A non-government information service on Turkey
Un service d'information non-gouvernemental sur la Turquie


17th Year - N°201-202
July-August 1993
38 rue des Eburons - 1000 Bruxelles
Tél: (32-2) 215 35 76 - Fax: (32-2) 215 58 60
 Rédacteur en chef: Dogan Özgüden - Editrice responsable: Inci Tugsavul



    New prime minister Tansu Ciller who came to power with the promise of restoring peace and order by respecting fundamental rights and freedoms has already disappointed all those who pined their hope on her. After having obtained the vote of confidence in Parliament, she opted, like her predecessor Demirel, for military solution to the Kurdish Question and adopted a series of drastic economic measures to the detriment of working people.
    Even her doubtful relations with the big business which is the source of her fabulous wealth of more than $ 50 million and the further revelations that she concealed her being a U.S. citizen did not prevent the Iron Lady à la turque from managing to form a new coalition government with the social-democrat SHP and obtaining a confidence vote from the National Assembly. A total of 432 deputies attended the plenary session of July 5 where 247 votes were cast in favour of the government, 184 against and there was one abstention. In addition to the DYP and SHP, the deputies of the neo-fascist MHP too voted for Ciller. It is not surprising at all because it was the the Grey Wolves that surrounded Ciller at the DYP convention and assured her victory in exchange of a ultra-nationalist rhetoric by the future prime minister.
    However, the most significant support to Ciller came from the military before the parliament. Just on the eve of the vote, Chief of General Staff General Dogan Güres and other army commanders visited Ciller in Parliament and asked her for full authorization in their operation against “separatist Kurdish terrorist activity.” In return, according to the daily Hürriyet of July 6, Ciller promised the Turkish Army the full backing of the government.
    Ciller declared next day to the daily Hürriyet that she would escalate military operations against “terrorism” and closed all doors on a political dialogue with the Kurdish movement, arguing that demands for Kurdish broadcasts and education were a step-by-step plan to divide the country. “The military have said that they are very pleased with me. I know they are sincere. I have always had a good dialogue with the soldiers,” she added.
    Even before getting the vote of confidence from the Parliament, Ciller had assured the confidence of the military by forcing the coalition parties to extended once more the emergency regime in the Southeast. The National Assembly had decided on June 26 to extend the state of emergency for four months in ten provinces: Bitlis, Tunceli, Sirnak, Mardin, Van, Hakkari, Diyarbakir, Batman, Bingöl and Siirt. 207 deputies voted for the extension and 71 against.
    After the vote of confidence, in a further move to satisfy the military, the Ciller Government, adopting a special decree on July 27 to delay the retirement of General Güres, allowed him to remain at the helm of the Turkish Armed Forces for another year, despite the fact that Güres is past the compulsory retirement age. Although such a practice is unprecedented and unpopular, President Süleyman Demirel and the social democrat Deputy Premier, Erdal Inönü, did not object to this extraordinary application.
    Just on the eve of the publication of this special decree, one of the scandals created by General Güres’ sons was covering the first pages of the dailies. Serdar and Hakan Güres had reportedly stayed at the Fenerbahce military lodging for weeks and never paid the bills for a large number of banquets, meals and drinking bouts of which the debt reached a gargantuan TL 491 Million ($ 49,000). Even this scandal was not taken into consideration when the government decreed to keep General Güres at the head of the Army.
    After having consolidated her alliance with the Army chiefs, Ciller clearly shut down all doors for a political dialogue with the Kurdish Movement during her first visit to the Kurdish area. In Hakkari, she said: “There are those who do not want our unity and who will plot against it. But they will not be able to achieve this because they will find me, your mother, your sister opposing them. The Turkish state is a very strong and can deal with the tiny PKK, which only has 10,000 militants. This is like the struggle of the elephant and the fly. At times we may face problems in our fight against terrorists because of the methods used. Some citizens may get hurt.”
    In fact, not some citizens, but about all citizens of the Turkish Kurdistan have been getting hurt because of the methods used by the military. It is the using of these methods that aggravate the hostility between the Turkish and Kurdish peoples and between the Sunnis and the Alevis and drive Turkey to a civil war.


    Recently, the Ciller Government adopted a decree in the force of law to create a professional army, instead of the compulsory army, to deal with the PKK. According to the decree, all voluntary commando soldiers may apply, at least 18 months after their discharge, to become part of this force.
    In practice, the first 5,000 who have announced their intention of joining the new force have come from the ranks of the Nationalist Action Party (MHP). Many circles see this as a turn toward the creation of an army of Grey Wolves which can amplify racial conflict between Turks and Kurds.
    The new move was commented by the Turkish Daily News of August 16 in following terms: “Ciller has been tricked into agreeing to a highly dangerous solution. her administration, backed by the SHP, is now moving to create an ‘idealist army’ of about 25,000.  A great majority of those who have applied to participate in this are ultra-nationalist Ülkücüs  [Grey Wolves] who, before the 1980 military coup, were responsible for countless massacres and atrocities while the-then Prime Minister Demirel was making public statements saying, ‘You cannot make me say nationalists are killing people.’ 7,000 Ülkücüs who have already been armed and trained for Azerbaijan will be integrated to this special force. With the authority they will be given, massacres will be unavoidable "


    Workers' Party (IP) Chairman Dogu Perincek, at a press conference on July 2, told journalists that he had conclusive evidence that new Premier Ciller is an U.S. citizen.  He announced the date and the number of Ciller's application form, according to which Ciller applied to the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service for U.S. citizenship in April 1973. Her application was accepted six years later and Ciller became a U.S. citizen in July 1979.
    Arguing that the official Turkish translation of the documents concerning Ciller's U.S. citizenship, Perincek added: "The fact that a U.S. citizen recently became Turkish prime minister is a new step taken towards the ultimate goal of 'Haitisizing' or better still "Philippinizing' Turkey."
    Reminding that Ciller, as other naturalized U.S. citizens, declared on oath that she "absolutely and entirely renounced and abjured all allegiance and fidelity to any foreign state to which she had heretofore been a citizen", Perincek argued that Ciller must immediately be disqualified as Turkey's prime minister.
    In answer to Perincek's revelation, government spokesman Yildirim Aktuna, instead of denying Ciller's U.S. citizenship, claimed that one is irresistibly drawn towards U.S. citizenship as soon as he/she has been a lawful resident of the USA continuously or five years. Making this terrible faux pas, Aktuna happened to admit that Ciller had really become a U.S. citizen. Moreover, the relevant U.S. law does not have any article stipulating that anyone can automatically become U.S. citizen, no matter how long one has resided in the USA, if he/she does not apply for citizenship. It means an indirect confirmation, although Ciller herself claimed furthermore that she has never been a U.S. citizen.


    The anti-social policies adopted by Premier Ciller have already lead to a country-wide unrest and hundreds of thousands public and private sector employees and workers have gone on different protest actions in last two months.
    It would be illogical to hope something else from a prime minister who had been counsellors of the big business and the Confederation of Employers’ Unions of Turkey (TISK) when she was a university professor and turned into one of the wealthiest persons of the country thanks to these doubtful relations.
    When a collective bargaining between the government and the trade unions representing more than 700,000 public sector workers failed, Ciller  in a TV address on August 11 complained the workers to the other strata of the society.
    "This is all we can grant to the workers under the present budgetary constraints. Thousands of small tradesmen, farmers and jobless expect government help to better their situation. Now I appeal to you. Shall we grant what is demanded by the workers, or make more national investment for the use of the whole nation?" she asked the TV viewers.
    This provocative attitude of the prime minister angered not only the workers and the opposition parties, but also her own coalition partner. The SHP Secretary General Cevdet Selvi said: "The prime minister's speech was full of remarks so as to provoke different sectors of the society and to disturb the social peace. This is unfair and an example of social separatism."
    As the new government was putting each day a new drastic measure in practice to the detriment of the workers, new revelations about Ciller’s wealth became the object of the opposition press. The daily Aydinlik, in a series of articles, revealed that Ciller had fooled the public opinion by keeping secret the existence of her other estates. According to a table published by Aydinlik of August 21, including the estates kept secret, Ciller’s real wealth rises to TL 889 billion ($ 89 million).


    On August 15, Turkey entered the 10th year of the “dirty war” against the Kurdish national movement. Instead of annihilating the Kurdish resistance, nine years of continuous combat only served to strengthen the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) 50-fold since 1984, expanding its grassroots' support among the local Kurdish people and forcing Ankara to accept that it cannot overcome the crisis with a regular army. It is no more a fly against the elephant as seen by the “Iron Lady.”
    On August 14, 1993, the Association Press reported: “The government kept up a pounding offensive, assaulting a mountaintop stronghold and killing more and more  rebels. The only achievement of the Turkish policy -- which still denies the existence of a Kurdish problem in this country -- is that it has recruited for the guerrillas.”
    The following evaluation of the situation was made on August 16, 1993, not by a PKK propagandist, but by the Turkish Daily News of which the chief editor was the principal counsellor of Demirel when he was prime minister:
    “In Ciller’s words, the PKK numbers around 10 to 15 thousand. This actually reflects only the number of its mountain units, the so-called professional fighters of the armed flank, the ARGK. Along with its militia, the Kurdish version of the Vietcong, the number is as high as 60,000. In a recent report prepared for the presidency, it was stated that, with its sympathizers and supporters, the PKK man-force in the Southeast region alone is as high as 375,000 -- about one-fifth of the whole adult population in the area.
    “And Turkey still claims it is succeeding. It denies there is a war going on and attempts, systematically, to change the realities. It also attempts to dictate a fabricated version of the truth to the domestic press, perhaps to cover up for the immense mistakes and human rights violations committed in the troubled region.
    “PKK statistics disclosed this weekend claim that at least 22,356 people have died in the nine-year old war. The Kurdish rebels maintain they have killed 13,518 soldiers and policemen as well as 2,507 agents and ‘collaborators.’ It says only 3,041 fighters were killed in this period and the number of ‘Kurdish patriots’ killed by troops was 3,290. A report by the daily Hürriyet on August 14 showed that Turkey’s economic losses out of the war in the Southeast have reached TL 50 Trillion ($ 5 billion). A total of 1.5 million people have moved out of the troubled region and 600 state schools have been forced to close down. The overall losses which the guerrilla war has inflicted on Turkey is too great to dismiss now as a mere ‘terrorist incident’ or the work of ‘bandits.’
    “The Southeast of Turkey now stands somewhere between Pinochet’s Chile and US-occupied Vietnam.”
    The PKK's Military Council chairman Cemil Bayik said 1993 would be a year of survival for the organization, which would give special emphasis on mass organization and the creation of a centralized and stronger military force, which would have its own commanders. Acting on the Vietcong example, the PKK now targets the creation of underground tunnels for its militia, is about to complete the construction of an underground hospital and will expand its grassroots support even further.
    In the fear of growing PKK influence in the region, President Süleyman Demirel said to the Turkish Daily News of August 19: "If the issue cannot be overcome, postponing the elections [local elections of March 1994] will not be the end of the world." The government circles are seriously afraid of an eventual victory of the candidates supported by the PKK in the Kurdish provinces.


    A report published by the Human Rights Foundation of Turkey (TIHV) on July 2 claimed that the 1st DYP-SHP Coalition Government failed to improve Turkey's bad human rights record, protected the violators of human rights instead of the victims, and missed an historic opportunity to establish peace an order in the troubled Southeast following the unilateral declaration of a cease-fire by the PKK.
    The following are the highlights of the report entitled In the Wake of the Coalition Government:
    • On the pretext of fighting against terrorist activity, the security forces engaged in illicit practices and encroached upon the basic human rights of the people.
    • An intentional campaign of misinformation was embarked upon... The consequences are terrifying.
    • In addition to a total of 3,929 deaths, thousands of people have sustained serious injuries, both physical and mental.
    • An average of 7 people died every day while the first coalition government was in power.
    • Despite the government's promises to revise decisions on the state of emergency and the practice of hiring state-paid village guards, nothing substantial was done except that the government went on pushing with its military solution.
    • The peace process opened with the unilateral cease-fire by the PKK was destroyed because security forces continued attacking PKK militants (killing a total of 91 during the cease-fire), raiding villages, and forcing the local population to evacuate their settlements.
    • During the reign of the first coalition government a total of 806 people were tortured at police stations, 9 people went missing whilst in police detention, and 26 people died whilst under police interrogation.
    • 16 journalists were killed during this time, a total of 335 books, newspapers or periodicals were seized by police acting on order from State Security Courts.
    • Journalists and authors were sentenced to a total of 67 years imprisonment and fined a total of TL 22.40 billion ($2.24 million) mainly on charges of spreading subversive Kurdish propaganda.


    At the 10th anniversary of the beginning of the PKK guerrilla warfare, the Ciller Government kept up a pounding offensive in the Southeastern region., assaulting Kurdish villages and killing hundreds of Kurdish villagers no matter if they are supporting the PKK or not.
    The violence heated up in May after a two-month cease-fire called by the PKK. During the one-sided cease-fire period, instead of going along with a truce or talks, Ankara said it won't deal with terrorists and intensified military assaults on Kurdish villages. When the PKK restarted its actions in retaliation, the military extended repressive operations as well near the Iraqi border as in the Kurdish towns and villages in the East and South-East.
    The Government disclosed on August 11 that 773 people have been killed and 297 others injured in the region in the period between May 10 and August 10.
    Marking the 10th anniversary of its armed campaign, the PKK once again moved the masses in Southeast Turkey, similar to Newroz celebrations on march 21 last year. In Sirnak, militants clashed with security forces throughout the night  Heavy weapons were used and more than 100 were detained. In the town of Digor, Kars, security forces opened fire on thousands of demonstrators killing at leas nine people and wounding 60 others. In Silvan, Diyarbakir, PKK flags were paraded in the streets while all traffic halted in Cizre, Mus, Bingöl and Tunceli-Erzincan highway. In the border area, the military forces massacred more than 70 Kurds during an operation against a Kurdish stronghold.
    In addition to these operations,some 500 Kurdish villages had been evacuated by security forces in order to establish a security belt. This number given on August 16 by  two members of the Parliament's Southeastern Commission, Esat Canan (SHP) and Algan Hacaloglu (CHP) revealed on August 16 that .. This figure was confirmed by the governor of the state of emergency region, Ünal Erkan. According to two deputies, the mayor of Siirt complained of an influx of 10,000 people in one week; the mayor of Diyarbakir complained that the town's population had doubled in the last two year, today exceeding one million.
    Canan said that despite official denials, people insisted that some villages were set on fire by the government-hired village guards. The number of the burnt villages rises to 80 in Sirnak province alone.


    Anti-Kurd demonstrations and assaults have gained impetus in western towns of Turkey. In past months, bloody attacks had occurred in tourist resorts along the Aegean and Mediterranean coasts where locals have clearly expressed their desire to "purify" their towns of settlers or temporary workers of Kurdish origin.
    Anti-Kurd mass rallies are very often organized throughout Turkey on the occasion of funeral ceremonies for the Turkish soldiers killed in action in the Southeast.
    Furthermore, some insignificant disputes between individuals may lead to anti-Kurd demonstrations. Recently:
    On June 26, in the town of Domanic, Kütahya, a crowd of more than thousand people carried out an anti-Kurd demonstration by shouting "Kurds, go home!" and "Down with the PKK" after an incident between a Turk and a Kurd.. The mob also stoned a house inhabited by Kurdish construction workers and the governor's office where the latter took refuge.
    On July 13, in Ezine, Canakkale, about 5,000 people people attacked a hotel and Kurdish employees after a dispute over an inflated bill. Infantry soldiers were dispatched to prevent the incidents from getting out of hand as security measures were taken in a neighbourhood where some 20 Kurdish families live.
    On August 4, in Gümüscay near Biga, Canakkale, incidents started as Hasan Cetin, of Kurdish origin, was ousted from a wedding ceremony. A group of 300 gathered in the town's center and started a rally, breaking windows of shops owned by Kurdish-origin inhabitants.


    Turkey's Constitutional Court closed down the country's first legal pro-Kurdish party, the People's Labour Party (HEP), on July 15 and ordered top strip parliament acting Speaker Fehmi Isiklar of his immunity so he can be put on trial with a demand for capital punishment for a speech had had in late 1991 as HEP chairman.
    The Constitutional Court had earlier closed down two left wing parties, the Unified Communist Party of Turkey (TBKP) and the Socialist Party (SP).
    The court's recent decision rules that former Chairman Isiklar as well as other officials and deputies of the party, violated the Political Parties Code with their declarations on the Kurdish Question.
    In 1991 elections, all HEP deputies had been elected on the SHP ticket thanks to an electoral alliance between the two parties, but later 16 of them, being disappointed with the SHP's anti-democratic practices as a partner of the coalition on the Kurdish question,  returned to the HEP  As for Isiklar, he preferred to stay in the SHP.
    Isiklar declared the verdict as against the essence of the Constitution and said he was sorry for the judges who had taken the decision under political pressure.
    In a surprising declaration, Justice Minister and SHP deputy Seyfi Oktay said the Constitutional Court was the most important guarantee of the regime and the superiority of law. "It is everyone's duty to show respect for its decisions," he said.
    Prior to the Constitutional Court's decision, 16 deputies of the HEP joined en bloc the newly established Democracy Party (DEP) on July 13. However, this new party too is under the menace of being closed by the Constitutional Court.


    The Ankara Governor banned a symposium on the Kurdish Question to be held on June 25-27. In a letter to the Human Rights Association (IHD), which was to organize the symposium, the governor said that the symposium was forbidden because it would have irrevocable consequences when the circumstances of the day and developing events were considered.
    In protest against the governor's attitude, the IHD secretary General Hüsnü Öndül said: "The decision showed once again that the solution to the Kurdish problem is still only seen from a military point of view. To this convention we had invited the President of the Republic, the Prime Minister, the Speaker of the National Assembly, political parties, trade unions and professional organizations. It was a chance for everyone to freely raise his stand on this question and to seek a just, democratic  and peaceful solution. By banning the convention, the authorities banned the free thinking on the question as well."

    In a move to draw the attention to the repression in Turkish Kurdistan and to hit Turkey’s tourism revenues, the PKK launched a new campaign to abduct foreign tourists.
    After a series of explosive attacks on tourist resorts in the West, the PKK guerrillas abducted in July four Frenchmen, a Briton and two  Australians,but released them after having holding for several weeks.
    In August, two German, a New Zealander, two Italian and two Swedish tourists were abducted in eastern Turkey. The Kurd-Ha Agency announced  that the tourists had been kidnapped for travelling in the area without PKK permission. It said the tourists’ home countries should contact ERNK, the political wing of the PKK, not the Turkish authorities. Besides, the PKK warned the tourist-exporting countries that Turkey’s tourism revenues are used in the armament of the security forces to raid Kurdish villages and to kill Kurdish patriots.
    In fact, the attacks on tourist resorts and the kidnapping of foreign tourists have already put in peril the expected expansion of Turkey’s tourism revenues.
    The Turkish tourism industry has undergone a considerable growth in the past four decades, with a sky-rocketing number of visitors and tourism revenues.
    The number of tourists visiting Turkey increased radically from only 36,372 in 1950 to more than 7 million last year, an almost 40-fold rise in 42 years.
    Turkish tourism revenues jumped from $2 million in 1950 to $3.639 billion in 1992. Tourism receipts represent the Turkish economy's second largest source of foreign currency earning. Income from Turkish tourism exceeded the $1 billion mark as early as 1985, gradually rising every year but 1991, a disaster year for many hotels due to the Gulf War.
    The Turkish authorities were expecting 9 million visitors and $4.5 billion  revenue during 1993.


    Amnesty International, in a message released on August 1st, expressed concern about more human rights violations of Kurdish villagers in Southeast Turkey.
    AI reported that Turkish security forces were carrying out intense operations in villages which have refused to participate in the systems of government-appointed village guards.
    "During the past weeks destructive searches were followed by the burning of all or part of dozens of villages and enforced migration of their population. In Cayirdere, near Ergani in the Diyarbakir province, villagers were reportedly ill-treated by gendarmerie, given pick-axes and ordered to destroy their own homes," AI said.
    "Any villagers taken into police custody are at serious risk of torture or worse. For example, Siddik Öncü was taken into gendarmerie custody from the village Kerkatik of Cinar, Diyarbakir on June 21 and his body was found in the city morgue by his relatives on July 8.
    "Both male and female detainees have reported various forms of sexual assault and rape. There are reports of extrajudicial execution and disappearance of Kurdish villagers, supposed carried out by Turkish security forces."
    Amnesty International also reproached  the PKK with arbitrary and deliberate killing of prisoners. "Such killings of village guards are apparently carried out with the intention of discouraging villagers from participation in the village guard corps."
    An earlier report by Amnesty International on June 8 accused the U.S. Government of systematically providing military aid to Turkey along with a list of other countries with poor human rights records.
    "The U.S. Government cares more about its relationship with the governments of these countries than about the people who are so grossly abused," the report said. Among countries with rights problems cited in the report were longtime U.S. friends as Turkey, Israel, Guatemala and the Philippines.
    For Turkey, the report make the following evaluation:
    "Torture is widespread and systematic in Turkey, especially during the first few days of detention following arrest. Torture and ill-treatment continue to be routinely inflicted on political and criminal prisoners. Methods include beatings on the soles of the feet, electric shocks, hosing with cold water under pressure and being blindfolded and stripped naked. Turkey is receiving $3.1 million for military training this year."


    Turkey's branch of the Helsinki Citizens Assembly issued on July 16 a communique calling on all citizens to put pressure on the media and the political and religious leaders so that Turkey avoids the danger of living, like the people of Bosnia, for example, in cities divided into green zones and under the protection of a peace force.
    The statement also calls for an end to the rhetoric of the "external enemy" and outside provocations," saying: "No outsider can set a hotel on fire in the middle of Anatolia and no external force can work out the havoc that we have seen in east and southeast Anatolia. It is the people of this country that are killing each other.
    "So we have to be careful. For thousands of years, people have been living in this land. Hundreds of cultures have blossomed here. We all carry their imprint. No one can erase this heritage. It is impossible to exterminate all that are unlike us. The only way is to give the others the same rights as we recognize for ourselves.
    "We have to stand against all kinds of unjust behaviour, starting with that coming from our own ethnic or religious community. Besides being Turks, Kurds, Muslims, Christians, Jews, Sunnis or Alevis, we are all human. We have an independent mind and a free conscience. These are enough to judge what is right and what is wrong. We have to put these in front of all other ties."
    The assembly's statement was supported by organization like the Confederation of Progressive Trade Unions (DISK), the Association for the Protection of Religious Rights (Mazlum-Der) as well as many publication houses.


    The alarming rise of Islam fundamentalism in Turkey, encouraged by Ciller’s ultra-nationalist and conservative campaign, was marked on July 2 by an arson attack on a hotel which killed 37 people and injured 60 in the central Anatolian city of Sivas. All of the victims were guests, including authors and poets attending a cultural festival in memory of the famous Alevi leader, Pir Sultan Abdal, who was executed in the 16th century by the Ottoman rulers.
    The Sivas riots were the worst fundamentalist violence in secular but dominantly Muslim populated Turkey since 1978, when 117 people died in a Sunni riot in Kahramanmaras.
    As detailed in the preceding Info-Türk issues, the radical groups of the Sunni majority in Turkey had been preparing themselves to a holy war against the Alevi minority and distinguished secular figures.
    It is noteworthy that the horror occurred in a city of which the municipality belongs to the fundamentalist Welfare Party (RP). The foundations established and backed by the RP mayor of Sivas are the principal centers of anti-secular activities. The provincial Chamber of Commerce said that the municipality does not issue license to operate or creates difficulty for those who do not make donations to those foundations.
    In Sivas there is also an important Alevi community. When the Alevis started to organize a series of festivities in Pir Sultan Abdal's memory, the RP officials began to provoke the Sunnis against them. Leaflets signed "Muslims" and "Muslims of Turkey" and calling for "holy war" had been distributed before the festivities started.
    The State authorities, despite warning from the local people, did not take any measure in Sivas and let free the fundamentalist groups to commit one of the most shameful horrors of the Republic's history.
    The presence of writer Aziz Nesin in Sivas was used a pretext for instigating the people to riot. He was already a target of fundamentalists for publishing Turkish excerpts from Salman Rushdie's controversial book, The Satanic Verses in the daily Aydinlik of which he is the chief editorialist. Aydinlik offices in Istanbul, Izmir and Diyarbakir had been attacked and wrecked by fundamentalist protesters in May and June after the excerpts were published.
    A day before the riots, local newspapers had blasted Nesin for remarks he made during a speech at the festival, criticizing Islam and declaring that he was a non-believer. According to observers, if it were not for Nesin, it would have been another incident, once again putting the Islam fundamentalists of Sivas on the street and directing them at the Alevis.
    Further provoked during Friday prayers, an initial group of about 500-600 people started to march through the streets of the city shouting slogans against Nesin and governor.Ahmet Karabilgin who had recently made erected Pir Sultan Abdal monument in front of the city's cultural center.  They gradually built up force and marched to the Hotel Madimak where Nesin and others guests to the Pir Sultan Abdal festival were staying.
    They first attacked the hotel with stones and sticks. Men tried to climb up to first-floor balconies. Thousands chanted slogans in favor of Islam. Under the siege, Aziz Nesin and many other intellectuals staying in the hotel called many times SHP leader and deputy premier Erdal Inönü and asked him to order security forces to stop the attack, but no help arrived. The demonstrators were not stopped and the security forces were not directed in a coordinated and active way. It was later understood that such a stance on the part of officials stemmed from instructions and suggestions which had come from Ankara, particularly from the President of the Republic.
    Finally, in the evening, a group set the hotel on fire. "This is Hell's fire," demonstrators  were heard shouting.
    Although Aziz Nesin was saved at last moment and escorted from Sivas under police protection, other guests including distinguished authors and artists such as Asim Bezirci, Muhlis Akarsu, Nesimi Cimen were killed in arson attack. Most of the victims were members of a Semah (traditional Alevi dance) group who were there to attend the Pir Sultan Abdal festival.
    In the meantime, the demonstrators attacked newly erected Pir Sultan Abdal monument, pulled it to the ground and destroyed it.
    The State authorities who did not take a shred of measure to prevent the massacre, instead of pursuing Fundamentalist instigators of this massacre, attempted to accuse Aziz Nesin of having provoked the people to riot by talking against Islam.
    As for new Prime Minister Ciller, she first shocked everyone in Parliament by minimizing the incident and claiming that the hotel was burned down by its own owner. She and the DYP ministers in her government never pronounced a word expressing sorrow on the events. They refused to participate in the funerals of the victims.
    In fact, Ciller herself has a big responsibility in  the recent upsurge in fundamentalist violence. At her provocative speeches during the Correct Way Party (DYP) emergency convention which named her chairwoman, she frequently expressed the desire "to hear the Islamic call for prayers (ezan) in every neighbourhood of Turkey" and continuously referred to Allah, Islam. and the Turkish flag.
    After the massacre, although 96 people were indicted for having participated in the riot, the following questions still remain without a satisfying answer:
    • Why did the State, very well informed of the preparations and the execution of the fundamentalist assault, merely watch the incidents?
    • Policemen and gendarmes could not dispel the crowd, which grew bigger and bigger. Why?
    • Where is Cafer Ercakmak(Sivas Municipal Assembly member representing the RP) who is currently sought by police for provoking the riot?
    • An indictment prepared by the Kayseri SSC spotlights a fundamentalist organization, "Muslims" as the group behind the Sivas incident. Even the intelligence services and police have not heard of such an organization, and while there are known outlawed Muslim organizations in Turkey, why did the indictment mention a new organization? Is this to cover-up well-known Islamic organizations including the RP and the Hezbullah?
    • The local people in Sivas strongly maintain that 96 suspects who were captured were not the leaders of the gang, but the figureheads. What about those who came from Malatya, Amasya, Ankara, Istanbul and Yozgat?
    • Why weren't the local intelligence chief and brigade commander sacked by the government as the Sivas governor and security chief were? Didn't they share the same responsibility?
    • Even the government put the blame for provocation on Aziz Nesin for angering the crowds with his atheistic remarks. What about the local press? Is the same claim of provocation not valid for the local newspapers?
    The anger of the Alevi community is so great that at the funeral ceremony in Ankara on July 6, SHP leader and Deputy Premier Inönü were booed by some 20,000 people and his attempt to address the crowd was stopped by strong protests. In 1991 elections the Alevis had supported the SHP and in the DYP-SHP Coalition government some Alevi personalities became ministers.
    The Alevi leaders said: "The government is responsible for the arson attack and the reactionary pro-Shariah violence. The SHP was insensitive to fundamentalist aggression for the sake of their Cabinet seats. The government has not even officially expressed its sadness, if not apologies, over the bloody incident. The state, the police, the soldiers, the government and the party [SHP], all of them have responsibility. The SHP ministers should immediately resign."
    Taking no heed of this growing anger, the State is continuing to discriminate the Alevis and to increase its support to the Sunni majority.
    The daily Aydinlik reported on August 14-15 that Sunni villagers were being armed and trained and in the 3rd Army headquarters in the province of Erzincan in what appears to be an attempt to use them against the local Alevis. The armed Sunnis started to monitor the main roads during the night. The villagers are blocking the roads and demanding to see the identities of drivers and passengers of all vehicles. Following a Kurdish guerrilla raid on Uluköy in Erzincan, telephone lines to at least five Alevi villages in the area were cut.
    The failure of the government to prevent the Sunni attacks on Alevis led to a big anger in this community. Now, in reaction to the horror in Sivas, Turkey's nearly 20 million Alevis, who have been taking side with the center-left so far, might toughen their stance and become a more radical opposition by the side of the Kurdish opposition.


    The Court of Cassation ordered the Ankara State Security Court to try again Workers' Party (IP) Chairman Dogu Perincek and to sentence him to a heavier punishment on July 5..
    Perincek had been sentenced by the Ankara SSC to a 2-year imprisonment a fine of TL 50 Million ($5,000) for the declarations concerning the Kurdish Question he made during the 1991 electoral campaign as the chairman of the Socialist Party (SP), closed by the Constitutional Court.
    Considering this punishment insufficient, the SSC Prosecutor resorted to the Court of Cassation with the demand of increasing 13 times the sentence.
    Since this demand was approved by the higher court, Perincek will be tried again in coming days by the Ankara SSC.


    The Istanbul State Security Court prosecutor asked on August 11 for the death penalty for six outlawed Communist Labour Party of Turkey (TKEP) members, among them General Secretary Teslim Töre. They had been captured by security forces on May 5 in Istanbul. They had been searched since they broke out of prison 22 years.
    They are accused by virtue of Article 146 of the Penal Code of having tried to change the constitutional system and hinder Parliament from performing its work through the use of force.


    British peer Lord Ennals, member of the British Refugee Council's executive, on his way back from visiting Kurds in northern Iraq was detained overnight on July 19 by Turkish police in Istanbul.
    The 70-year old life peer who had spent a week in northern Iraq on a fact-finding mission was detained as he and other members of his team tried to check into a hotel. He said a Kurdish woman who was acting as a research assistant was wearing a T-shirt with the slogan "Kurdistan for the Kurds," which had apparently alarmed the hotel staff.
    Lord Ennals, a former Labor Party member of Parliament and Foreign Office minister, was released after British diplomats had interceded on his behalf.


    2.6, in Viransehir, municipal worker Mahmut Bicak (33) and his 2-year old son, Ibrahim Halil Bicak, were assassinated by unidentified gunmen. Same day, in Silvan, peasant Ali Sükut was founded assassinated. He was reportedly tortured and his body was set on fire.
    4.6, in Istanbul, 19-year old Metin Yüksel alleged that he was tortured by police after being detained on June 1st.
    5.6, police raiding a house in Ankara shot dead an alleged Dev-Sol militant, 22-year old Murat Gül.
    5.6, the local ANAP chairman of Varto, Kerim Geldi (46) was kidnapped by unidentified people claiming to be policemen and found assassinated
    7.6, in Silvan, HEP member Eyüp Adiyaman and his friend Muhterem Demir were assassinated by unidentified gunmen.
    9.6, the former Mayor of Gercüs, Nuri Kaya was shot dead by four unidentified people. His driver Aziz Bagci and another person named Garip Bagci too were assassinated. Kaya's two sons had reportedly joined the PKK. Same day, in Kurtalan, a teacher named Riza Pekgöz was killed by unidentified gunmen.
    10.6, the Ankara SSC Prosecutor started a legal proceeding against HEP Chairman Ahmet Türk and Diyarbakir Deputy Leyla Zana for the declarations that they made during their visit to the USA in May.
    10.6, in Erzincan,  seven university students were taken into custody during police raid on their homes. In Malatya, ten people were put under arrest by the SSC for PKK activities.
    11.6, at the village of Bucuktepe in Diyarbakir province, two teachers named Nuriye Ak (25) and Elif Livan (31) were assassinated by unidentified people raiding their home.
    12.6, in Lice, a gendarmery team raiding the village of Mala Mihe Biro killed a 75-year old Kurdish peasant, Ahmet Aydemir, by beating.
    12.6, in Yüksekova, Enver Oktay detained on June 9 alleged after his release that he had been subjected to torture at police station and his arm broken.
    13.6, in Istanbul, police detained 30 people during a 3-day security operation in different quarters.
    15.6, the parents of Vakkas Dost (30), who died at the Kumkapi Police Station in Istanbul on May 29, accused three policemen of having tortured him to death and asked for a legal investigation.
    15.6, the local secretary of the IHD, Rifat Karakus was detained in Cankiri as going home.
    16.6, a special police teams and village protectors raiding a house at the village of Oruclar in Pazarcik shot dead 55-year old Mustafa Dogan in his bed.
    16.6, in Istanbul, 30 people were detained by police for having participated in ceremonies  commemorating the victims of a hunger strike held at the Metris Prison of Istanbul in 1984. Same day; police detained two alleged Dev-Sol militants in Izmir.
    16.6, in Kurtalan, police took in custody nine tradesmen for having closed their shops in protest against extrajudicial killings.
    16.6, two tradesmen, Haci Bahattin Erdem (37) in Cizre and Aydin Talip (35) in Siverek were assassinated by unidentified gunmen.
    16.6, four youths were detained in Ankara.
    17.6, the Prosecutor of the Ankara SSC started a legal proceeding against five public figures for their declarations during the Human Rights' Week in December in Ankara. IHD Chairman Akin Birdal, former Izmir IHD Chairman Alparslan Berktay, former deputy Hüsnü Okcuoglu, lawyer Ali Yildirim and author Yalcin Kücük are accused of separatist agitation.
    17.6, the Izmir Chairman of the Contemporary Lawyers' Association (CHD), Mehmet Yatar was insulted and threatened at the Izmir Police Headquarter when he went there to see one of his clients under arrest.
    17.6, in Bismil, 17 tradesmen were detained for having closed their shops in protest against extrajudicial executions.
    18.6, in Cinar (Diyarbakir), 30 year-old Kurdish peasant Veysi Kaymaz who had been taken into custody on June 11 was found assassinated.
    18.6, security forces detained seven people in Ahlat (Bitlis).
    19.6, the Mersin Section of the IHD was closed down by the governor for having supported a protest action by workers.
    19.6, thirty alleged members of Dev-Sol were indicted by the Istanbul SSC prosecutor. Five of the accused face capital punishment by virtue of Article 146/1 of the Turkish Penal Code.
    20.6, Üzeyir Elcicek alleged to have been tortured at the Beyoglu Police Station in Istanbul after his detention on June 16.
    19.6, in Bingöl, a police teams shot dead Süleyman Bingöl (25) and Firat Turgut (22) during a dispute.
    21.6, unidentified gunmen assassinated teacher Ikrami Han and public servant Hamit Pamuk in Diyarbakir, and pharmacist Fadil Bulut in Cizre.
    21.6, in Bursa, police detained thirty people of whom the majority are members of the Democracy Party (DEP).
    22.6, security forces announced the detention of 18 alleged PKK militants in Istanbul and nine militants of the Workers'-Peasants' Liberation Army of Turkey (TIKKO) in Adana and Nigde.
    22.6, in Kiziltepe, unidentified gunmen shot dead a 60-year old woman, Zeyno Yücesoy, and wounded his son Ismet Yücesoy.
    23.6, in Suruc, the house of a SHP member, Mehmet Yalcin, was bombed by unidentified people. Yalcin's mother Cemile Yalcin (50) and daughter Devran Yalcin (10) were killed at the explosion.
    24.6, in Istanbul, the People's House of Pendik was closed by the governor for activities incompatible with its aims.
    25.6, in Kozluk, Siddik Katan alleged to have been tortured during 14 days after his detention on June 1st. Still under arrest, Katan suffers from a fracture
    27.6, in Alapli (Zonguldak), Mehmet Alapli was found killed at the police station after his detention.
    28.6, in Incirlik (Adana), nine youths alleged to have been tortured at a gendarmery station during one week after their detention on charges of theft. The fact of torture was certified by a medical report.
    28.6, in Ankara, 20 workers of the Central Bank Printing house were subjected to torture after being detained in relation with a theft.
    28.6, in Kiziltepe, security forces detained eight people for separatist activities.
    29.6, in Ankara, the police detained 12 alleged members of the Movement TKP-ML.
    29.6, the Izmir SSC sentenced a person to life-prison and eight others to different prison terms of up to 12 years and 6 months for PKK activities.
    29.6, in Sereflikochisar, police raiding a number of houses detained eleven people of Kurdish origin.
    1.7, in Urfa, Salih Kurt was reportedly subjected to torture at the police station after his detention on June 26. Another detainee recently released said that Kurt was taken to torture at least five times during the night of his detention.
    2.7, unidentified gunmen assassinated 61-year old Ibrahim Altunsoy in Adana and Fethi Korkut in Diyarbakir.
    2.7, in Ankara, shopkeeper Riza Ürün was found dead at the police station to where he had been taken for an investigation. His family accused the police of having tortured Ürün.
    2.7, the 1st International Congress for Homosexual Solidarity in Istanbul was banned by the governor on grounds that the meeting is incompatible with the moral values of the society and can be harmful to public order
    3.3, on the ban of the Congress for Homosexual Solidarity, 27 delegates of different countries attempted to hold a press conference at the Human Rights Association, but they were stopped and detained by police as entering the association's local.
    3.7, in Güclükonak (Sirnak), the security forces raiding the village of Ozbasoglu shot dead five out of six Kurdish peasants taken into custody.
    6.7, in Istanbul, about 500 people carrying out a demonstration in protest against the Sivas Massacre were attacked and dispersed by police using force, 50 people were taken into custody.
    7.7, in Tunceli, about 4,000 people protesting against the Sivas Massacre were dispersed by force and about 50 people wounded when the special teams opened fire on the crowd.
    7.7, former HEP Aydin Chairman Lezgin Culduz and two other party officials, Hamdullah Kuran and Ethem Kiskir, were sentenced by the Izmir SSC to 12 years and 6 months in prison on charges of being members of the PKK.
    8.7, in Izmir, security forces raiding a house shot dead a man a woman inside.
    10.7, in Mersin, about 500 people protesting against the Sivas Massacre were dispersed by force, seven wounded and 30 taken into custody.
    11.7, the family of 40-year old imam (Moslem priest) Siddik Öncü accused the military of having killed him under detention after a raid on the village of Kerkatik on June 21.
    11.7, in Derik, security forces arrested more than 40 people during anti-PKK operations. Among them are also IHD officials Mehmet Günes and Seyhmuz Yükler.
    12.7, in Ezine (Canakkale), a dispute in a hotel turned into an anti-Kurdish demonstration. Mobs surrounding the hotel shouted slogans against Kurds and attacked on the people of Kurdish origin with clubs and stones.
    13.7, in Istanbul, the Marmara Association for Freedoms and Rights (Özgür-Der) was closed by the governor for activities incompatible with its aims.
    13.7, a gendarmery team carrying out a raid destroyed by burning a number of houses and killed many domestic animals at the village of Kumur in Mardin. They also tortured many people in the village for having refused to join the Village Protectors.
    14.7, security forces arrested a total of 25 persons during their operations in Istanbul, Konya and Maras for their radical Islamist activities.
    15.7, the IHD announced that more than 500 villages and hamlets in the state of emergency region were dispeopled by security forces within last two years on pretext that the Kurdish population of these villages were supporting the PKK.
    16.7, in Derik, a young woman named Sükran Aydin alleged that she had been tortured and raped at a police station after her detention on June 16. The traces of torture and raping were certified by a medical report.
    16.7, seven lawyers, Hasan Ürel, Ayse Ülkü Oguzer, Bahri Belen, Salih Gökhan Duran, Resat Kadayifcilar, Ergin Cimen and Ülkü Söylemezoglu, were sentenced by a penal court in Ankara to 5-year prison term each for having insulted the Ankara SSC Prosecutor Nusret Demiral during the trials of Nihat Sargin and Nabi Yagci (Haydar Kutlu), respectively chairman and secretary general of the United Communist Party of Turkey (TBKP). The prison terms were later commuted to fines.
    17.7, in Mersin, DEP local chairman Zeynettin Alp alleged that he had been subjected to torture after being detained by police on July 2.
    17.7, in Istanbul, five people were detained by police.
    18.7, in Kirikkale, the local chairman of the Association for Rights and Freedoms (Özgür-Der), Aysel Bölücek was taken into custody.
    18.7, the PKK defendants at the Adiyaman Prison Type E started a hunger strike in protest against ill-treatment and unlawful practices. They claimed that the prison administration forced them to turn into informers. The hunger strike of 180 political detainees in the Elazig Prison Type E entered its 25th day.
    19.7, in Mersin, a police team raiding a house shot dead three alleged PKK militants inside.
    19.7, security forces took into custody 20 people during recent operations carried out in Hani (Diyarbakir). Among the detainees are also DEP local chairman Fikri Ekin and ANAP local chairman Saban Bari.
    20.7, in Istanbul, police announced the arrest of seven alleged militants of the Revolution Party of Turkey (TDP).
    20.7, in Cizre, security forces detained about 50 people during a repressive operation.
    20.7, in last week, security forces dispeopled five villages in the district of Mazidag (Mardin). The IHD claimed that the inhabitants were forced to quit the villages for having refused to join the Village Protectors.
    21.7, five defendants tried at the Izmir SSC were harassed and beaten by gendarmes when they open a placard of protest at the court room.
    21.7, in Istanbul, Hakan Sarac was sentenced by the SSC to 12 years and six months in prison for TDKP (Revolutionary Communist Party of Turkey) activities.
    21.7, in Dargecit, the headman of the Village of Degerli, Hüseyin Ergen was shot dead by village protectors.
    22.7, the Kayseri SSC sentenced seven people to capital punishment for PKK activities.
    22.7, in Mersin, security forces detained about 50 people among them are also 14 or 15-year old children. In Trabzon, nine alleged Dev-Sol militants were detained.
    22.7, the Izmir SSC sentenced four youths to prison terms of up to 12 years and 8 months for Dev-Sol activities. In Tokat, a high-school student, Kazim Dogan, was sentenced to one-year imprisonment for putting some political posters on walls.
    23.7, in Ankara, Osman Tiftikci alleged to have been tortured after his detention. The traces of torture were certified by a medical report.
    23.7, cultural festivals organized by Alevi communities in Sarkisla, Silivri and Sorgun were banned by local authorities.
    23.7, former DEP Mersin Chairman Sedat Kalaba was detained by police.
    23.7, in Ergani, security forces raiding the village of Gisgi detained 21 people.
    24.7, in Istanbul, Sadik Celik alleged to have been tortured by police after his detention on July 20.
    24.7, the Mersin IHD Section as well as two restaurants and a disco were closed by the governor on pretext of giving shelter to PKK militants.
    24.7, in Izmir, a police team raiding a market arrested two vendors for being dressed in three colors of the PKK flag: yellow, green and red.
    24.7, in Derik, Sehmuz Coban and Hüseyin Kaya were found assassinated.
    25.7, a doctor of the Mersin State Hospital, Sabri Soysal (35) was detained on charges of giving medical treatment to PKK militants.
    25.7, in Diyarbakir, driver Sedat Celik, shopkeeper Abdullah Sapan and peasant Behcet Acisi were assassinated by unidentified persons.
    25.7, in Izmir, Doctor Alp Ayan and two other persons were detained during a picnic.
    26.7, in Dogankent (Adana), 14-year old Ümmühan Tekin was shot dead by gendarmes for not obeying the order to halt.
    26.7, security forces detained 20 people for aiding the PKK in Viransehir and seven people for Dev-Sol activities in Ankara.
    26.7, in Yüksekova, local DEP chairman Serif Han and village headman Sahabettin Timur were detained by police.
    28.7, unidentified gunmen assassinated Mehmet Hafifar in Batman, Remziye Akin in Batman and Kerim Anil in Kurtalan.
    28.7, gendarmes dispeopled four villages in Siirt and set on fire all houses emptied by their owners. During the operation, two villagers were wounded  and a pregnant woman miscarried her baby.
    28.7, in Izmir, a demonstration of public servants claiming trade union rights was prevented by police taking about 40 people into custody.
    29.7, in Edirne, a policeman shot dead a youth named Zafer Kütük.
    29.7, in Nusaybin, peasant Ahmet Yildirim was assassinated by unidentified gunmen.
    30.7, the Van section of the Education Workers' Trade Union (Egitim-Is) was closed down by the governor.
    31.7, unidentified gunmen assassinated DEP member Mehmet Yasar in Batman and tradesman Cemalettin Burkay in Diyarbakir.


    The new government, conforming to the military’s advice, has launched, to accompany military operations, a major repression campaign against the radical opposition in the form of “psychological warfare”.
    On July 11, Premier Ciller received an exclusive briefing from the military commanders on the Kurdish Question and resolved to intensify the military operations against the PKK while also concentrating on the propaganda war.
    Later, owners and directors of major newspapers with the exception of Aydinlik and Özgür Gündem were invited to the chief of general staff office where they were asked to unconditionally support the military and security forces.
    In the evening, Ciller hosted this select group for dinner as part of her bid to found a “national consensus against terrorism” and give a free hand to the military.
    Since then, all Turkish newspapers, with the exception of Aydinlik and Özgür Gündem, have been carrying on a total black-out on the State terrorism and the guerrilla’s success while the front pages are full of headlines praising the military’s heroism and groundless reports insulting the Kurdish national movement. 
    As another result of this campaign, the repressive practices against the media of left-wing and Kurdish opposition reached unprecedented dimensions.
    On July 14, a criminal court in Istanbul ordered the daily Özgür Gündem to cease its publication on grounds that relevant offices had not been notified of a change in the newspaper editor’s address since the initial declaration. The newspaper reports that even if that was the case, the sanction to be applied would not be an order to halt publication. According to Article 23 of the Press Code, those who fail to notify the changes in their declaration within a period stipulated by law will be given a fine ranging from TL 3,000 ($0.30 to $ 1.50).
    Next day, on July 15, the newspaper’s chief editor, Davud Karadag, was arrested in Istanbul by the Istanbul State Security Court for separatist propaganda in 30 articles that he published in recent days. On the other hand, the SSC prosecutor opened a new court action against Özgür Gündem with the demand of closing the daily for up to 30 days.
    On the other hand, the Özgür Gündem announced that 41 out of its 68 issues published between April 26 and July 2 were subjected to confiscation. Besides, in the legal proceedings opened against the Özgür Gündem, the prosecutor demanded prison terms of up to 493 years in total and TL 8,617,441,000,000 ($ 861,744,100) in total.
    Özgür Gündem had initially started publication on May 30, 1992, but ceased it a few months later under increasing pressures. After having collected funds and reinforced its editorial board the newspaper restarted publication on April 26, 1993. After the rebirth of the daily Özgür Gündem, the weekly Yeni Ülke which had shared the same politics joined it.
    It is known as the first daily in Turkish language which defends the views of the Kurdish national movement in Turkey. The owner of Özgür Gündem, businessmen Yasar Kaya, is a distinguished Kurdish intellectual. He was recently elected as the chairman of the newly established Democracy Party (DEP) claiming that its aim is to unite the Turks and Kurds of Turkey for defending fundamental human rights and freedoms.
    Özgür Gündem writers are mainly Kurdish and Turkish left-wing intellectuals who are committed to fight against the official State ideology and to raise the voice of the Kurdish national movement.
    Almost every day, front page reports in Özgür Gündem concentrate on village raids and torture incidents in the South East region. Also, it is running extensive reports on PKK activities and politics, including interviews with senior PKK leaders.
    Under a constant pressure, many writers, correspondents and distributors of Özgür Gündem have been killed, threatened, harassed or detained for their opinions.
    During its first period of publications, five journalists of Özgür Gündem had been assassinated: Hafiz Akdemir (June 8, 1992), Yahya Orhan (July 31, 1992), Hüseyin Deniz ( August 10, 1992), Musa Anter (September 20, 1992) and Kemal Kilic (February 18, 1992). None of the murderers could be traced.
    After its restarting publication, the assassination of Özgür Gündem correspondents started again.
    On June 2, 1993, Batman correspondent Tegmen Demir was assassinated by unidentified gunmen.
    On July 28, Bitlis correspondent Ferhat Tepe was kidnapped by unidentified people. The action was claimed by an extreme-right organization called Turkish-Ottoman Vengeance Brigade. (TOIT). The body of Ferhat Tepe was found on August 9 near the town of Sivrice in Elazig province. 
    On August 13, the newspaper reported that its another correspondent, Aysel Malkoç disappeared nine days ago in Istanbul. Her colleagues are worried that Malkoç may have been kidnapped by security forces and could be dead.
    In addition to killings, many journalists of Özgür Gündem have been arrested for their articles or activities: Ahmet Hamdi Akkaya on May 26, Mahmut Dogan and Abdullah Koc on June 3, Yusuf Cacim and Bülent Ciftci on July 2, Tacettin Demir on July 13, Nezahat Özen on July 16 and Mehmet Yazici on July 20. Nezahat Özen  who was detained in Mardin and subjected to torture although she was 7-month pregnant.
    Recently a campaign has been launched to support Özgür Gündem and a solidarity committee formed. The Contemporary Journalists’ Association (CGD), the Human Rights Association (IHD) and the Human Rights Foundation of Turkey (TIHV) as well as a number of deputies and intellectuals forming the committee said “invisible forces” in Turkey were attempting to crush opinion and thought but warned the country’s democratic forces were determined to resist this
    On the other hand, the monthly periodical Newroz too has been subjected to a permanent persecution. Out of its 24 issues published until now 18 have been confiscated for separatist propaganda and prosecutors opened 24 legal proceedings for many reports and articles published by the review. Four of these proceedings ended in 5 years and 4 months in prison and LT 594 Million ($ 60,000) in fine. In the other on-going trials, the journalists of the review face 100-year imprisonment and TL 3.5 Billion ($ 350,000) in fine.


    Although not of Kurdish origin, sociologist Ismail Besikci has always been one of the main targets of the anti-Kurd repression because of his courageous stand on the Kurdish Question.
    On July 1st, Besikci was sentenced by the Istanbul SSC to 20 months in prison for his book entitled The 1931 Program of the CHF - The Kurdish Question.  As for his publisher Mrs. Ayse Zarakolu, she was sentenced to five months in prison and TL 21,666,000 ($ 2,166) in fine by virtue of Article 8 of the Anti-Terror Law.
    Next day, in another case concerning his 15 other books, the Ankara SSC sentenced Besikci to 4 years and 8 months in prison and TL 58,473,000 ($ 5,847) in total. The owner of the Yurt Publishing House, Ünsal Öztürk who published these books was sentenced to 2 years and 4 months in prison.
    Recently, the Istanbul SSC confiscated Besikci’s two new books,The way that the tribunals Opened on July 15 and The Rise of Conscience and A Nation Discovering Itself: Kurds  on July 22, for separatist propaganda.


    1.6, the Istanbul SSC confiscated the last issues of the political reviews Newroz, Devrimci Proletarya and Devrimci Emek  by virtue of the Anti-Terror Law.
    7.6, the last issue of the weekly Azadi was confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for separatist propaganda.
    8.6, the Istanbul SSC sentenced the responsible editor of the weekly Gercek, Yücel Özdemir, to six months in prison and TL 150 Million ($ 15,000) in fine for having praised an outlawed organization in some articles. The owner of the review, Kamil Tekin Sürek too was sentenced to a fine of TL 300 Million ($ 30,000) for the same articles.
    8.6, the chief editor of the political review Medya Günesi, Osman Aytar was sentenced by the Istanbul SSC to two years in prison and TL 100 Million ($ 10,000) in fine for separatist propaganda.
    8.6, the first issue of a new political review, Devrimci Cözüm, was confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for praising an outlawed organization and its armed actions.
    8.6, Professor Ilhan Arsel was indicted by the prosecutor for his last book, Intellectual and "Intellectual, on charges of having insulted the Holy Books and Prophet Mohammed. Arsel and the editor of the book, Hikmet Ersavas both face a prison term of up to two years.
    9.6, the public prosecutor open a legal action against cartoonist Ertan Aydin for his cartoons published by the daily Özgür Gündem. Aydin and the daily's responsible editor, Isik Yurtcu, face a prison term of not less than two years for insulting the State's security forces.
    9.6, in Istanbul, a group of journalists covering a protest action of public servants were harassed and detained by police.
    11.6, the sentence about author Edip Polat, two years in prison and TL 50 Million ($5,000) in fine, for his book entitled We turned the Dawns into Newroz, was ratified by the Court of Cassation.
    11.6, the soloist of the folk music group Ekin, Murat Özdemir was taken into custody when he went to the Ankara SSC for taking back his belongings that police confiscated in April during a raid on the Ekin Cultural Centre.
    12.6, another member of the musical group Ekin, Metin Turan was detained in Antalya.
    12.6, a concert which was to be given in Malatya by folk singers Deste Günaydin and Hamza Dogan was banned at last moment by the governor's order.
    12.6, a police team raided the office of the review Devrimci Cözüm and detained Hatice Onaran and Yusuf Büyükdag.
    13.6, the weekly Azadi N°57, the weekly Gercek N°11 and the monthly Partizan N°12 were confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for separatist propaganda.
    13.6, in Ankara, police detained three people for having distributed a special issue of the monthly Kurtulus.
    14.6, in Diyarbakir, a newspaper vendor, Hasim Yasa (34) was assassinated by unidentified people. Earlier, he had been threatened several times. His nephew Esref Yasa had been wounded during an attack by unidentified people.
    17.6, the issues N°9 and 10 of the weekly Panorama were confiscated by the Istanbul SSC  for some articles on the Dev-Sol and the PKK. The political review Emegin Bayragi N°91 was confiscated for separatist propaganda.
    18.6, the responsible editor of the daily Aydinlik, Mrs. Hale Soysü was indicted by the Istanbul SSC Prosecutor for having published Salman Rushdi's The Satanic Verses.  She faces imprisonment of up to 30 months for insulting the Islam.
    19.6, the Bursa representative of the political review Emegin Bayragi, Metin Arikan, and two other persons were arrested for organizing a protest action.
    20.6, the weekly Azadi N° 58 was confiscated by the Istanbul SSC  for an article on extrajudicial executions.
    21.6, the Istanbul office of the political review Mücadele was raided by a police team and 20 people inside detained. Same day, an armed group raided the Istanbul office of the monthly Devrimci Cözüm and wounded chief editor Nurcan Güzel and four other contributors.
    22.6, in Adana, a distributor of the daily Özgür Gündem, Ali Celikten was arrested for instigating local tradesmen to close their shops in protest against security operations.
    25.6, the Malatya SSC sentenced five people to 20 months in prison and TL 83 Million ($8,300) for having chanted Kurdish songs during a wedding ceremony in Gaziantep on October 9, 1992.
    27.6, the recent issues of the daily Özgür Gündem and the weeklies Gercek, Mücadele and Azadi were confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for separatist propaganda.
    29.6, the fortnightly Emegin Bayragi N°93 and the last issue of the monthly Devrimci Emek were confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for separatist propaganda.
    4.7, the weekly Azadi N°60 was confiscated by the Istanbul SSC  for an interview with the mother of a PKK militant killed by security forces.
    6.7, a correspondent of the daily Sabah, Ihsan Uygun, and his driver Yüksel Alptekin are reportedly disappeared for two days. They had been sent to cover a fire incident at the quarter of Kartal, their car was later found destroyed and burnt in a woody area.
    7.7, the Court of Cassation ratified the sentence for writer Hacay Yilmaz. Accused by virtue of Article 8 of the Anti-Terror Law, he had been sentenced to 20 months in prison and TL 42 Million ($4,200) for a declaration he made in Söke in 1992.
    10.7, in Mersin, Milliyet correspondent Cumhur Soylar and Toros correspondent Ahmet Özdemir were harassed as covering a demonstration in protest against the Sivas Massacre.
    10.7, the chief editor of the monthly Devrimci Emek, Erhan Il was arrested by the Istanbul SSC for an article published in June.
    10.7, in Istanbul, a police team raided journalist Metin Ciyayi's house and took him into custody.
    12.7, the monthly Direnis N°20 was confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for praising outlawed organizations.
    13.7, the recent issues of the political reviews Emegin Bayragi, Newroz, Serketin and Newroz Atesi were confiscated by the Istanbul SSC  for separatist propaganda and praising outlawed organizations.
    14.7, a penal court banned the publication of the magazines Yeni Demokrat Genclik, 69 Erkek and Firtboy on grounds that they did not communicate the address of their responsibles to the Istanbul Governor's office.
    14.7, two journalists of the monthly Taraf, Abdülkadir Takis and Osman Hira were detained by police for radical Islamist activities.
    16.7, a new book entitled The Path and Tasks of the Revolution of Turkey, published by the Zagros Publishing House was confiscated by the Istanbul SS. The tribunal also decided to confiscate the monthly Gencligin Sesi N°2.
    16.7, the responsible editor of the political review Medya Günesi, Mahmut Metin was arrested by the Istanbul SSC for some articles in the issue N°32.
    18.7, the representative of the political review Hedef, Fatih Danisan was taken into police custody.
    19.7, the responsible editor of the political review Newroz, Adil Kurt was arrested by the Istanbul SSC for some articles that he published.
    19.7, the political reviews Mücadele, N° 54, and Iscinin Yolu, N°13, were confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for separatist propaganda and praising some outlawed organizations.
    21.7, a 7-month pregnant journalist, Nezahat Özen was arrested for having reported to the daily Özgür Gündem a news about the rape of a 17-year old female detainee by policemen.
    21.7, the fortnightly Özgür Gelecek N°8 was confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for propaganda in favour of an outlawed organization.
    22.7, in Kayseri, the correspondent of the periodical Özgür Gelecek was arrested.
    23.7, the July issue of the periodical Yurtsever Egitimciler was confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for an interview with Ismail Besikci.
    28.7, the periodical Yeni Demokrat Genclik N° 10 and the special issue of the periodical Hedef were confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for instigating the people to revolt.
    29.7, the printing house Aydinlar was set on fire by unidentified people.
    30.7, the weekly Azadi N°64 and the fortnightly Medya Günesi N°34 were confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for separatist propaganda.