A non-government information service on Turkey
Un service d'information non-gouvernemental sur la Turquie


14th Year - N°157
November 1989
38 rue des Eburons - 1000 Bruxelles
Tél: (32-2) 215 35 76 - Fax: (32-2) 215 58 60
 Rédacteur en chef: Dogan Özgüden - Editrice responsable: Inci Tugsavul

The Berlin Wall, the shame of the East, collapsed;
Turkish prisons, the shame of the West,
are still full of political prisoners


    A historical upheaval in the East: the Wall collapsed, Berlin is no more a prison city. The wave of freedom is conquering all Eastern countries. A process of democratization which moves all the peoples of the world to enthusiasm. Already the integration of Eastern countries such as Hungary, Poland and the GDR into the big European family is the main subject of the talks of European leaders. First step in this direction, Hungary has recently knocked at the door of the Council of Europe.
    The irony of circumstances: Turkey, one of the founders of the Council of Europe and an associate member of the European Communities is still a prison country. Always its jails are full of political prisoners; thousands of people are deprived of the right to travel abroad and hundreds of political opponents abroad stripped of their nationality. Still martial law tribunals are trying thousands of people, arrested after the 1980 coup, and State Security Courts are pursuing journalists, scholars, artists and even secondary school students for their opinions.
    While Eastern Europe is promptly getting rid of inhuman and antidemocratic practices, Turkey remains a shame to Western Europe.
    One of the principal authors of this shame, Turgut Ozal is now the President of the Turkish Republic. He was sworn in as Turkey's eighth president on November 9, 1989, at a ceremony in Parliament boycotted by the opposition parties. As Ozal took the presidential oath, a 101-gun salute was fired in all of Turkey's major cities. The same day, in a ceremony at the Presidential Palace, Ozal took over the presidential office from General Evren.
    To give the world opinion a new "democratic" image, Ozal said at his inauguration speech that Turkey should strictly observe three basic freedoms in order to be counted among the world's leading nations. He enumerated these as: freedom of thought, freedom of religious faith and conscience and freedom of enterprise.
    "In the process of consolidating democracy every effort must be made to establish human rights in universal dimensions," he said and proposed that a standing human rights committee be set up in the Turkish Parliament. He also urged the nation to be tolerant and show mutual respect for the rights of individuals. He concluded his speech by saying that he would strive for "Turkey to become one of the most distinguished members of the European Community in the short run."
    Only two hours after he assumed the presidential office, Ozal nominated Yildirim Akbulut, the speaker of the National Assembly, as the prime minister. He is known for his full allegiance to Ozal. Akbulut's government consists of most of the ministers already serving in the Ozal's outgoing government. In a move to balance rival factions in the Motherland Party (ANAP), the two leaders of the Holy Alliance, Mehmet Kececiler for the Islamists and Mustafa Tasar for the Nationalists, were appointed State Secretaries.
    One week later later, the new prime minister was elected the party chairman by the ANAP Extraordinary Congress held on November 17, 1989. Though another candidate, former Vice-Premier Hasan Celal Güzel too run for the chairmanship, he could obtain only 382 of the votes while Akbulut was, thanks to pressure carried out by Ozal on the party delegates, getting 739 votes.
    Now Ozal is in such a position that he can do whatever he wishes thanks to the presidential powers provided by the 1982 Constitution and the full allegiance of the new government. There is no more obstacle to suppress antidemocratic articles and practices.
    During his first meeting with the new government, Ozal asked Prime Minister Akbulut to draw up a draft modifying Articles 141, 142 and 163 of the Turkish Penal Code.
    Ozal, as an ardent Islamist, has always been a partisan of the suppression of Article 163 banning religious organization or propaganda. 
    As for Articles 141 and 142 banning communist or separatist organization or propaganda, the Council of Europe and the European Parliament which have among their members communist deputies have been insisting that these articles should be lifted for the normalization of Turco-European relations. Furthermore, since the big upheaval in the Soviet Union and other Eastern European countries it has become ridiculous to keep in the Turkish Penal Code such articles which had been borrowed fifty years ago from Mussolini's Penal Code.
    What is more, all of the political parties represented at the National Assembly, including Ozal's ANAP, seem in favour of lifting on communist organization and propaganda. Just after Ozal became president of the Republic, the spokesmen of all these parties declared during a public debate that they considered Articles 141 and 142 obsolete. Even before this debate, the Social Democratic Populist Party (SHP) had already proposed to the National Assembly a bill to lift Articles 141, 142 and 163.
    Encouraged by this evolution, the outlawed United Communist Party of Turkey (TBKP) organizes public meetings though its two top officials, Nabi Yagci and Nihat Sargin are still in prison. Many party officials have already returned to Turkey They, except few, are free and can participate in public meetings. For the first time in the Turkish history, police does not attempt to prevent the public meetings of the communist party.
    Under these circumstances, the modification of Articles 141 and 142 and the legalization of the TBKP by Ozal's administration will surprise nobody in Turkey.
    The real question is whether to be content with the legalization of the TBKP and the release of a few party leaders remaining in prison or to put an end to all antidemocratic practices and to free all political prisoners in Turkey.
    As a matter of fact, the majority of political prisoners in Turkey have been condemned or are still being tried by virtue of Article 146 of the Turkish Penal Code for "attempting to alter or change or abolish the whole part of the Constitution of the Turkish Republic and to overthrow the Grand National Assembly." Many of them have been condemned to or face capital punishment or life-term imprisonments.
    There are also many opponents abroad who have been stripped of Turkish nationality for their "anti-regime activities" in Europe and face, by virtue of Article 140 of the Turkish Penal Code, a prison term of not less than five years in the case of returning to the country.
    What is more important, will Articles 141 and 142 of the Turkish Penal Code be modified so as to legalize the Kurdish organizations? Thousands of Kurdish political detainees have been indicted and condemned, by virtue of Paragraph 4 of Article 141 and Paragraph 3 of Article 142 for founding organizations or making propaganda for "separatism." It should be reminded that even the main opposition SHP has recently expelled from its ranks seven Kurdish deputies for having attended an international conference on Kurdish question in Paris (See: Page 3).
    For a real democratization in Turkey all these article should immediately be lifted or modified so as to legalize not only the TBKP, but all left-wing and/or Kurdish organizations.
Accordingly, not a part of political prisoners, but all of them should immediately be freed.
    Otherwise, even if a communist party takes part in the political fan of the country, Turkey will continue to remain a shame to Western Europe.
    Though Ozal said every effort must be made to establish human rights in universal dimensions, he  immediately contradicted himself by saying "I shall continue to support our constitutional institutions." Isn't it this Constitution drawn up by the military that is the source of all violations of human rights and intolerance?


    Turkey's application for full membership in the European Communities should be shelved until 1993, a report drawn up by the EC Commission said. The four-page report, which makes an assessment of Turkey's application, is expected to be discussed at ministerial level in December 1989.
    Although the report does not close the door completely on Turkey's request to become a full community member it lists a number of factors which make the country's integration with EC practically impossible.
    The report says Turkey's membership in the Community would be a political and economic burden for the EC: "Turkey will hamper the development of market integration in the Community and constitute an obstacle on the road to political and economic unity. Turkey's presence in the Community would slow down the decision-making process in the EC headquarters."
    The report lists cultural, political and economic differences between the Community members and Turkey as the main stumbling blocks for accepting Turkey as a full member. It says that Turkey will have a population of 67 million by the year 2000 when one out of five Europeans will be a Turk. This would require giving Turkey 20 percent representation at the European Parliament. With such a high representation in the EC legislative body Turkey would have more say in the Community's affairs than other members, the report said.
    With all its cultural and political differences Turkey should not be expected to behave like a "tame little country" within the Community, the report said. "Turkey traditionally has a nationalist disposition which somewhat contradicts the general approach of the community. Ankara governments do not have a tradition of political cooperation with other countries."
    Furthermore, the report added that Turkey would have to end its military occupation of northern Cyprus, an associate member of the EC, before it could become a full member of the Community. Most Europeans do not accept Turkey as part of a European cultural and political heritage. They view it as a country with a different culture, a different religion and one generally backward compared with Europe, the report said.
    Turkey's policy of maintaining close relations with other Islamic countries sometimes puts it in difficult situations as seen in the Salman Rushdie affair. Turkey failed to protest as did the Community members earlier this year when Iran offered a reward for the person who would murder Rushdie, the author of The Satanic verses, a book that allegedly desecrated Prophet Mohammed. The report concluded it would irresponsible for the EC to consider Turkey's full membership now when the Community is struggling to overcome its own difficult problems.

    Jacques Delors' slap in Ozal's face

    The report is, in fact, in the same spirit expressed earlier by Mr. Jacques Delors, chairman of the European Communities Commission. Just five hours before Ozal's arrival in Strasbourg, on September 27, 1989, Mr. Delors said, in his address to the Parliamentary Assembly, that the Community would not accept any new members before 1993 and, furthermore, it is doubtful they would accept any members after 1993.
    Delors also stated in what was viewed as a slap in the face to Ozal and the Turkish delegates, that one of the essential properties of being European, and being in the European Communities, was coming from a Christian culture.
    "I clearly realized this fact, after reading 2,500 pages of books on European culture, that Europe is a product of Christianity, of Roman law and of Greek humanism," he said.
    In response to Delors' statement Ozal said at the press meeting in Strasbourg that, "Ideas about the European Community being a Christian community are completely old-fashioned in the 21st century. If such ideas are supported in the community, then we do not enter the community. Turkey will never give up being a Moslim country for the sake of entering the European Community."
    Delors' statement has provoked much controversy in Turkey as to whether religion could be a stumbling block in the way of Turkey's EC membership.
    For calming Turkish public opinion, Mr. Bruno DeThomas, spokesman for Delors, in an interview to the Turkish Dateline of Oct 7, 1989, explained that there had been a major misunderstanding on the issue of religion. "A Turkish journalist asked the chairman if he meant Turkey could not become an EC member because it was a mainly Moslem country, Delors told him firmly that this was not what he meant at all," DeThomas claimed.


    On the other hand, the Turkish Research Center, which operates independently in Bonn, carried out a research comparing socio-economic structures in Turkey and the last three EC members: Greece, Spain and Portugal.
    According to the research, while the Turkish industrial sector held a 22.3 percent share of the gross national income in 1960, its share increased to 36.2 percent in 1987. The same figures in Spain showed an increase from 32.8 percent in 1960 to 38.9 percent in 1987, while Greece posted a 22.8 percent industrial sector share in 1960 that grew to 24.7 percent in 1987.
    The sector that lost value as a share of gross national revenue was agriculture, which dropped from 38 percent to 16.77 percent between 1960 and 1987. This rate in Spain showed a decline from 22 percent in 1960 to 5.4 percent in 1987. Greece posted a decline from 20.2 percent to 13.7 percent during the same time frame.
    One of the EC's main problems with Turkey's full membership is the country's rapid population growth. The research admits that with its 55 million population and 2.7 percent average annual increase over the last 10 years, Turkey has very high population growth. "However, while Europe is getting old, Turkey is getting younger. This might be Turkey's chance in the future to meet a possible employment shortage in Europe," the research stated.
    The average annual population increases over the last 10 years was 0.6 percent in Spain, 0.7 percent in Portugal and 0.2 percent in Greece. According to the rate of population increase expectations of the OECD, population growth in Turkey will drop to 0.4 percent by 2040-2050.


    In a communique released on behalf of the private sector, representatives from five industrial bodies declared their aim to full membership in the European Communities. However, "The Turkish business does not accept the idea that it should adjust to and become dependent on the Community's industry and agree to the principles of its membership before it has become a full EC member," said the communique.
    Economic Development Foundation (IKV), Turkish Union of Chambers and Stock Exchanges (TOBB), Istanbul Chamber of Commerce, Istanbul Chamber of Industry and Istanbul Commerce Exchange, in the communique, added: "We are aware that our negotiations with the EC cannot start before 1993. In the meantime, our best option is to develop in a way that is compatible with the EC and to prepare for full membership."
    Claiming that Turkish custom barriers had come down rapidly since the country applied for full membership, the communique concluded: "However, we will not achieve a custom union in the real sense of the world until we have full membership."



    As the Turkish Army's failure in coping with Kurdish guerrillas in the Turkish Kurdistan is being admitted by the opposition and the press, two recent moves in a view to raising the Kurdish question in international arenas have been a new headache for the Turkish regime.
    First, an international conference on the subject "Kurds: Human Rights and Cultural Identity" was held in Paris on October 14 and 15, 1989, with the participation of many Kurdish and foreign public figures.
    Sponsored by the Paris-based Kurdish Studies Institute and the the Human Rights Monitoring Foundation of Mrs. Danielle Mitterrand,  wife of the French president, the conference was attended also by Turkey's eight deputies of Kurdish origin. Ibrahim Aksoy, the Malatya deputy expelled from SHP earlier this year over remarks which the party's disciplinary committee interpreted as favorable to Kurdish separatism, was among the eight deputies.
    The participants, at the end of the meeting, adopted a document claiming to take the Kurdish question to the General Assembly of the United Nations and to the European institutions and to set up to this end an organization representing all Kurdish people living in five countries, Turkey, Iraq, Syria, Iran and the Soviet Union.
    However, the most radical Kurdish organization of Turkey, the Workers' Party of Kurdistan (PKK) contested the legitimacy of the conference in the following terms: "This conference has been organized by people who have no ties with the people. The organizers of this conference are those who want to live in the lap of imperialism."
    Just after this conference, in a second move, an organized pro-Kurdish lobby emerged for the first time in the U.S. Congress promising to take the Kurdish question to international platforms.
    Ten U.S. congressmen and Mrs. Danielle Mitterrand took part in a meeting in the Congress on October 24, 1989 organized by the human rights caucus and co-chaired by Democratic congressmen Tom Lantos and Republican John Porter.
    Mr. Mitterrand said that establishment of an independent Kurdish state in the Middle East is the choice of the Kurds themselves: "You may remember that following a proposal by Woodrow Wilson in 1920, the Treaty of Sevres envisaged giving the Kurds the right to set up their own national state. However, the Treaty of Lausanne in 1922 decided otherwise, and the territory occupied by the indigenous Kurds was divided up among four states: Iran, Iraq, Turkey and Syria."
    "Since that time the Kurds have had to wage a constant struggle within each of these states for their life, the existence of their people, in order to preserve all that gives them their originality. The attacks against their culture and the collective memory of their people has at times been of unbelievable cruelty," she added.
    She also expressed her criticism of the treatment Turkey has given to the Iraqi Kurdish refugees: "These people are totally dependent on what the Turkish authorities decide for them; they are totally destitute, and they feel forgotten by the rest of the world; They have already gone through untold suffering."
    Democratic Senator Edward Kennedy also spoke out at the meeting, expressing his determination to come to the aid of the Kurdish people. "For too long, congress has ignored this tragedy. Today's briefing is an important first step in raising the consciousness of congress and the American people about the crisis of the Kurds," he said.
    The reaction of Ankara was so strong to these two moves that the prosecutor of the State Security Court of Ankara started a proceeding against the eight deputies. The Social Democratic Populist Party (SHP) too started on October 17, 1989 a disciplinary action to expel seven SHP deputies from its ranks for participating in the Paris conference. SHP leader Erdal Inonu claimed that the deputies had failed to inform party headquarters that they were taking part in the conference.
    The disciplinary move caused fresh disturbances in the already turbulent opposition party being torn by rival factions. In self-defense, SHP deputies Mehmet Ali Eren, Kenan Sonmez,  Ismail Hakki Onal, Ahmet Turk, Adnan Ekmen, Salih Sumer and Mahmut Alniak said their behavior should not have offended party headquarters. Well-known politicians and academicians on an international level participated at the conference, the deputies argued.
    They said Socialist International of which SHP is a member, sent representatives to the conference as well.


    The United States Senate Judiciary Committee endorsed on October 16, 1989 the so-called Armenian bill to establish April 24 as a day of commemoration for the genocide committed by the Ottoman regime against the Armenians during World War I. An effort by Democratic Senator Howard M. Metzenbaum to change the wording of the bill and omit the reference to genocide was foiled by a vote of eight against six.
    In retaliation to this endorsement, the Turkish Government considered a number of measures, including the building of a monument in Ankara to commemorate the massacre of American Indians.
    "If the erroneous step taken by the Judiciary Committee is repeated in the Senate Turkey will put forward its reaction actively," said Turkish Foreign Minister Mesut Yilmaz.
    Sources close to the foreign ministry said the Defense and Economic Cooperation Agreement (DECA) under which the US military bases and installations in Turkey operate is considered Ankara's main trump card to exert pressure on Washington. DECA will expire in the fall of 1990. Ankara will demand from the United States the signing of a treaty to replace DECA which would require endorsement of the US Congress.
    The Foreign Ministry is considering to insert into the text of this treaty a stipulation saying that the signatories cannot adopt measures or resolutions detrimental to the national honor and interests of the other party.
    Although President Bush's administration expressed its opposition to Senator Doll's bill in the judiciary committee, the feeling in Ankara is that the White House has not been sufficiently active in trying to block the legislation in the Congress.


    In Soviet Armenia, the local legislative assembly decided to set up an ad hoc committee to challenge the validity of the Soviet-Turkish border. The work undertaken by the committee might lead to territorial claims on Turkey by Soviet Armenia.
    Reports reaching Ankara from Yerevan, the capital of Soviet Armenia, said the decision was made during the last week of September 1989 According to the decision, the committee will be studying the Moscow Agreement of March 16, 1921, which delineated Turkey's present borders with the Soviet Union. The agreement was signed shortly after the Soviets consolidated their power in Armenia, foiling attempts by Armenian nationalists to set up an independent republic.
    The terms of the Moscow Agreement were disputed by Armenia last year because of disturbances in the Nagorno Karabagh district which is under the administration of Soviet Azerbaijan.


    As the number of the Turks who went back to Bulgaria because of their disappointment in Turkey was passing over 50,000, the Turkish Government agreed to hold a meeting at the foreign ministers' level in a view to breaking the impasse in relations between two neighboring countries.
    First, Turkey reversed a decision not to participate at the environmental meeting of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) in Sofia. A low-level Turkish delegation attended the meeting. Following Ankara's acquiescence, Sofia announced that it was ready for a meeting between the foreign ministers of the two countries. The session is set for October 30, 1989 in Kuwait. The meeting came as a result of mediation efforts by Sheikh Jabir al-Ahmad al-Jabir as-Sabah of Kuwait in Ankara and Sofia last month.
    Despite the agreement to have the foreign ministers met, both the Turkish and Bulgarian delegations lashed out at each other, sometimes using expressions rarely found in normal diplomatic jargon.
    "Holding the CSCE environmental meeting in Sofia is a black stain in the history of the cooperation process in Europe, because it is the capital of a country which has a complete disregard for its commitments to the conference," said the head of the Turkish delegation. Following these remarks, Bulgarian chief delegate Radoukov said the Balkan nations suffered for centuries under the yoke of the Ottomans. "Turkey is one of the most frequent violators of human rights. II am talking about the Kurds in Turkey. A country with such a human rights record now emerges before us as the champion of these rights," he said.


    The risks of monopolization and oligopoly in the Turkish press has become one of the main concerns of the human rights circles in Turkey. Monopolization in the press captured public attention when Turkish-Cypriot businessman Asil Nadir, also the owner of the Polly Peck Plc. in Britain, first bought the daily newspaper Gunaydin and the Veb Ofset Group, thus owning the dailies Tan, Ulus, Sakarya and Yeni Meram. Next, the businessman purchased Gun Holding, publisher of the daily Gunes newspaper.
    Monopolization fears deepened further among the press and publishers when Nadir made a third move this year to buy Gelisim Publications. He thus became publisher of the weekly and monthly magazines, Nokta, Ekonomik Panorama, Gelisim Spor, Bando, Ev Kadini, Kadinca, Erkekce, Marie-Claire, Mimarlik, Turist-Pasaport, Hibir, and the so-called Beyaz Dizi (White Series), a series of Barbara Cartland-like romance novels.
    Nadir's wealth in the press sectors of Turkey and Cyprus is estimated at $200 million.
    Asil Nadir Group has recently obtained the privilege of printing the Yellow Pages of the Turkish telephone.
    The expansion of Asil Nadir's control over the Turkish press has been supported to a great extent by Prime Minister Özal as well as General Kenan Evren.
    Erkan Gürvit, the son in law of General Evren, has recently been engaged as chief advisor of Asil Nadir's press group in Turkey. Gürvit, was a leading figures of the Intelligence Agency of Turkey (MIT) and involved in many plots dressed by this organization until his recent retirement.
    On the other hand, the Chairman of the Journalists' Association of Turkey, Nezih Demirkent too works as counsellor in the service of the Asil Nadir Group.
    The expansion of Asil Nadir is not limited to Turkey and Cyprus, it extends its operations of taking over big companies throughout the world.
    Polly Peck Plc. has recently bought world famous fresh fruit and vegetable producer Del Monte for $875 million. It has concluded an accord in Japan for purchasing Sansui.
    The Sunday Telegraph reports that Asil Nadir is carrying out talks with the British press group Lonrho for taking over The Observer. 
    According to the daily Cumhuriyet of October 9, 1989, the three principal press groups own for the timebeing 76.5 percent of the daily newspaper circulation.


Asil Nadir







    The three press groups also own about all of the weeklies:


Asil Nadir





    A recent research carried out jointly by the Communications Research Association (ILAD) and the Turkish Social, Economic and Political Research Foundation (TUSES) concludes that the State must play an important role in limiting such purchases, which could result in monopoly or oligopoly in the press, just as it does in other sectors of industry.
    The State has not always supported that would help maintain the independence of publishing groups, the report notes, a lapse which has allowed more movement toward monopolization of the Turkish press.
    Paper prices are set by the State, the report notes, and the press does not enjoy paper discounts as it did before the 1980s. Price hikes increase the cost of publication, and those newspapers that cannot meet increased costs are vulnerable to buy-out by larger firms, the report establishes.


        5.10, a photoreporter of the newspaper Inanis was arrested for having shot the photos of a class at the Anadolu High School in Karadeniz Ereglisi, without an authorization by the School director. Reporter Gunay Ciftci will be tried at the State Security Court of Ankara for disrespecting the freedom of education.
        8.10, Erdogan Yasar Kopan, responsible editor of the monthly Yeni Cozum was sentenced to a 18-month prison term for an article praising some acts considered "crime" by law. The sentence was later commuted to a fine of 2 million Turkish Liras (about $1,000).
        10.10, in Istanbul, the October issue of the monthly 10 Eylul was confiscated by the State Security Court for communist propaganda.
        18.10, the responsible editor of the weekly magazine of humour, Girgir, was indicted in Istanbul for a cover on the subject of hungerstrikers in prisons. Suleyman Yildiz is liable to a prison term of up to six years.
        20.10, seven students of a vocational school in Diyarbakir were deported to Ankara for not having attended some religious ceremonies organized by the school direction.
        22.10, in Samsun, five university students were taken into custody as they were, at home, looking at Yilmaz Guney's Cannes prize-winner film Yol, which is banned in Turkey.
        24.10, the Control Commission of the Culture Ministry declared two more musicassettes "harmful to law and order and public interests": Gun Ola by the Group Yorum and Yikilasi istanbul by folk singer Emekci.
        25.10, the weekly review 2000e Dogru was confiscated for having published an interview with the PKK Secretary General Abdullah Ocalan. Beside, the public prosecutor started a legal proceeding against Dogu Perincek, chief editor of the weekly, who made the interview.
        27.10, the Governor of Istanbul banned two concerts by Zulfu Livaneli on grounds that the public attending the concert might cry some slogans. The Governor of Ankara too banned a concert by Ahmet Kaya, claiming that it might incite university students of the capital city to riots.


        Police wounded a student on October 12, at the Hacettepe University in Ankara. Murat Erdogan was shot in the neck by the police at a bus stop without any warning. Left there wounded for three hours, he was then taken to hospital for treatment.
        Thirty university students in Istanbul sponsored a one-day hunger strike on October 18, to protest the shooting and the ongoing detention of several dozen students in Ankara .
        According to the strikers, open police attacks against students started during the 1988-89 academic year, when a policeman fired into the air at Yildiz University in Istanbul to discourage a demonstration. Now, the protesters claim, policemen are targeting students wherever confrontations occur.


        On October 9, 1989, police detained 69 people for having made political demonstration during a soirée celebrating the anniversary of the foundation of the Revolutionary Youth organization (DEV-GENC) in Istanbul. 
        Among the detainees are also the nine members of the musical group Yorum who had recently been released following a 63-day detention in Mersin. The musicians announced that they were tortured during police custody and started a hunger-strike.
        On the other hand, on October 7, thousands of people made demonstration in Istanbul for commemorating four left-wing militants assassinated one year ago by security forces.


        4.10, the public prosecutor opened a trial at the State Security Court of Izmir against six alleged members of the United Communist Party of Turkey (TBKP). Each defendant faces a prison term of up to 10 years.
        5.10, the trial of eight members of the Revolutionary Left (DEV-SOL) at the State Security Court of Istanbul with the condemnation of all defendants to prison terms of up to 36 years.
        6.10 in Istanbul, police arrested five alleged members of the Revolutionary Workers and Peasants Party of Turkey (TIIKP).
        6.10, in Istanbul, five alleged militants of the Union of Revolutionary Communists of Turkey (TIKB).
        9.10, in Istanbul, police raided the offices of three lawyers, defense attorneys of the TBKP officials and seized some documents related to political trials.
        17.10, the public prosecutor announced the arrest of 25 alleged members of the revolutionary Way (Dev-Yol) in Izmir.
        19.10, the trial of eleven women accused of carrying out an unauthorized demonstration in protest against the ill-treatment in prisons, began at a criminal court of Istanbul.


        According to the daily Milliyet of October 17, 1989, the number of the Turkish citizens who have asked political asylum in Western European countries since the September 12, 1980 military coup d'état has already reached to 220,000.
        Of these asylum seekers, 129,0987 are in the FRG, 33,366 in Switzerland and 24,670 in France.
        Only in the first eight months of this year, 32,689 Turkish citizens arrived at European countries for seeking asylum. The number for the last three years is estimated at 90,000.


        Repressive measures taken by the British Governments for preventing new arrivals from Turkey has recently caused to the suicide of a Kurdish refugee.
        A group of Kurdish refugees who arrived at England five months were ordered to leave the country and many of them were incarcerated in cells at the Heathrow Airport.
        In protest against this decision, two of the detainees, Siho Iyiguven and Dogan Aslan, saying set fire to themselves on October 7. Though Aslan was saved by a medical intervention, Iyiguven died a few days later.
        Thereupon, about 80 Kurdish refugees kept under custody started a hungerstrike in their cells. On October 28, about 3,000 people made a 15-kilometer protest march against the decision to expel the Kurds from England.
        A delegation representing the demonstrators left a black wreath in front of Downing Street 10, the residence of Prime Minister Thatcher.

    Since January 27, 1987, the date of Turkey's recognizing the jurisdiction of the European Human Rights Commission, 250 people have applied to this international commission for seeking justice. Of these demands, only 46 were considered receivable, while the others were being turned down on grounds that they were not opened in conformity with the conditions foreseen in the Convention.
    One of the received cases belongs to the two arrested officials of the United Communist Party of Turkey (TBKP). Nabi Yagci and Nihat Sargin, jailed since November 1987 when they returned voluntarily from exile, complained to the European Human Rights Commission that they could not obtain any result from their legal action against policemen who tortured them under custody.
    Three judges from Britain, Switzerland and Luxembourg came to Ankara to get the testimonies of people involved in the case.
    Nusret Demiral, the chief prosecutor of the Ankara State Security Court, refused on October 18, 1989, to be questioned by members of the European Human Rights Commission. He reportedly said he would resign his post as prosecutor rather than testify before the foreign judges.


        The interference of the United Communist Party of Turkey (TBKP) in the Turkish migrant organizations has been made object of criticism by Mr. Hasan Ozcan, Chairman of the GDF (Federation of Turkish Migrant Organizations in Federal Germany).
        In a communique he released after his resignation from this post, Ozcan  accused the leaders of the United Communist Party of Turkey (TBKP) of having used this federation for political considerations.
        Ozcan was beforehand the chairman of the FIDEF, a migrant organization near to the Communist Party of Turkey (TKP). After the merge of this party with the Workers' Party of Turkey (TIP), the new TBKP's officials, according to Ozcan, forced the FIDEF to merge with DIBAF (Union for Democracy), another migrant organization near to TIP. Under this pressure, FIDEF and DIBAF dissolved themselves and set up a new organization, GDF, near to the TBKP.
        Ozcan has accused the TBKP leaders of not having respected pluralism and democratic functioning within a migrant organization and said: "I will never again be in an association deprived of pluralism and democratic functioning and will never support such actions."
        He also stated that he is ashamed of not having reacted promptly against the political interference in the organization that he led.


    The Chairman of the Wood Workers' Union (Agac-Is), Mehmet Ozturk, and 12 other officials were indicted, on October 6, 1989,  for having incited 200 workers to unauthorized actions during a strike at the State Wood Factory in Demirkoy, which has recently ended. All unionists face heavy prison terms.


    The daily Hurriyet reported on October 23, 1989, that a Kurdish peasant, Ismail Keskin was tortured at the Army Headquarters in Hakkari for not having accepted to enter the Village Protectors, a special force set up for dealing with PKK guerrillas. After the torture, Keskin's wounds were treated at the State Hospital of Hakkari.


    A timebomb attack staged on October 16, 1989, against the Saudi Arabian Military Attache's office in Ankara left a Saudi diplomat, Abdurrahman Al Shrawi, severely maimed without any clues to the identity of his terrorist assailants. Possibilities were reported that the bomb had been planted by an Iran-supported terrorist organization, with suspicions also focused on the Islamic Jihad terrorist organization.
    Ankara State Security Court Prosecutor Ulkü Coskun said, "There might be some countries' intelligence services or organizations which have adverse relations with Saudi Arabia." He recalled that Abdulgani Badawi, deputy clerk of the Saudi Arabian Embassy, was slain in front of his house last year and his murderers have not been found yet.
    Turkish police authorities said that terrorist organizations supported by Iran and Islamic Jihad in particular have made a decision to take action against Saudi Arabian diplomats; "Ten Iranians were executed recently for their role in the Hajj (pilgrimage) incident in Saudi Arabia two years ago. After this, first Al Badawi in Ankara and later another Saudi Arabian diplomat in the Far East, were killed. The number of victims has increased to three. We think that the attacks will continue from now on," officials said.


        A former Minister of Justice, Mr. Sevket Kazan, claimed at a meeting in Sinop on October 9, 1989 that the number of the women who have to prostitute for earning their life had climbed to over 1 million in Turkey.
        According to the daily Milliyet of October 8, 1989, a survey carried out by the Aegean University estimates this number at 338,000. At
least 20,000 women in Istanbul work as "call-girl". 76.9 percent of these women have chosen the prostitution as a profession because of economic reasons.
        The Ministry of Interior announced that 35,800 women were carrying official permission for exercising this profession.


        While the controversy is developing in France on the question of Moslim girls insisting on to keep the head covered in school classes, Belgium too, for its part, found itself before a double defy coming from the Moslim community of the country.
        First, at the beginning of the new school year, the Islamic and Cultural Center (CIC) announced the opening of the first Islamic primary school in Belgium and demanded Belgian authorities to recognize and subsidize this school.
        According to the Belgian legislation, all religious communities have the right to open their own schools and get subventions from the State for financing these schools. Actually, the catholic, protestant and Jewish communities run their own schools by the side of secular schools of municipalities.
        However, the CIC's move has given rise to a controversy and the Belgian public opinion has been divided on the issue. Some political leaders come against an Islamic school set up by the CIC, arguing that this center is not an independent and democratic institution of the Moslims of Belgium, but a Trojan horse of the reactionary Saudi regime.
        In fact, the CIC had been set up by the World Islamic League (Rabitat-ul-Alem-ul-Islam) with a view to spreading a fundamentalist version of Islamic education in Belgium. This center is not administrated by a body elected by the Moslim people of Belgium, but a group of clergymen appointed and paid by the Saudi regime.
        Info-Turk has already published two surveys on the influence of the Saudi regime on Turkey as well as the Turkish immigration in two pamphlets, one in English, Extreme-Right in Turkey, and the other in French, Integrisme Islamique and Immigration.
        But some democratic organizations argue that an Islamic school, whosoever behind the initiative, should be recognized and subsidized as other religious schools for the sake of respect to the freedom of belief. They also criticize Belgian authorities of not having taken necessary steps to allow the Moslims of Belgium to set up its own autonomous clerical body and of having recognized the CIC, up to now, as the only authority in the matter of naming religious teachers to the Belgian schools attended by Moslim children.
        Two municipalities of Brussels have banned Islamic lessons in their schools. For the municipality of Schaerbeek this ban is purely an outcome of its xenophobic and racist policies. As for Saint-Gilles its mayor Charles Picqué justifies his decision to ban Islamic lessons with the his opposition to the Saudi penetration into the Moslim community of Belgium. What is the more important is the fact that Mr. Charles Picqué has recently become the chief of executive for the Regional Administration of Brussels.   
        The controversy on Islam has got a new dimension at the end of October 1989 when some Moslim girls came to schools with the head covered. The Belgian opinion has been divided on this matter as well. While some political leaders were defending the idea to force the Moslim girls to remove the cover when they come to the school, some others argue that such a move will be incompatible with the respect to individual freedoms.
        As for the CIC, its chief imam has promptly reacted by saying that keeping the head covered is a prerequisite of the Islam even for the young schoolgirls.
        Although the partisans of the headcover are a little minority within the Islamic community of Belgium, it seems that this issue will be getting more complicated because of the fundamentalist attitude of the CIC on the one hand, and on the other, the provocative attitude of xenophobic circles who exploit this issue for inciting the Christian people of Belgium against Moslim immigrants.


        Parallel to the rise of extreme-right Republican Party in German elections, the racist and xenophobic have considerably increased in last six months:
        2.4, in Hamburg, unidentified assailants volleyed a Turkish shop and wounded one person.
        3.4, in a club at Landshut (Germany), a young German stabbed five foreigners of whom a Turk.
        4.4, in Nijmegen (Holland), a Turkish mosque was attacked by a racist group. The material loss is estimated at 50,000 Florins.
        17.4, in Hamburg, racist groups distributed tracts saying "German People, wake up and do your duty! Each German killing a Turk will be rewarded!"
        20.4, about 2,000 immigrant workers at the Volkswagen Factory in Kassel (Germany) raised their voice against humiliation by the German administration.
        21.4, in West Berlin, racist groups attacked a Turkish graveyard and broke 38 gravestones. Besides, on the occasion of the anniversary of Hitler's birth, they distributed in Turkish quarters some tracts saying "Hitler lives. Germany belongs to Germans!"
        25.4, in West Berlin, a group of Skinheads attacked Turkish youths. Same day, in Neumünster, 20 Turkish youths were assailed by a group of some 100 German racists.
        27.4, in Hamburg, a Turkish coffee was set on fire by unidentified persons. A Turkish couple were wounded during the fire.
        28.4, racist groups set on fire a Turkish supermarket in Hamburg and a Turkish shop in Frankfurt. This was a second attack in a short time for the latter.
        7.5, in West Berlin, a group of Turkish immigrants were assailed by German racists. A Turkish worker was wounded.
        9.5, in Stuttgart, a group of Skinheads attacked foreigners attending a feast. Two policemen were wounded as they were trying to stop the clash.
        10.5, in Köln, German racists attacked the class of Turkish Language and Culture at the Gemeinsam Grundschule. They destroyed a portrait of Ataturk and a Koran printed in German. They also painted "Turks, Go Home!" on walls and suspended a portrait of Hitler.
        14.5, in West Berlin, a 24-year old Turkish worker, Ufuk Sahin, was dragged to death by a German.
        18.5, in Hamburg, a hotel inhabited by political refugees was set on fire by unidentified persons. The members of a Turkish refugee family were gravely wounded.
        26.5, in West Berlin, the apartment of Turkish boxer Vedat Akova, who had been for a certain time receiving calls of menace, was sacked by unidentified persons.
        10.6, in Offenbach (FRG), a building inhabited by Turkish families was set on fire.
        14.6, in West Berlin, Skinheads attacked immigrants after a football match and dragged a Turkish youth.
        29.6, in Köln (FRG), Skinheads assailed a Turkish woman and her two children, by shouting "Turks, Out!"
        30.6, in Essen (FRG), a 16-year old Turkish boy, Kemal Cipiloglu, was shot dead by police when he was being chased after a theft of car.
        28.7, a Turkish detainee, Ibrahim Bayraktar, was found dead in his cell at the city prison of Stadelheim in Münich. Police is suspected to kill him during interrogation.
        24.8, in Antwerpen (Belgium), a Turkish mosque was set on fire in early morning by unidentified persons.
        28.8, in Zürich, a Turkish mosque, built 20 years ago, was set on fire by unidentified persons.
        29.8, in the town of Bergedorf in Hamburg, a group of Skinheads attacked Turks during a street feast.
        30.8, in the town of Charvieu Chauagneux (France), a Turkish mosque was set on fire as some people were praying inside.  Though the mayor promised to build another mosque 60 kilometers far from the town, the National Front of Le Pen provokes the population against the construction of a new mosque.
        1.9, in Herne (FRG), the Neo-Nazi groups distributed some tracts signed "Group SA" calling the people to prevent Turkish children from going to school. The local school was opened under strict police control for protecting Turkish schoolchildren.
        12.9, in Hannover, about 50 Skinheads attacked immigrants. Two policemen and six people were wounded during the clash.       
        17.9, the daily Milliyet reports that the Skinheads threaten Turkish families by telephone calls, saying that they would be exterminated if they do not leave Germany within a few weeks.
        8.10, at the railway station Wald in Zurich, some 10 Skinheads attacked on a group of Turks and wounded a Turkish woman, Fatma Yavuz, and many Turkish youngsters.