his comments. Since Turkish tribunal refused to deal with this affair against Evren, Nesin brought  the case past year to the European Commission of Human Rights.


    In its press freedom report for 1988, the London-based International Press Institute has described the relations between the press and the government in Turkey as "extremely tense."
    IPI points to the long prison sentences given to the editors and writers of left-wing publications. The report says the prison sentences handed down to such people add up to 5,000 years.
    The Motherland Party (ANAP) government is criticized in the report for applying economic pressure on the newspapers by raising the price of newsprint.


    Turkish authorities showed once more their double-faced attitude when they extradited five and arrested three of eight self-exiled left-wing activists who returned home on December 10, to mark the 40th anniversary of the signing of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
    As the eight arrived on three separate flights originating from London, Copenhagen and Frankfurt, police accompanied them to isolated rooms at the Istanbul Airport.
    Five of them, trade unionists Nafiz Bostanci, Murat Tokmak, Ekrem Aydin, Turan Ata and lawyer Beria Onger, president of the Progressive Women Association, were immediately put on the planes that brought them home. Police announced that they were extradited because they are no more Turkish citizens. A number of European parliamentarians, lawyers and journalists accompanying the exiles also returned with the five.
    Green-helmeted riot police cordoned off the entrance to the airport, keeping out the supporters and relatives of the exiles.
    Three of the exiles, engineer Nurettin Yalcin, woman activist Yuksel Selek and youth activist Haluk Tan Ipekci, were detained because they still had Turkish nationality while the other five had lost their citizenship with government decrees issued after 1980.
    The detained three exiles were released a few days after interrogations.
    The forcing of the five to return to Europe sparked a public controversy. According to the State Security Court of Ankara, the arrest warrants issued earlier about the five exiles were valid even if the defendants had lost their Turkish nationality.
    A social democrat deputy, Kemal Anadol, pointed to earlier examples such as the return of Yahya Demirel, the nephew of former prime minister Demirel, who had an arrest warrant against him on charges of fraud, and Cem Karaca, a folk singer. He said the two were accepted when they returned last year.
    In his earlier statements, Prime Minister Turgut Ozal had said that all those who are exiled abroad or deprived of Turkish nationality could return home without fear and ,if there is a legal pursuit against them, they could rely on the Turkish justice.
    This last practice proved  that Ozal does not respect to his own words, let aside the international norms of law.


    4.12, in Istanbul, a university assistant and 12 young people are arrested on charge of distributing tracts of outlawed left-wing organization Dev-Sol and carrying out unauthorized meetings.
    5.12, three teachers and 12 other people are detained in Ankara.
    7.12, fourteen alleged members of the Communist Party of Turkey/Union (TKP/B) are arrested in Ankara.
    14.12, Istanbul police arrest twelve people suspect of being TKP/B members.
    16.12, the martial law tribunal No.2 of Istanbul sentences four members of the Liberation Army of Northern Kurdistan (TKKKO) to life-prison, one to 16 years and three others 11 years each.
    19.12, five members and 24 sympathizers of an outlawed organization are arrested in Mardin.
    20.12, the State Security Court of Ankara sentences seven members of Acilciler (Emergency Group) to prison terms of up to 16 years and 8 months. One of the condemned, Hilal Aydin will serve two years and one month of his prison term in solitary confinement.
    21.12, former Diyarbakir Mayor Mehdi Zana is being tried before the martial law tribunal of Diyarbakir for a declaration he made in a review in favour of the Workers' Party of Kurdistan (PKK).
    22.12, the martial law court of Diyarbakir sentences four alleged members of the National Liberation of Kurdistan (KUK) to prison terms of up to 20 years. Same day, a new case is opened against three alleged PKK members.
    23.12, twenty people, supporters and parents of political prisoners, are indicted by the State Security Court of Ankara for having carried out an authorized sit-in action within the National Assembly building. All face prison terms of up to three years.
    27.12, in Ankara, 17 people are arrested for distributing tracts and hanging placards on walls.
    28.12, the trial of nine alleged members of PKK begins at the State Security Court of Izmir. Public prosecutor claims capital punishment for five defendants.
    31.12, security forces announce the arrest of 11 alleged members of PKK in the district of Suruc of the Sanliurfa province.


    While thousands of political prisoners are being kept in jails, well-known "godfathers" of the Turkey's underworld are being freed one after the other. The number of those who were released from prison during the past 12 months increased to 68.
    Recently, on January 3, Dundar Kilic, a leading figure in Turkey's underworld, and his 18 friends were acquitted by a military court in Diyarbakir. So, the mopping up operation launched against mobsters by the military regime in the early 1980s came to an abrupt end.
    Kilic, 52, was facing a possible death sentence for smuggling a total of 74 kilos of heroin and 317 kilos of hash out of Turkey between 1979 and 1983. He was also accused of violating the firearms law and threatening a number of his opponents. The court ruled that there was no conclusive evidence to prove the validity of charges brought against the defendants.
    After his release, Kilic said: "They have stolen my freedom for five years as a result of a plot hatched by Attila Aytek (former director of the contraband department of police headquarters) and Mehmet Eymur (former contraband section chief of the National Intelligence Agency)." Also blaming a number of businessmen and publishers for the years he spent in prison, Kilic added: "Every single one of them is going to account for it. I am in possession of information which will make the whole country jump."   


    The unrest in Turkish prisons continued despite the ending of hunger strikes on the promise to ameliorate prison conditions.  Following the discovery early January of a 18-meter escape tunnel dug by inmates, the Sagmalcilar Prison administration in Istanbul tightened security with added restrictions on inmates, leading to complaints by the prisoners, their relatives and supporters.
    Inmates said that they were beaten by the guards and soldiers and tear gas was used during searches conducted the wards. Many political prisoners were put in solitary confinement. They were not able to see their relatives because the prison administration suspended their visitation rights.
    An inmate who was released recently said that the prisoners barricaded the corridors of the prison to prevent further action by the security officers.
    On January 11, a group gathered at the prison to protest living conditions, but they were assaulted by the security forces and two men and a woman were taken into custody.


    Amnesty International charged in its latest report released on January 4 that the Turkish Government has launched an intensive public relations exercise to improve its image abroad, but has taken no effective steps to improve its "appalling human rights records."
    The AI report came four days after Prime Minister Ozal's New Year message in which he said Western standards for human rights had been adopted. "AI received reports of torture virtually daily during the last two months. The abuses are the latest in a catalog of human rights violations occurring in Turkey during the 1980s. They have resulted in thousands of cases of torture and over 200 suspicious deaths in custody," said the report.
    Prime Minister Ozal ruled out the existence of any systematic torture in Turkey since he came to power in 1983.
    However, Chairman of the Turkish Human Rights Association (IHD), Nevzat Helvaci, confirmed the AI report: "We receive similar complaints on the abuse of human rights almost every day. Suspicious deaths in custody are continuing.
    The president of the Turkish Bar Association, Teoman Evren, in a recent statement, said the Turkish judicial system allows inequities that lead to torture, arbitrary arrest and the imprisonment of innocent defendants.
    "According to the Turkish legal system, a person can be detained without seeing his lawyer for up to 15 days. This, of course, results in contradictory testimony by the detained person. Sometimes they are forced to lie because of torture, while some not subjected to torture might lie in a country where this act is widespread. If a lawyer were allowed to see the detainee immediately then the police or security officials would not resort to torture for fear of discovery," Mr. Evren said.
    There are an estimated 5,000 prisoners of conscience in Turkey. Since the September 12, 1980 coup 70,000 people were tried on charges of violating articles 141 and 142 of the Turkish Penal Code. Of these, 50,000 were sentenced imprisonment and 5,000 are still in prison.
    "There are a lot of defendants staying in prison for more than eight years without a conviction," Mr Evren said and accused the judges of ordering arbitrary arrests and tolerating police who exceed their authority. In a recent incident, Mehmet Dogan 29, who spent his last seven years in prison, was set free after a long trial in which the prosecutor had demanded a death sentence on charges of murder. "Seven years of my life were lost. Who will pay for them?" were Dogan's first remarks after being released.


    The International Tribunal against the 12 September Regime in Turkey, after hearing many witnesses form Turkey on December 10-11, 1988 in Kπln, arrived to the conclusion that the regime set up by the military is guilty of violating human rights.
    The tribunal was composed of the following personalities:
    Writer Ingrid Segerstedt-Viber, historian Hjπrdis Levin, VPK member Tommy Franzen from Sweden; constitutional judge Prof. Martin Hirsch, writer Helmut Frenz, writer Max von der GrΩn, Professor Norman Paech, Deputy Ellen Olms, human rights activists Tilman ZΩlch and Susanne Rieger, Medico International member Hans Brandscheidt, feminist Anitta Kalpakka from the FRG; Culture Minister Ernesto Kardenal from Nicaragua; deputy and writer Jean Zigler, lawyer Mautinot Laurent, lawyer Christian Ferrazino from Switzerland; European deputy Jef Ulburghs from Belgium; writer Karam Khella from Egypt; writer Bahmand Nirmuand from Iran; trade unionist Auke Idzenga from the Philippines; Philipe Mogkadi from the Pan African Congress.
    During the session, the tribunal listened to the witness of journalist Dogan ∏zgΩden, writer ∏mer Polat, poet Nihat Behram, DISK representative YΩcel Top, Teachers' Association Chairman GΩltekin Gazioglu, lawyer Serafettin Kaya and many victims of repression and torture.
    In his verdict, the tribunal said:
    - All political, administrative and legal practices of the regime must be annulled,
    - A general amnesty must be adopted for all political prisoners, capital punishment lifted, torture and inhuman practices in prisons stopped,
    - The right to self determination must be recognized for all peoples living in Turkey and political exiles must be allowed to return home,
    - All those who are responsible for repression must be tried and punished,
    - Freedom of organizing must be recognized to all trade unions and political parties,
    - European countries must not invite the members of the military junta who are guilty of violating human rights. Turkey must be called to respect all international conventions that she signed,
    - Turkish adhesion to the European Communities must be depended on the condition to guarantee the respect to human rights,
    - All aid to the present Turkish regime must be stopped.


    The President of the Supreme Administrative Court, Orhan Tuzemen, became on December 12, the second high-level judge in recent months to criticize the constitutional system introduced by the military.
    Tuzemen said the 1982 Constitution was untenable because it is the product of a military coup. "This (constitutional system) reflects the logic behind a military takeover. Those who came to power in this way claimed that their words were above the constitution. They ruled that whatever they said should be considered a constitutional amendment, said Tuzemen, speaking to journalists a few days before he retired.
    In September, the chief judge of the Turkish Court of Cassation, Ahmet Cosar, had criticized the Turkish legal system at the opening of the judicial year.
    Tuzemen said he was against crimes of conscience and supported free expression of all ideas in Turkish society. He said General Evren did not put all his weight behind stopping the turmoil in the country before the military takeover despite the nation-wide martial law.
    Chief judged also said concessions have been given to reactionaries with the introduction of compulsory religion courses in high schools.


    The Constitutional Court, on December 6, 1988, rejected a demand by the Chief prosecutor to disband the Socialist Party (SP) on the grounds the party violated constitutional rules. The prosecutor had claimed that SP's program and statutes were aimed at "establishing the dictatorship of a class" in Turkish society.
    The SP is the first political party founded by the people of Marxist orientation.
    Of the 11 judges in the Constitutional Court, nine voted against the legal argument by the Prosecutor.
    Ferit Ilsever, chairman of SP, said this decision has contributed to the establishment of democracy in Turkey despite the efforts of certain circles to banish a socialist party from the political scene.
    On the other hand, IHD Chairman Nevzat Helvaci and 10 other executive members were acquitted of all charges of involving the association in political activities on December 13, 1988. An Ankara criminal court also rejected the prosecutor's claim to close the organization.
    In the ruling, the judge said opening a campaign for the discontinuation of the death penalty and requesting a general amnesty cannot be considered as activities that contradict the objectives of IHD.
    However, in another administrative action in the province of Izmit, on December 6, the governor banned the activities of the local branch of the IHD on grounds that hunger strikers protesting against prison conditions carried out their action in the association's building. Public prosecutor announced that a legal proceeding will be started against the local IHD officials.


    The Human Rights Association of Turkey (IHD) has been proposed as candidate for the 1989 European Human Rights Prize of the Council of Europe.
    The Concertation for Peace and Development, a body grouping all movements for peace and aid to development in french-speaking part of Belgium, in a letter addressed on December 30, 1988, to the Secretary General of the Council of Europe, said:
    "Campaigns of sensibilisation of Turkish and international opinion to the problems of human rights in Turkey have been carried out past three years by the Human Rights Association of Turkey. The principal themes were:
    "1. a campaign in 1987 against torturing political prisoners
    "2. a campaign in 1988 on the prison conditions in Turkey
    "3. a campaign in 1988 for the abolition of capital punishment.
    "The existence and representativity of this human rights association were revealed by a broadcast of Belgian Television on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
    "The member organization of the Concertation or Peace and Development, representing all political and philosophical tendencies, estimate that the choice of the Human Rights Association of Turkey for the European Human Rights Prize could be a decisive encouragement for deepening of the process of democratization of public life in Turkey, member of the Council of Europe.


    The EC/Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee, whose work was frozen after the 1980 military coup, met from 17 to 19 January in Strasbourg, chaired by Belgian Liberal Mr Beyer and Turkish deputy Bulent Akarcali. At this first meeting, the committee held a long debate on the question of human rights in Turkey.   
    The two delegations will pursue their dialogue in Ankara, from 24 to 26 April. Vice-chairman of the EP delegation Mr. Fellermaier (German Social-Democrat) said at a press conference that MEPs hope to use this occasion to put a series of questions on the human rights situation in Turkey to the Turkish internal and justice ministers. A catalogue of questions will be put to them beforehand.
    Concerning democracy and respect of human rights, Mr. Beyer said that he had held a "real debate" on these questions, a debate characterized by "openness and sincerity" as well as "pluralism" on the part of both delegations. Welcoming the fact that Turkey had ratified the convention on the repression of torture, Mr. Beyer said one could only be satisfied "once torture ceased to exist, and once there are no more prisoners of conscience." He added that the European and Turkish MPs evoked the problems of penal code in Turkey, mass trials, the return of exiled politicians and also the Kurds, "by calling a spade a spade" (the Turkish MPs expressed, on this, points of view which often were "completely opposed.")
    What is much astonishing, in the Turkish delegation, even the representatives of the main opposition party, SHP, expressed their reaction against the criticism coming from their European counterparts. The SHP Secretary General, Mr. Deniz Baykal, said they do not need a lesson on this subject from European deputies, although he accepted that human rights are not completely respected by the Turkish government.
    Regarding the implementation of the Association Accord, the MEPs raised in particular the problem of access to the Turkish market: thus Mr. Fellermaier cited the imposition of taxes and other restrictions on the part of the Turkish authorities which with one hand lift (by taxes) what they gave with the other (by the dismantling of custom duties). Mr. Akarcali for his part said that regarding textiles, Turkey could, if the Community lifted its quotas, decide very rapidly to apply a zero rate for imports from the Community. "We too are able to take up challenges," he said.
    Another decision taken by the Joint Committee: That of asking the Association Council to prepare a report on relations between Greece and Turkey, as they are foreseen by the Ankara Accord of 1963. The Joint Committee evoked not only Turkey's request for membership of the Community, but also the implementation of the Ankara Accord, and in particular the trade disagreements between the Community and Turkey.
    It is noteworthy that one of the principal figures of the Turkish delegation is Mr. Mehmet Kececiler, chief of the fundamentalist wing of the ruling ANAP, who is known as a fierce opponent of the European Community and as a partisan of the Turkish adhesion to the world Islamic community. (See: "Dangerous escalation of Extreme-right in Turkey", Info-TΩrk, December 1988).


    According to Turkish Dateline of January 7, 1989, in a letter sent to the Spanish Government, which is chairing the European Communities for the current term, the Association of European Homosexuals said relations should be frozen until the Turkish Government adopts measures to improve the living conditions of homosexuals in the country. The letter claimed that Turkey practices discrimination against its homosexuals and transvestites condemning them to live in "pitiable conditions."


    According to the daily Dateline of January 7, 1989 will be a "difficult year" for the Turkish economy. Turkey's greatest problem is inflation, which at one stage neared 90 percent and is causing turmoil in the economy, distorting income distribution and creasing the State's borrowing requirements.
    A broad belt-tightening program, approved by both the IMF and the World Bank, is being put into effect. New tax packages were prepared and introduced on January 1st. Due to this program, the stagnation which set in in the second half of 1988 will affect all markets.
There are no new investments in the 1989, program, already approved by the government. This year, funds will be reserved only for ongoing investments, forcing the State, which is the biggest customer in the market, to tighten its demand. A drop in industrial and construction sectors may lead to further stagnation.
    The State is carrying a heavy burden of foreign and domestic debt. At the end of 1988, foreign debts totaled $36 billion and domestic debts, 20 trillion TL ($10 billion).  In the fear that it may not be possible to service these debts, the budget has been designed as a debt-servicing budget. Nearly half of the 38 trillion TL ($19 billion) budget will go on foreign and domestic debt. This means Turkey has to produce more and not consume all it produces.
    Price hikes will be applied on the products of State economic enterprises (SEEs). But this will affect the private sector which depends on SEE products. They too will increase the prices of their own products.
    Banks will miss the good times they had in 1988, a lucrative year for them. They will find it hard to place money collected at an interest rate of 85 percent. In addition, the crisis faced by industrialists, shopkeepers and merchants will have a direct impact on the banks.
    Workers and civil servants have been continuously suffering the most from inflation and tightening their belt since 1980. They have already lost more then 50 percent of their purchasing power in eight years.
    There has been injustice in the distribution of income for years, but since 1984, the disparity has increased. Most affected are workers, civil servants and farmers. Turkey's national income increases rapidly, but the income of these groups declines.
    The share of the national income received by workers and civil servants dropped from 21.4 percent in 1984 to 16.1 percent in 1988. Incomes in the agricultural sector fell from 20.1 percent to 16.5 percent over the same period. The major share of the national income is enjoyed by a small section of the population. Income provided from rent and interest transcations increased from 58.5 percent to 67.4 percent between 1984 and 1988.
    Civil servants will get no more than a 40 percent rise in 1989. It seems that 1989 will see hard collective bargaining between workers and employers. As employers are expecting stagnation, they will be cautious in collective labor negotiations.
    As for farmers, they have been tightening their belts since 1980. According to the government's agreement with the IMF this year, price increases on agricultural products will not exceed 40 percent.


    Trade union officials are predicting growing militancy among workers in 1989, saying workers are exerting greater pressure on unions to make concrete gains through contract negotiations.
    In past year, 2.8 million workdays were lost as 30,548 workers went out on strike in 503 workplaces.
    The new year will open with contract negotiations for about 650,000 workers in State Economic Enterprises. 14 thousand workers entered the new year on strike. Trade unions have already announced that 3,OOO workers would go on strike at the beginning of this year. Since collective bargainings failed for 52,000 workers, they are also expected to go on strike in a few months.
    The 1982 Constitution, drawn up by the military, limits unions' rights to call strikes, engage in collective bargaining and represent workers. About 500,000 workers in the public sector are forbidden to unionize and to go on strike, on the grounds they provide "essential services." Other workers in the public sector who are unionized face the threat of having disputes brought before the Supreme Arbitration Board for settlement, a government controlled body.
    Furthermore, the Progressive Trade Unions Confederation (DISK) is still banned and cannot take part in labour relations.
    Despite the promises given by the Turkish Government to the International Labor Organization (ILO) to ameliorate the social legislation, no step has been taken in past year.

    A new banking scandal resulted in the resignations of Deputy Prime Minister Kaya Erdem and bank manager Bulent Semiler, one of the prime minister's promising young bureaucrats.
    The scandal centers on businessman Kemal Horzum who is on trial in Ankara for embezzling $80 million from the government-owned Emlak Bank.
    The daily Hurriyet of December 12 alleged that Horzum had relations with a "senior cabinet member". The story claimed Horzum opened bank accounts in Switzerland on behalf of this minister's brother, to be used for fictitious exports.
    Although the newspaper did not name the minister, it printed a silhouette which left little doubt that the cabinet member in question was deputy premier Kaya Erdem.
    Erdem, tipped off by his sources that the report originated with Bulent Semiler, the general manager of Emlak Bank, asked Ozal either he had to fire Semiler or go on running the government without his deputy premier. Although Semiler, on Ozal's suggestion, resigned from his post as head of Emlak Bank, he was immediately nominated as Prime Minister's chief advisor for banking affairs.
    Meanwhile, Hurriyet published excerpts from Horzum's phone conversations monitored by the National Intelligence Agency (MIT). The excerpts revealed that the businessman told one of this friends on February 14, 1984, that he hot an appointment from Erdem.
    Thereupon, Erdem resigned from his post and said in his resignation letter: "The developments revealed serious differences between the prime minister and myself in the assessment of political life and government."
    Erdem has been Ozal's closest associate since the military coup of 1980. When Ozal became deputy prime minister in the first military government, Kaya Erdem too was named Finance Minister.
    In June 1982 when Turkey was living through the banker crash, Ozal and Erdem had to resign together from their government posts.
    A year later, the two men decided to set up the Motherland Party (ANAP) and try their chances in politics.
    The outcome of this new banking scandal has become a serious blow on Ozal's political carrier.
    The fact that Horzum's telephone conversations drew attention once more to illegal practices of the State's secret services. The main opposition SHP submitted a series of written questions to the speaker of the Parliament asking whether security forces are authorized to tap the telephones of citizens and whether the premier is routinely informed of such monitoring.


    Turkey comes fourth after the United States, Greece and Britain within the NATO in terms of military spending, according to the latest issue of the magazine Military Balance.
    The magazine, published by NATO, said military expenditures in the U.S. constitute 6.4 percent of the Gross National Product (GNP). In Greece the ratio is 6.3%. Britain and Turkey spend 4.9% and 4.7% of their GNP respectively for military purposes.
    The defense industry development administration (SAGEB) plans to complete in 1989 five out of 13 priority defense projects. The $10 billion projects are all open to investment by international and local companies.
    A high frequency radio project, under discussion for 13 years, is one of the five priority schemes; it will cost an estimated $700 million. There are three contenders for the contract: Plessey and Marconi from Great Britain, and Siemens from West Germany, but the real competition is said to be between the two British companies.
    A light transport aircraft project, costing $100 million is the second scheme. Bids were received last year from four contenders: Casa (Spain), DeHavilland (Netherlands), Nord America (USA) and Air Italy (Italy).
    A mobile radar project is required urgently by the Turkish armed forces, and entails the procurement of 14 advanced radar units. this project is estimated to cost $100 million. Westinghouse, General Electric and the Aydin Corporation (USA), Plessey/Marconi (Great Britain), Thomson CSF (France) and Sellenia (Italy) recently submitted their best final offers for the project.
    Another priority project is for 35mm gun radar. A training plane project will be integrated with the light transport aircraft scheme.
    Negotiations will also be started with the supplier of the light transport aircraft for 50 training planes.
    There are six other schemes which will be spread over 1990 and consecutive years.
    These projects are: F-16 radar project (estimated cost $80 million), low altitude air defense scheme ($75 million), mine sweepers project (estimated cost yet to be established), F/4-E modernization scheme ($50 million), M/113 modernization project ($150 million), composite fuel rocket engine project ($100 million).
    SAGEB signed two of the 13 contracts last year. One of them, for armored personnel carriers, is with the U.S. company FMC, and the local Nurol group. The other is for the local manufacture of F-16 aircraft. The formation of a corporation with foreign capital involvement for the carrier project is continuing.
    Another phase of the contract for the F-16 project relating to the aircraft's electronic equipment was signed with the U.S. Loral Corp. 111 electronic warfare systems will be assembled for the 160 F-16s manufactured in Turkey. This bidding was finalized in December following fierce competition among four companies, three American and one British.


    Prime Minister Ozal, speaking at a luncheon at Washington's National Press Club in December, said Western Europe might find Turkey's young population a key element in its defenses in the coming century. "Turkey's population now stands at 55 million. At the beginning of the next century it will reach 70 million. I must underline that this would be a very young population. Today, people who are under 14 constitute 42 percent of the population. When we look at West Germany, the elderly will be more than the young in this country's population," he said.
    Meanwhile, a report jointly drafted by experts from the NATO and US Congressmen said that Turkish troops may be deployed in Central Europe to counter the supremacy of the Warsaw Pact conventional forces. The report titled "NATO-Warsaw Pact, Balance of Conventional Forces" says NATO is not making use of Turkey's military power effectively and proposes to deploy certain Turkish military units in West Germany through a special bilateral agreement between the two NATO allies.
    Both Ozal's statement and the report triggered a public debate in Turkey. Former prime minister Suleyman Demirel, the leader of the opposition Correct Way Party (DYP), reacted to Ozal's statement by saying he did not want Turkish youths to serve as foreign legionnaires in Europe.
    On the other hand, Turkish press reports often that the German authorities envisage to enrol young Turkish migrants in a view to fill the gap of manpower in the German Armed Forces.


    After the seizure of the ruling ANAP's direction by the Holy Alliance (coalition of Pan-Turkists and Islam Fundamentalists), the second right-wing party in the Parliament, the Correct Way Party (DYP) of former premier Suleyman Demirel too began to shift to fundamentalist line.
    DYP deputy Ertekin DurutΩrk, known to be a very close to Demirel, proposed a bill in the Turkish National Assembly, asking for the Ayasofya (Haghia Sofia) to be reopened as a mosque and for the Koran to be read around the clock in the Holy Relics section of Topkapi Palace.
    The Ayasofya was built as a church by the Byzantine Emperor Justinian in 537 A.D. It was converted to a mosque after Mehmet the Conqueror captured Istanbul in 1453. A decree introduced in 1934 during AtatΩrk's regime converted the Ayasofya into a museum
    In the draft law, approved by the DYP's parliamentary group, DurutΩrk said: "Those who silenced the call to prayer from the minarets of Ayasofya in 1934 also destroyed the 417-year old tradition of reading the Koran in the Holy Relics Department of Topkapi Palace. This decision has been a pang of conscience for the Islamic Turkish Nation."
    The same demand had been raised also at the ANAP Convention in June 1988. (See: Info-TΩrk, December 1988).


    Should the government pay for the accommodation of foreign ballet dancers performing in Turkey or use that money for the promotion of Turks who made history? This was the latest bone of contention between the two rival factions of the ruling ANAP.
    The controversy surfaced while the Parliament debated the budget on December 21 the budget of the Ministry of Culture and Tourism. Talat Zengin, a conservative ANAP deputy, submitted a bill requesting the government shift 500 million TL ($280,000) allocated for the expenses of foreign ballet performers in Turkey to finance the promotion of Turkish historical personalities. The leading members of the so-called Holy Alliance, the pact of nationalists and Islamic fundamentalists within ANAP (See: Info-TΩrk, December 1988), openly called the deputies to support Zengin's bill. Even State Minister Yusuf Bozkurt Ozal, the younger brother of the prime minister took a stand favorable to Zengin's bill.
    Though the bill was defeated by the majority of the Parliament, the ruling party tried to appease angry conservatives by allocating an extra 500 million TL for the promotion of Turkish personalities and Turkish music in the culture and tourism minister budget.


    Should female students in universities be permitted to wear head scarves or not? The question, which has sparked debate for the past five years, is still one of the controversial topics of the Turkish political life. It arises because of the conflict between Ataturk's secular principles and the dictates of the Koran.
    Until the '70s, even in Imam Hatip high schools, institutions where the clergy are educated, girls were bareheaded. It is for the first time in 1968,  when the religious movement reappeared in the Turkish universities, one girl covered her head at the Ankara Faculty of Theology, and others followed suit. In a way it was a protest against secular university education.
    In 1983, the Supreme Education Council (YOK) prohibited both beards and the wearing of head scarves.
    In November 1988, the government majority in the National Assembly adopted a new law allowing university students to attend campus activities in Islamic attire. Although Evren vetoed the law on December 1, a majority of the ruling Motherland Party (ANAP), supported by the votes of the conservative opposition Correct Way Party (DYP), passed the same legislation in the Parliament with little change. The legislation was published in the Official Gazette on December 27.


    Harsh winter conditions in eastern Turkey killed three Kurdish refugees living in tent camps in Hakkari at the end of 1988 and left 1,000 villages isolated because of closed roads.
    Temperature fell below -10 degrees Centigrade in provinces such as Erzurum, Kars, Agri, Mus, Bingol, Tunceli, Van and Hakkari with three meters of snow covering the region, especially mountainous areas.
    Currently more than 40,000 Iraqi Kurdish refugees are living mostly in tent-camps in eastern Turkey. Since August, several thousand Kurdish refugees have been accepted by Iran and several hundred returned to Iraq following a promise of amnesty by the Baghdad regime.
    The talks concerning aid to be provided to refugees between Turkish Red Crescent and the UNHCR stalled when Turkey demanded $20 million in aid. The commission said it could only make a commitment of $5 million. The agreement would require Turkey to grant special supervision rights to the commission to oversee aid distribution. Turkish foreign ministry said it did not want to give these rights for a figure as low as $5 million.


    Ottoman archives on the massacre and deportation of Armenians at the turn of the century will be opened to local and foreign researchers within the next four or five months, Foreign Minister Mesut Yilmaz announced in a television program on January 2.
    In response to a question if a study of the archives had revealed any document against Turkey's stand, Prime Minister Ozal , at a press conference on January 4, said: "It doesn't matter. If any evidence is found against Turkey in those documents we will accept it as historic fact. We did not decide to open the Ottoman archives to researchers because we believe there is nothing against us there. In other words, research may reveal facts either against or in favour of the Ottomans."
    The controversial events led to claim that 1.5 million Armenians fell victim of genocide during the first two decades of the century.
    Classification of documents between 1691, the date of the first Ottoman paper referring to Armenians, and 1895 has already been completed. The experts are now working on documents dating from 1895 to 1923, the year when Turkey was proclaimed a republic.
    More than 100 million papers and 240,000 notebooks in the Ottoman archives are being sorted out by 400 experts nominated by the Turkish Government. Only five percent of the papers and 40 percent of the notebooks were classified during the last month.
    Dr. Mete Tuncay, who is known for his historical analyses critical of Turkey's official line, claimed experts have been combing Ottoman archives for the last four years, putting aside documents that do not support the state ideology.
    "They will open the archives only to those scientists who they believe will support the official line, such as Stanford Shaw," Dr. Tuncay said.
    Regarding the Ottoman archives, Dr. Tuncay said Turkey is only one of the inheritors among at least "two dozen" nations which one constituted the Ottoman Empire. "Such a multi-national archive should be put under multi-national control," he said.