A non-government information service on Turkey
Un service d'information non-gouvernemental sur la Turquie


17th Year - N°204
October 1993
38 rue des Eburons - 1000 Bruxelles
Tél: (32-2) 215 35 76 - Fax: (32-2) 215 58 60
 Rédacteur en chef: Dogan Özgüden - Editrice responsable: Inci Tugsavul



    As the general offensive against Kurdish guerrilla and Kurdish villages was being carried on by the Turkish Army, legal pro-Kurdish organizations such as DEP pro-Kurdish  publications too underwent an unprecedented persecution. Besides, many distinguished figures of the Kurdish people fell victims of the anti-Kurdish hysteria organized or provoked by the State forces.
    1. Former HEP Chairman and currently Deputy Speaker of Parliament Fehmi Isiklar was stripped of his parliamentary seat and immunity by the decision of the Constitutional Court on August 19, on grounds that his declarations as party leader on the Kurdish Question led to the dissolution of the HEP.
    2. Mardin deputy for the DEP Mehmet Sincar was killed in the eastern refinery city of Batman on September 4. Along with him, local DEP official Mehmet Özdemir too was killed and  DEP deputy Nizamettin Toguç wounded.
    3. The attack on Sincar and his colleagues was followed in next day by an assassination attempt on DEP deputy Mrs. Leyla Zana and her comrades.
    4. DEP Chairman Yasar Kaya who is also owner of the pro-Kurdish daily Özgür Gündem was arrested on September 15 for a speech he made at a meeting of  Iraqi Kurds.
    All these repressive acts by the Government or pro-government forces lead without any doubt to the rise of tension and Turkey rapidly falls into polarization trap.
    The Turkish Daily News editor Ismet Imset who is very often accused by the pro-PKK journalists of defending the Turkish State’s interests,  in September 23 issue of the daily, resumes the recent events and draws attention to this dangerous polarization in following terms:

    Rise of tension and polarization

    Turkey's Kurdish-based Democracy Party (DEP), which has come under fire from all fronts, is debating now whether to stay in the Turkish parliament with its 17 deputies or to completely withdraw.
    Since the Oct.20, 1991 general elections, which put the DYP-SHP coalition into power, 54 Kurdish politicians and activists have been killed in Turkey. At least 15 journalists writing on the Kurdish issue or filing on human rights have also been assassinated.
    A temporary cease-fire declared by the PKK last March curbed some of the killings, but with both sides back to war, a ruthless assassination campaign has once again gone underway.
    The 54th victim was DEP Mardin deputy Mehmet Sincar. As if to legitimize this attack, an Istanbul newspaper was immediately leaked a document said to be Toguç's diary, through an official body, given the duty of psychological warfare against the PKK. The diary had notes on Toguç's earlier meeting with PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan, thus supposedly proving to the Turks that he deserved to die.
    This attack was followed in next day by an assassination attempt on DEP's most outspoken deputy, Leyla Zana, the wife of Diyarbakir's former mayor— and well-known Kurdish activist—Mehdi Zana.
    But these were not the sole "attacks" on Turkey's one-and-only pro-Kurdish party.
    In fact, the founding of DEP itself came as the result of attacks of a different nature.
    The Peoples' Labor Party (HEP), which it succeeded, was closed down this year and its chairman of two years ago, Fehmi Isiklar, was stripped of his parliamentary seat and immunity. The Constitutional Court decision was so controversial that even Parliamentary Speaker Hüsamettin Cindoruk was shocked. Although Isiklar was the founder of HEP and its first chairman, he had long switched sides and was with the coalition partner the Social Democrat People’s Party (SHP). Furthermore, he was the deputy speaker of Turkish Parliament.
    Isiklar's verdict only showed how much tolerance there was in Turkey to the freedom of expression, especially when it comes to expressing Kurdish rights.
    And, as if these were not enough, last week a State Security Court in Istanbul opened 11 cases against the pro-Kurdish Özgür Gündem newspaper owned by DEP chairman Yasar Kaya.
    This move, to close down Özgür Gündem once and for all, coincided with the arrest of Kaya by the Ankara State Security Court.
    Everything has been developing over the past two years as if to suffocate the legal Kurdish movement altogether, and to force it underground, and then eliminate it together with the illegal forces of the Kurds.
    Almost as if there is a master-plan. 

    From the press:

    HEP deputies were psychically attacked by other deputies in Parliament... Police in Izmir demonstrate and  shout “Death to the Kurds!”... Leyla Zana threatened with death by military officer... MP Mehmet Sincar killed, Toguç wounded... Özgür Gündem announces 54 DEP activists assassinated... 15th Kurdish journalist shot... HEP closed down... Isiklar stripped of immunity, out of parliament... Court demands closure of Özgür Gündem... Yasar Kaya under arrest...
    Like a film strip, one can list so many developments against the HEP/DEP in the past two years that it is normal to wonder how the legal pro-Kurdish movement has managed to survive so far.
    In the words of Kurdish activists and their journal Özgür Gündem, "the DEP is cornered" and there is a systematic campaign to end its existence in Turkey.
    In the words of many Turks angered by PKK attacks constantly claiming new lives in the east and south-eastern parts of the country, such deputies do not deserve to have a place in parliament.
    And the tension is rising by the day... 

    Final Showdown:

    According to one observer of the Southeast conflict, which the Turkish government (and military) still refuse to recognize as the Kurdish problem, both Ankara and pro-Kurdish movements in this country are heading now for a final showdown.
    If the scenario is stretched and ear is given to claims that a clandestine yet well-organized official force may actually be drawing a new "Kurdish policy" in Turkey, a bizarre scenario comes to the surface. One which is based not on social harmony but on complete alienation.
    There are so many mistaken policies put into practice in the Southeast, policies that are in fact prompting new recruitments for the guerrillas, that it is difficult to believe such "mistakes" can be committed without a cause.
    For months, Turkish Probe [a weekly in English] has brought to light many drawbacks of Turkey's Southeast campaign; behaviour of the police special crack teams, the forceful evacuation of villages, village burnings, human rights violations, failure to differentiate between militants and the innocent population, operations inflicting harm on villagers and etc.
    Each and every practice listed, since the PKK started its armed campaign in 1984, has served nothing more but to alienate the local people from the state, to recruit new militants for the organization and to strengthen the PKK—not weaken it. Every year, following one anti-PKK campaign after another, officials have boasted success. Every year promises have been made to bring an end the PKK once and for all. And, every year, the PKK has received military blows but appeared on the scene as a stronger force.
    The Chief of General Staff Gen. Dogan Güres has been saying the same thing over the past months. Last year, the PKK was to be crushed by the end of the winter. After winter, the PKK was to be crushed this summer. Later the "deadline" was revised to autumn and it is now "at the end of next winter."
    One major difference over the past two years, however, is that along with promises of success, there has been a serious alienation of the people.
    On the one hand, there appears to be a systematic campaign against pro-Kurdish formations on the legal platform. On the other, the alienation of the people. When the two come together, it is like gunpowder and a flame.
    Tension is rising.
    And, it is becoming more and more difficult to believe that everything is a coincidence or that the great power circles behind the anti-PKK campaign do not see into how the campaign is backfiring.
    Then what is it?
    Could it be that some circles in Turkey, with interests surpassing those national interests of this country, are actually seeking a final showdown?
    Could it be that they are actually after this alienation and the policy underway intentionally seeks a social alienation? Hopefully not. But it is truly difficult to believe that everyone is so ignorant that no one can see how the campaign is backfiring.
    With each and every village being raided, evacuated (and sometimes burned down to prevent them from being used again), with each and every pain inflicted on the local Kurdish people of the Southeast and with each and every human rights violation, the PKK is strengthening. Not only is it strengthening politically but it is gaining new recruits—sometimes en masse. The other side of the coin is that the "undecided," those people on the fence, are being forced to make a decision and out of the nature of the official campaign they observe, end up on the wrong side.
    But is it truly the wrong side?
    Months ago, during field research in the troubled region, the most widely heard complaint from local security officials was that of Ankara's political pressure to "differentiate between the innocent people and terrorists." 
    High and low ranking officers alike were saying then that had the PKK been a phenomenon in a foreign country, things would be easier. As in the words of one officer, "if we were operating in a different country, we could then solve the PKK problem in a matter of months. We would then openly know who the enemy is." Indeed, to know "the enemy" is one step towards solving the problem but in the backward Southeast, where the PKK is organizing a Vietcong style resistance and Turks believe most villagers are part of the militia, it is difficult to differentiate. It will be difficult—or impossible—to differentiate between friend and foe if the people remain where they are.
    Solution: Alienation.
    If, by whatever policy, the people in the region who in one way or the other sympathize with or support the PKK are forced to make their choice and join the organization, the enemy would start taking shape.
    If through village raids, oppression and forceful migration those who appear "undecided" but secretly sympathize with the guerrillas can be forced to go up to the mountains, the enemy will start taking shade.
    And, if the militia (disguised but secretly armed PKK militants living in urban and rural settlements) are forced to become part of the mountain units, or rather if the secret ERNK [front organization of the PKK] front members can be forced to migrate to the openly armed ARGK [guerrilla force of the PKK], the enemy will take shape.
    The scenario can be topped with recent suggestion, coming from within the armed forces, to use lasting chemical weapons in the region.
    Once as many people and militia are forced to openly join the PKK and to go up to the mountains, the "enemy territory" will also be determined.
    One suggestion is to use lasting chemical gases on five rows of mountains and end the problem once and for all. 

    The Hitch

    If such a scenario ever came to being, the only obvious hitch would be the existence of a legal pro-Kurdish movement in Ankara or an alternative framework for pro-Kurdish activists. The complete polarization of a mass of people to turn them into "open enemies" would depend on giving them a single alternative: Moving underground. Physically meaning to move to the mountains.
    And in this scenario, the only hitch is the DEP. For, as long as legal outlets for the Kurds remain in force, as long as there is an alternative to armed insurgency, full polarization cannot be achieved.
    Again the "secret enemy" will continue to dwell "among friends" and again there will be the problem of completing a full-fledged campaign of destruction.
    Thus, if such a plan is to be put into force the DEP obstacle and others along with it such as the Özgür Gündem and other "legal" pro-Kurdish formations also have to be removed.
    Not perhaps the final solution but liquidation has worked out successfully in the past two years with the killing of 54 pro-Kurdish politicians and at least 15 journalists, giving again the same message: Legal pro-Kurdish activities will not be tolerated.
    Meanwhile, there have been threats, such as that to kill Leyla Zana and/or to kidnap and torture to death her daughter. There have also been court cases launched parallel to the killings and threats. The HEP has been closed down, the DEP leader is under arrest and the Özgür Gündem expects closure. The message is that Turkey will not tolerate anyone or any formation which in any way sympathizes with separatism. As in the words of President Süleyman Demirel "those who sympathize with those shedding blood... are killers."
    It was three days after these remarks that unidentified gunmen attacked the DEP deputies in Batman, killed Sincar as well as another local party official and wounded Toguç. Out of the lack of a concrete and democratic Kurdish policy, the PKK has expanded its grassroots and now those who sympathize with it only because they have not been able to see the state at their side, are killers.
    Killers to be killed. 

    Removing Obstacles

    Today, what remains as obstacles in front of a full alienation of the Kurdish people are being removed, in a way which causes suspicion that it may be systematic.
    The DEP has been "cornered." The Özgür Gündem is about to be closed down. Those who avoid legal prosecution through immunity or the lack of concrete evidence are being killed.
    The scenario could well be to force the legal pro-Kurdish movement underground. Complaints of Kurdish MPs enjoying parliamentary immunity will thus be solved. Complaints that the PKK has entered the Parliament will no longer be heard and if the DEP truly decides "to move out of Ankara" as Kurdish activists have put it, many will be pleased.
    A Sept. 9 News Analysis in the Turkish Daily News had pointed out that the DEP was at the cross-roads and that if it failed to openly criticise the PKK, it would lose credibility as well as its mission to bridge relations between the Turkish and Kurdish people.
    On Sept. 19, a man using the code-name of Seyit Ciya lashed out at the article in a critic of the Turkish language book "PKK" and said it sounded like statements made by Prime Minister Ciller or Gen. Gures.
    According to him, "PKK terror" cannot be condemned. According to many people in his ranks, not even the DEP should stay in Parliament.
    If the campaign launched against pro-Kurdish activities aimed at alienating the people and forcing the DEP out of parliament, it is now succeeding.
    The PKK, itself under the influence of many hard-liners which affect the leadership's position, suspects the DEP is actually calling on trouble when it stays in the parliament.
    Last week, ERNK European Representative Kani Yilmaz held a press conference and appealed to the DEP "to withdraw from Ankara." Later, an editorial believed to have been written by a senior PKK commander in Özgür Gündem said "there is no way for the DEP to remain in parliament. It should return to the people and be with the people. It will be protected by the people." At least one flank in the organization is pressing the DEP (and its south-eastern electorate) from a complete withdrawal which would mean the end of free pro-Kurdish legal activity in Turkey.
    And, at least one flank in the PKK is pressing the DEP to join their armed struggle.
    "After these attacks," DEP leader Yasar Kaya said before being hauled into prison last week "we have decided not to repeat our appeal for peace."
    Within the DEP, there are staunch PKK supporters as well as those who believe (or used to believe) in moderate legal activities. The latter group is rapidly losing ground, about to end up without any local support.
    Last March, when the PKK cease-fire was on, a very senior Turkish official had told a mediator that they were waiting for the Turkish people—his party's electoral grassroots—to support reforms on behalf of the Kurds.
    "If they support such reforms, they will push us. If they push us, we can get the reforms through,” he had said. In other words, this was an open reflection that the administration had fallen behind the people and was acting according to what the people wanted.
    What difference is there with the DEP?
    The DEP deputies were elected to Parliament according to the Election Law with all of their rights under a Constitutional guarantee.
    Whether others like it or not, they represent the people as much as those from other parties. Perhaps, their representation in the popular sense is even stronger. But this also means that the DEP—like the government—is acting according to its own electorate which, obviously, is pro-PKK. Thus the DEP appears to be on its way out of the parliamentary body.
    Once this happens, along with all other developments in the Southeast, another big step will have been taken towards the final showdown.
    Today, many scenarios can be conjured up for what is truly going on in the troubled region. The only fact to be seen is that tension is rising not only in that region but throughout Turkey.

    [Anti-Kurd demonstrations]

    Everything started with what looked like innocent demonstrations in larger cities, while Ismet Sezgin was Turkey s Interior Minister. First, organized crowds appeared outside of buildings raided by the police and as alleged extreme leftists were killed inside, waved Turkish flags singing national anthems. Human rights activists claimed there were plain clothes policemen among the crowds.
    Later, as each and every body of a soldier or security officer returned to their hometowns, masses gathered in the street shouting pro-Turkish slogans, waving Turkish flags and singing the national anthem.
    Soon, the nature of slogans changed. Instead of targeting only the PKK, they started to target the Kurds in general and specifically Kurdish MPs in parliament. "Death to the PKK in parliament," shouted hundreds of people the previous week. Last year in Istanbul, Izmir and Adana, masses of people and policemen were shouting that their city would be "a graveyard for the Kurds" and so on.
    "What I fear is that our own grassroots are becoming more and more racist," was how Cemil Bayik, the PKK's Military Council leader recently put it.
    "It is obvious that those who join us, the grassroots of the PKK, are very much different than the political leadership. I have to accept there are those who hate the Turks altogether." Most of the racist trend among the Turks comes, as Demirel recently pointed out, from the martyred soldiers and policemen sent back to their homes in coffins.
    Most of the racist trend within the PKK comes from either cadres who have spent many torturous years in prison or very young people. People for whom Turkey or a Turk is nothing more than a gendarmerie soldier searching his village or someone who has been involved in a rights violation.

    The tension is rising

    In southern, western and central Turkey Turkish businessmen have already started to organize to fire Kurdish labor at the cost of replacing it with the more expensive Turkish one. In several summer resorts, groups of youth are strolling the streets checking whether pedestrians are Kurdish or not. During Sincar's recent funeral in Ankara, the first recorded incident of racial discrimination was spotted with policemen holding the entrance of specific streets and looking at the IDs of citizens to see where they were born. And, there are plenty of more examples.
    The most striking development, coming at a time of immense popular polarization was recorded in Sivas very recently. The same Sivas where angered mobs of Sunni activists burned to death 37 Alawis. Now there is a systematic campaign there by security forces to arm Turkish-Sunni villages.
    According to Ciller and Demirel, everyone has the right to protect themselves and this is natural. But this too, is another interjection of polarization.
    On one hand the Turks and Kurds. On the other, Turkey's Alawis and Sunnis. According to unofficial estimates, there are about 20 million Alawis in Turkey constituting one-third of the whole population. There are also about 12-15 million Kurds. In Istanbul alone, the two-thirds of the daytime city population is said to be made up of Alawi and Kurds. Some believe this is 'the secret enemy."
    Enmity is spreading now and spreading very fast. Within the Kurdish movement, it appears that inclined to act according to its grassroots, the PKK is also boosting polarization. Perhaps the alienation which has started is attractive for the organization. Perhaps it is aware that in the long run, such a polarization is helping it.
    Will Turkey ever use chemical weapons? Possibly not. Possibly these suggestions will only be regarded as the ideas of madmen people inefficient to hold their current positions.
    But a massive military crackdown in the Southeast appears to be unavoidable for the future—specially when it comes out that the promises of this year, like those before, cannot be fulfilled. And that the PKK is still alive by next Spring.
    Until then, the plan may well be, to create a concrete enemy and this is where the threat lies. Unknown is the real power behind such scenarios... 


    As the warmonger declarations and decisions of the Demirel-Ciller duo and their militarist allies were driving Turkey towards an all-out war, PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan vowed to step up his fight against the Turkish Army.
    Speaking to foreign journalists in Lebanon on September 29, Öcalan said: “The war has reached the point of no return. There is genocide going on.  The Turkish chief of staff said they will wipe us out by next March but they cannot. We are opposing this policy with tremendous resistance.”
    In March 1994, Turkey is scheduled to hold local elections which Kurdish activists see as an opportunity to turn them into a self-styled referendum. The military and hard-liner parliamentarians want the elections to be called off on grounds of security. Gen. Güres recently told journalists that, if the PKK would not be crushed by next Spring, Martial Law would be imposed.
    Prime Minister Ciller has fully resolved on a military solution to the crisis and has given over all authority to the army. General Güres’s term in office was recently extended by one year under a special government decree. Although the Constitutional Court ruled against the law giving the government authority to issue such decrees, the decree related to Güres remains in effect because it has been in effect for 60 days which is the legal deadline for any petition to be submitted against it.
    Since the PKK’s armed campaign started in 1984 in retaliation to the national oppression, more than 7,200 people have died. But the situation has been deteriorating rapidly as of early 1993, when Ankara turned it back on all suggestions for democratic reforms for the Kurds and sought a military solution. More than 1,600 people have been killed in east and southeast Turkey since May 24 when Öcalan called off a two-month unilateral cease-fire which Ankara also ignored.
    “We will take harsher measures. In one day 50 people could die. We have no choice because they are destroying Kurdistan,” Öcalan said.
    He also accused the Turkish Army of genocide and of using napalm and chemical weapons against Kurdish villagers in mountains near Mount Agri (Ararat).
    Main opposition ANAP’s leader Mesut Yilmaz too referred to Agri province the same day and said that following a PKK attack on September 26 tanks in the Dogubeyazit town of Agri opened fire on the settlement and destroyed the house of former Health Minister and ANAP deputy Yasar Eryilmaz.
    Military officers announced that a new operation, with additional 50,000 troops joining the deployed force of about 140,000, is expected to begin in early October.

    The European Parliament, at its session of September 16, 1993, adopted the following resolution on the situation of the Kurds in Turkey:
    “The European Parliament,
    “A. condemning the assassination of Mr. Mehmet Sincar, a Kurdish MP belonging to the Democratic Party (DEP, formerly HEP), and another member of the party in Batman (Turkish Kurdistan) on 4 September 1993.
    “B. whereas Mr. Sincar was a member of a group of local MPs investigating political violence in Batman (more than 300 dead over the last few years),
    “C. whereas the Turkish military forces and their associates are widely suspected of involvement in this incident,
    “D. whereas Mr. Sincar is one of the victims in a long series of unsolved political assassinations,
    “E. having regard to the increasing number of people killed by armed forces in south-eastern Turkey,
    “F. having regard to the increasing number of cases in which meetings have been banned and restrictions imposed on the freedom of the press and freedom of opinion by the confiscation and banning of newspapers and magazines giving a true picture of the situation in south-eastern Turkey,
    “G. whereas respect for the most basic human rights, as defined by the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, is an essential precondition for accession to the European Community by any country,
    “H. having regard to its previous resolutions on the Kurds in Turkey,
    “1. Deplores the death of the two DEP officials;
    “2. Demands that light be shed on these assassinations and all others which remain unsolved and that the guilty parties be brought to justice;
    “3. Condemns all forms of violence and especially terrorist acts committed by the PKK;
    “4. Calls on the Turkish authorities to put an end to the state of emergency obtaining in the provinces with Kurdish majorities and to guarantee respect for human rights in the region;
    “5. Calls on the Commission, the Council and the Member States to avail themselves of every opportunity to persuade Turkey to initiate a political dialogue with the Kurds living in Turkey;
    “6. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Commission, the Council, EPC and the governments of the Member States and Turkey.”
    The European Parliament also adopted the following resolution on kidnappings by the PKK:
    “The European Parliament,
    “A. shocked by all the kidnappings of travellers and notably these of citizens of Member States of the Community, by the PKK in Eastern Turkey,
    “B. insisting on the common interest and duty of the EC and its Members States to resist blackmail by terrorists,
    “C. recalling its resolutions on the problem of the Kurdish minority in Turkey,
    “1. Condemns the kidnapping of people who do not even have anything to do with the conflict between the Turkish Government and the PKK;
    “2. Points out that these outrages can only reduce public sympathy for the Kurds in Member States;
    “3. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Commission, the Council, EPC, the Government of Turkey and the PKK office in Brussels.”


    To a question tabled by Senator Kuijpers on the ban of the People’s Labour Party (HEP), Belgian Foreign Minister and President of the EC Council of Minister Willy Claes gave on September 3, 1993, the following answer:
    “The HEP was founded in June 1990 and joined by parliamentarians who had been excluded from the Social Democrat Populist Party (SHP) for having participated in a Kurdish congress in Paris in 1989.
    “In July 1992, the Court of Cassation started before the Constitutional Court an action for the dissolution of the HEP because of the declarations made at this party’s congress. On July 14, 1993, the Constitutional Court, by a judgement, ordered the dissolution of the HEP for separatism. HEP parliamentarians had founded the DEP (Democracy Party) prior to the issue of this judgement.
    “The Constitutional Court informed the Parliament that, after the dissolution of the HEP and in application of Article 84 of the Constitution, Mr. Isiklar, chairman of the HEP, was deprived of his parliamentary mandate. Mr. Isiklar is pursued in justice for separatism.
    “It is in fact doubtful to have dissolve a political party which is committed to the Kurdish interests. Although this was made by a judgement of the Constitutional Court and on the basis of the Constitution, the latter is in part a heritage of the 1980 military coup. Parliament and government circles have their own doubts as regards the judgment in question. My Turkish colleague himself declared that Turkey faces the risk of losing the good will of the international community. Already, HEP members have been assassinated.
    “It seems so that the Turkish Government has difficulties to go away from centralist and unitarist traditions. On the other hand, one can only disapprove the methods of the PKK.
    “Jointly with my partners of the Community and on the bilateral plan, I have always called on my Turkish counterparts to resort to dialogue for bringing out a solution which will take into consideration the Kurdish specificity and satisfy Kurdish aspirations, including their democratic and cultural rights. Up to now, however, there has not been a concrete result: not a real dialogue, maybe because of the lack of a sufficient will. For many months, combats have been intensified again. Although the new Turkish Prime Minister seemed conciliatory, they have apparently been committed again to a ‘military solution,” in response to the ‘total war’ of the PKK.”


    The European Parliament, at its session of September 16, 1993, adopted the following resolution on the acts of desecration at the Christian cemetery of Neohorion (Yeniköy) in Istanbul
    “The European Parliament,
    “A. Alarmed by the acts of desecration at the Christian cemetery of Neohorion (Yeniköy) in Istanbul,
    “B. whereas acts of this kind directly undermine the tranquillity and security of the Greek Orthodox minority which remained in Istanbul following the persecutions of 1955,
    “C. having regard to its resolution of 18 April 1991 concerning the setting on fire of a bus carrying orthodox believers to Istanbul,
    “D. having regard to the relevant provision of the Treaty of Lausanne, the Paris Charter and of other international instruments regarding the protection of the rights of minorities in Europe,
    “1. Calls on the authorities to shed light on these incidents and to prosecute those responsible and condemns strongly any act which is the result of religious fanaticism which infringes fundamental human rights;
    “2. Points out that this climate of insecurity and of flagrant violations of the fundamental rights of minorities undermines relations between Turkey and the EC;
    “3. Calls upon the Turkish authorities to take the necessary measures for the protection and peaceful existence of the Greek Orthodox minority and to repair the damage caused by the desecration of the cemetery;
    “4. Requests EPC to appeal to the Turkish Government to establish the necessary security for the Greek minority of Istanbul and wishes this matter also to be referred to the EEC-Turkey Cooperation Council;
    “5. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, EPC, the governments of the Member States, the Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople and to the Turkish Government.”


    1.9, in Bursa, security forces detained 16 DEP members on charges of aiding the PKK. In Gebze, seven people were put under arrest by a tribunal for PKK activities.
    2.9, in Batman, DEP official Habib Kilic was assassinated by unidentified gunmen and his brother, Hikmet Kilic, was seriously wounded. In Siverek (Urfa), Nusret Güngörmez was found shot dead.
    2.9, the Chief of the State Hospital in Silvan, Dr. Zeki Tanrikulu was assassinated by two gunmen as leaving the hospital. Last year, another doctor of the same hospital, Mehmet Emin Ayhan had been killed in the same manner.
    3.9, in Silvan, Sakir Demirtas was shot dead by unidentified gunmen.
    4.9, in Diyarbakir, tradesman Vedat Dayan was assassinated by unidentified gunmen. Besides, Abdulcabar Ek who had been kidnapped fifteen days ago was found assassinated on the Silvan-Lice highway.
    5.9, in Istanbul, 20-year old Harun Cetin who has been in coma since March 15 because of torture at police station died in a hospital.
    5.9, in Mersin, a detainee named Resul Üzer was hospitalized after having been tortured at police station for five days.
    5.9, a victim of torture, Cuma Tepe, who had been arrested after the 1980 Coup died in an Ankara hospital as a result of a renal illness. He had not been allowed by the military to have a medical treatment during his 5-year arrest. Acquitted after five years, he was operated two years ago, but it was too late to save him.
    7.9, in Diyarbakir, waiter Abdullah Coban was assassinated by unidentified gunmen. In Bitlis, 15-year old shepherd Seyithan Özcelik who had been kidnapped on August 30 was found killed.
    7.9, in Sason (Batman), security forces, raiding the village of Acar and opening fire on villagers, shot dead Mustafa Ekmen and wounded four other persons.
    10.9, a meeting on the occasion of the 73th anniversary of the foundation of the Communist Party of Turkey (TKP) was banned by the Istanbul Governor.
    10.9, in Diyarbakir, unidentified gunmen stopping a minibus shot dead Ramazan Deniz and Haydar Aslan and wounded two other voyagers.
    13.9, in Sirnak, security forces raiding the village of Toptepe shot dead Yusuf Bozkurt, Nesim Akil, Ahmet Duru, Nezir Emek and Halit Akil.
    14.9, a 61-year old imam, Sefik Kaplan, who had been detained on September 5 during a raid on the village of Oymapinar in Bitlis reportedly died during his interrogation at a gendarmery post.
    14.9, in Bursa, 271 textile workers carrying out a demonstration in front of their factory in protest against redundancies were dispersed by police using force. Two female workers were seriously wounded and 51 others taken into custody.
    15.9, in Hazro, peasant Dursun Gülen who had been shot on September 7 by village protectors died in a Diyarbakir hospital.
    15.9, the Izmir SSC sentenced two Dev-Sol members to life-prison and three others to prison terms of up to 16 years and 8 months.
    15.9, in Mersin, imam Talip Yüce was shot dead by unidentified gunmen and his wife, Meliha Yüce, seriously wounded.
    17.9, in Istanbul, police raided a house allegedly inhabited by Dev-Sol militants and shot dead a young woman named Gönül Dudu Özcan although she did not show any armed resistance. Besides, police announced the arrest of four people during recent operations. The attorney of one of the detainees said that his patient Muzaffer Öztürk, who had already been imprisoned for eleven years, was subjected to torture after his detention, by beating and tearing off his hairs and moustaches.
    18.9, in Diyarbakir, a local DEP official, Abbas Demiroglu , Ali Ceylan and Selahattin Gencol were assassinated by unidentified gunmen.
    19.9, in Karakocan (Elazig), a high school student, Özlem Yildirim was wounded by police shooting from an armoured vehicle without any reason. The young girl was hospitalized and her right leg was cut off.
    19.9, police announced the arrest of 18 alleged Dev-Sol militants in Istanbul. Among them is also lawyer Fethiye Peksen who has been defence attorney of  many political detainees.
    20.9, in Batman, Yusuf Üzümcü was shot dead by unidentified gunmen opening fire from a motorcycle.
    20.9, the Diyarbakir SSC issued a warrant of arrest against 24 people who are mainly representatives of human rights organizations, trade unions and publications. They are indicted for a joint communique published on May 27, 1993, against human rights violations.
    20.9, the trial of the Secretary General of the Communist Labour Party of Turkey (TKEP), Teslim Töre, and 12 other party officials began at the Istanbul SSC. Töre and four other party officials face capital punishment and seven others different prison terms of up to 15 years. They are tried under arrest.
    20.9, in Diyarbakir, teacher Ahmet Arcagök and a 11-year old passer-by were assassinated by unidentified gunmen.
    21.9, an auto-park guard, Hamza Aksu (57) and four youths, Hasan Simsek, Ayhan Tusan, Oktay Akyol and Ismail Vuruskan applied to the Human Rights Foundation of Turkey (TIHV) with the claim that they had been detained by police without any reason on September 17 and subjected to torture at police station.
    21.9, in Diyarbakir, teacher Ali Sahap Salik was assassinated in high-school by an unidentified gunman.
    22.9, in Cemisgezek (Tunceli), tents of peasants on the Munzur Mountain were bombed by aircrafts. 18-year old Yeter Güler was killed, seven people wounded.
    23.9, the lawyers of political prisoners in the Buca Prison of Izmir accused the prison administration to subject inmates to inhuman conditions and ill-treatment. At the Elazig Prison Type-E, the hunger strike of political prisoners entered its 90th day.
    23.9, the Association for Rights and Freedoms (Özgür-Der) in Konya was closed down by the order of the Governor on pretext that the association carried out activities incompatible with its objectives. During the closing, police detained five people in the association.
    23.9, in Diyarbakir, tradesmen Kudbettin Akbal and Hamit Ülgen were assassinated by unidentified gunmen. In Nusaybin, pharmacist Abdülkadir Bayrak fell victim of an armed attack. 
    23.9, in Dogubeyazit (Agri), student Mehmet Konyar who had been kidnapped was found killed.
    24.9, in Batman, Sabri Özdemir was shot dead by unidentified gunmen.
    25.9, tradesman Ihsan Günes was shot dead in batman.
    26.9, in Midyat, Kadir Elmas was assassinated in an armed attack.
    27.9, the Human Rights Association (IHD), in a complaint to the Prosecutor’s office, accused superintendent Rasim Gül of systematically harassing young women working in night clubs.
    27.9, security forced announced the arrest of 30 alleged Dev-Sol militants during the operations in Adana, Mersin and Hatay. In Aralik (Igdir), more than 500 peasants were reportedly detained at 3-day operations in ten villages.
    27.9, unidentified gunmen assassinated Mehmet Salih Cakir and Mehmet Ali Kizmaz in Batman and Halil Kiraz in Siverek (Urfa).
    28.9, at the end of the trial of 20 PKK defendants, the Izmir SSC sentenced two persons to capital punishment and 10 others to prison terms of up to 18 years and 9 months.
    28.9, unidentified gunmen assassinated Ahmet Öner in Bagivar (Diyarbakir), Sükrü Yavuz and Muhittin Demir in Suruc (Urfa).
    29.9, in Malazgirt, Ethem Yükselir claimed that he had been tortured by gendarmes after being detained on September 26. He added that he was forced to be an informer.
    29.9, the Izmir SSC sentenced a person to capital punishment for PKK activities and 14 others to prison terms of up to 22 years and six months. Besides, the Kayseri SSC sentenced a PKK defendant to 12 years and six months in prison.
    29.9, in Diyarbakir, businessman Hüseyin Yildirim was assassinated by unidentified gunmen.
    30.9, unidentified gunmen shot dead student Abdülvahap Pala and Abdülhakim Aktürk in Diyarbakir and two tradesmen, Sükrü Tekince and Mehmeddin Zeki Tuncer in Batman.


    The publisher of the daily Özgür Gündem, Yasar Kaya who is also the chairman of the Democracy Party (DEP), is in prison since September 15.  He is accused for a speech he made while in neighbouring Iraqi Kurdistan.
    Besides, Özgür Gündem faces 11 charges and faces closure.
    Six of Özgür Gündem’s reporters are under detention, two of its distributors have been shot.
    One Istanbul-based reporter of the daily, Miss Aysel Malkac has gone “missing” for nearly one and a half months after being detained by police. In protest against the missing of their colleague, the journalists of Özgür Gündem carried out a one-month hunger-strike.


    The daily Hürriyet withdrew on September 11 all copies of an example print of the Turkish edition of Grosser Weltatlas after realizing that it contained a region in Turkish territory called “Kurdistan.”
    The atlas to be given in a promotion campaign to readers in return for 40 coupons of the newspaper had been sent to all newspaper sellers and kiosks.


    DEP Sirnak deputy Mahmut Alniak declared on September 13 that public schools in Ankara refused to accept his son and he was insulted by school principals in several places.
    The Kurdish deputy, trying to register his 16-year old son Halit Sinan at a Turkish high school, submitted a motion to the Grand National Assembly asking the Education Minster to explain the reasons for the discrimination he has faced. “If they had not treated me as if I were an enemy, there would not have been a problem,” he said.

    1.9, the recent issue of Yeni Demokrat Genclik and a book entitled The Case File 2 containing documents on a Dev-Sol trial were confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for propaganda of outlawed organizations.
    3.9, a cultural and artistic festival in the town of Divrigi (Sivas) was banned by the governor.
    3.9, the local office of the Komal Publishing House was raided by police who confiscated about 250 books inside.
    6.9, the Istanbul SSC sentenced two journalists of the weekly Azadi, responsible editor Sedat Karakas to six months in prison and TL 50 Million ($ 5,000) in fine and publisher Ikramettin Kaya to TL 100 Million ($10,000) for some articles published on November 8, 1992. Besides, responsible editor Kamil Ermis and publisher Hikmet Cetin of the monthly Deng too were sentenced by the same court to similar penalties.
    6.9, the trial of journalist Adil Kurt, responsible editor of the review Newroz, began at the Istanbul SSC. Under arrest for two months, Kurt faces a prison term of up to five years for separatist propaganda. The prosecutor also demands the ban of the review's publication.
    7.9, the Istanbul SSC began to try journalist Mahmut Metin, responsible editor of Medya Günesi, by virtue of the Anti-Terror Law. Under arrest for two months, he faces a prison term of up to five years. The prosecutor also demands the ban of the review's publication.
    8.9, Diyarbakir correspondent of the daily Aydinlik, Ahmet Sümbül, was tried by the Diyarbakir SSC on charges of aiding the PKK. He had been arrested on July 6 after having made a series of interviews with PKK militants on the Cudi Mountain. His demand of release was rejected.
    9.9, monthly Taraf N°31 was confiscated by the Istanbul SSC on charges of publication to instigate sect quarrels.
    10.9, the Istanbul SSC sentenced two publishers, Sirri Öztürk of Sorun Publishing House and Murat Ilyas Burak of Melsa Publishing House, to five years in prison and TL 41,666,000 ($4,167) each for publishing Anthology of Prison Poems Between 1980-1990.
    12.9, the Batman office of the daily Özgür Gündem was destroyed with a bomb explosion. Instead of searching the authors, police took into custody the newspaper's two employees: Mehmet Sah Yildiz and Vecdet Birkay.
    13.9, Cizre correspondent of Özgür Gündem, Salih Tekin, who had been detained by police on August 22, was put under arrest by a local tribunal. Tekin said that he had been subjected to torture during his 22-day police detention. Same day in Van, Özgür Gündem correspondent Aslan Saraç and his translator Hasan Yildiz were taken into custody as they were going to have an interview with foreign parliamentarians visiting the city.
    13.9, weekly Azadi N°70 and Mücadele N°62 were confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for separatist propaganda and praising outlawed organizations.
    13.9, the Adana office of the review Özgür Halk was raided by police and eleven people inside were taken into custody.
    15.9, Edip Polat, author of the book entitled We turned the Dawns into Newroz, was put in the Ankara Central Prison to purge his 2-year imprisonment. In addition to this penalty, Polat had been sentenced to a fine of TL 50 Million ($5,000) for this book. After the approval of the sentence by the Court of Cassation, he attempted to flee the country, but was arrested at the Esenboga Airport of Ankara.
    16.9, Adiyaman correspondent of the daily Zaman, Ragip Ersoy was beaten and wounded by the Director of the Registration Office as he was carrying out a survey.
    16.9, a total of eleven trials against the daily Özgür Gündem were held at the Istanbul SSC.  In seven of these trials, the prosecutor demands a ban on the newspaper's publication.
    17.9, the trial of Özgür Gündem correspondent Seyh Davud Karadag, under arrest for two months, began at the Istanbul SSC. Although released at the first trial, Karadag will be tried in four different cases by virtue of the Anti-Terror Law.
    19.9, the weekly Azadi N°71 was confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for separatist propaganda.
    20.9, the former responsible editor of the defunct weekly Yeni Ülke, Yusuf Cacim was sentenced by a penal court of Ankara to three months in prison and TL 2 Million in fine for having insulted neo-fascist MHP chief Türkes.
    20.9, monthly Odak N°24  was confiscated by the Istanbul SSC by virtue of Anti-Terror Law.
    21.9, For a calendar published by the defunct HEP's Aydin section in 1992, Mehmet Duyar and Ünal Tümer were sentenced by the Izmir SSC to 20 months in prison and TL 41,666,000 ($4,167) each.
    21.9, Izmir correspondent of the monthly Özgür Halk, Mehmet Bayraktar was sentenced to 10 months in prison and TL 83 Million ($8,300) in fine for a speech he had made at a meeting last year in Izmir.
    22.9, the sentence of journalist-writer Günay Aslan, author of a book entitled 33 Bullets was approved by the Court of Cassation. He had been sentenced by the Istanbul SSC to two years in prison and TL 55 Million ($5,500) by virtue of Article 8 of the ATL.
    22.9, monthly Gencligin Sesi N°4 and monthly Genclik ve Gelecek N°6 were confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for separatist propaganda.
    24.9, Istanbul chairman of the Human Rights Association (IHD) was indicted by the Istanbul SSC Prosecutor for his two articles published by Özgür Gündem on charges of having insulted the State and its judicial system.
    25.9, the Istanbul SSC confiscated three new books for separatist propaganda: The Patriotism of Kurdistan and Selected Works-2 by PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan and The Story of A Resurrection by Yalcin Kücük. The weekly Mücadele N°63 too was confiscated for separatist propaganda.
    26.9, a distributor of Özgür Gündem in Diyarbakir, Mehmet Balamir was seriously wounded with an axe by unidentified assailants.
    28.9, a newspaper distributor in Diyarbakir, Zülküf Akkaya was shot dead by unidentified people for selling Özgür Gündem.
    28.9, the Istanbul SSC began to try the owner of the daily Cumhuriyet, Berin Nadi, and responsible editor Celal Baslangic for having published an article concerning three policemen accused of torturing detainees. By virtue of Article 6 of the ATL, both face a fine of not less than TL 5 Million ($500).
    28.9, the last issues of the monthlies Partizan and Yeni Demokrat Genclik as well as the fortnightly Özgür Gelecek were confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for separatist propaganda. The tribunal also confiscated a book entitled Selected Works-I containing works of Ibrahim Kaypakkaya, a revolutionary figure killed under torture in 1973.
    29.9, in Diyarbakir, a distributor of Özgür Gündem, Abdülkadir Altan was seriously wounded with an axe by unidentified assailants. In Yüksekova (Hakkari), the only newspaper kiosk of the town was destroyed with explosive.
    29.9, the Istanbul SSC confiscated two books for containing propaganda of outlawed organizations: Internal Correspondences -Internal Conflicts and Political General Strike, published by the Eksen Publishing House.
    29.9, an administrative board member of the Contemporary Lawyers’ Association (CHD) in Istanbul, attorney Ulutan Gün was sentenced by the criminal court N°2 of Istanbul to 10 months for his article published by the weekly Mücadele on charges of having insulted the judicial system. The responsible editor of the review, Namik Kemal Cibaroglu too was sentenced to 10 months in prison.
    30.9, the former responsible editor of the review Newroz, Dogan Karakuzu was sentenced by the Istanbul SSC to six months in prison and TL 50 Million ($5,000) for separatist propaganda. The tribunal also decided to close down the review.


November 1992, N°193

    • Realpolitik! The EC raised their relations with Ankara to a higher level for the sake of “regional stability” • European complicity serves to instability • European Parliament’s moderate resolution • Army’s terror pointed again at inside of Turkey • Islamist shock at partial elections • 18 Kurdish deputies on hunger strike • 18 deputies face capital punishment • State of emergency extended once again • Judicial reform masquerade • Book-hunting at the Book Fair • Two journalists assassinated • 6.5 Million magazines confiscated

December 1992, N°194

    • 1992: Annus Horribilis • On the neo-Nazi terror against Turks in Germany • Three-month state terrorism • A fine of $222,250 for a book • “Basic Instinct” repressed • The Army asked suit against TV • A German reporter arrested • Three-month pressure on the media • ILO Agreement vetoed by Özal

January 1993, N°195

    • 13th Assassination: Diabolic manipulations to rehabilitate the Army and Kemalism are dragging Turkey to a dangerous polarization • Hunger strike by Kurdish deputies • Assyrians of Turkey under menace • State Terrorism in January • Never-ending press trials • Confiscations and interdictions • Daily Özgür Gündem suspended under pressures • Perincek sentenced to two years • German journalist condemned • Sanction for a Lenin badge • Pressure on the media in January • Pressure on two political exiles • Report on Turkey of the European Committee for the Prevention of torture and inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment

February 1993, N°196

    • The Counter-guerrilla remains untouchable • Alarming figures of human rights violations in 1992 • Ecevit’s black-out on Counter-guerrilla • The Military’s version of Counter-guerrilla • Counter-guerrilla changes name • Counter-guerrilla and the Hezbollah • Failure in the attempts to counter “Midnight Express” • ... And the reality of Turkish prisons • A spectacular prison escape • Encyclopedias war in the Turkish press • Nesin to publish the Satanic Verses • Proposals for stopping torture in Turkey

March 1993, N°197

    • After the Kurdish proposal for a political solution, the government and army of Turkey are expected to make their choice: War or peace • Two reports on human rights violations in Turkey • Helsinki Watch report on the oppression of Kurds • The RSF report on the murders of journalists • State terrorism in February • The assassination of 14th journalist in one year • Nazim Hikmet’s nationality rejected • Largest fine demanded for Besikci • Pressure on the media in February

April 1993, N°198

    • 500 DAYS: The government’s first term of power ended in failure • Deaths during the 500-day period • The Kurdish problem and the emergency legislation • Police demonstrations • Torture • Amended code of criminal procedure (CMUK) @ Prisons • Freedom of press, thought and conscious • Assassinated journalists • The Kurdish language • Freedom of organization • Pressure on mass organizations and political parties • Workers’ rights and trade-unions • Death penalties • Universities and YÖK

May 1993, N°199

    • Süleyman the Maleficent • Özal died, Demirel became President • Özal and Demirel: the men of the same cause • TKEP leader arrested • “Excrement” case against Turkey • No to the May Day holiday • Extrajudicial executions • State terrorism in March-April • Two journalists killed • British journalist arrested in Turkey • On the death of a journalist • IFJ Mission to Turkey • PEN Statement at the UN • US report on human rights in Turkey • Pressures on the media in March-April • Military orders to universities • Extradition of a Tunisian activist • Garbage explosion in Istanbul

June 1993, N°200

    • An “Iron Lady” for Turkey: Prime Minister Tansu Ciller • Footsteps of a new genocide in Germany • Ankara again opted for military solution on the Kurdish Question • Ciller: the wealthiest prime minister • Ciller’s controversial performance • Comparative situation of women in Turkey • SHP seeks a new leader • A provocative decree of amnesty • Perincek faces heavy prison • State terrorism in May • Alarming rise of Islam fundamentalism • A sheikh ul-Islam in Germany • A fundamentalist school in Belgium • Discrimination of the Alevis • Attacks on Aydinlik for Rushdie • Pressure on Armenians and Assyrians • Ban on private radios • Pressure on the media in May

July-August N°201-202

    Ciller and her allies drive Turkey to Civil War • The pogrom in Sivas foreshadows a war of sects in Turkey • Is Ciller a U.S. citizen? • A special army of Grey Wolves • Ciller’s anti-worker campaign • The balance-sheet of the 9-year dirty war • Army’s assault on Kurdish villages • Anti-Kurd aggressions intensified • HEP closed down and replaced by DEP • Failure of the 1st Coalition government • A symposium banned • Abduction of foreign tourists by PKK • AI report on the terror in Kurdistan • Helsinki Citizens Assembly’s call • Higher penalty ordered for Perincek • TKEP members face capital punishment • A British peer detained in Turkey • State terrorism in June-July • Daily Özgür Gündem target of the “psychological warfare” • Two-month pressure on the media • New punishments to Ismail Besikci

September 1993, N°203

    • Crazy armament of the Turkish Army • Ciller’s new anti-Kurd plans • PKK warns of new escalation • Helsinki Watch report on the media • Scandals of corruption • “Military regime should be tried” • Ciller’s ridiculous lessons to Germans • Olympic fiasco for “Iron Lady” • Dream of Europalia ‘96 • 30th Year of Turco-EC relations • New leader but same police in SHP • State terrorism in August • Persecution of the media in August • Turkish failure in Turkic republics

October 1993, N°204

    • Assassination, persecution and arrest of Kurdish leaders • Towards an all-out war • European Parliament resolutions on Kurds • EC President’s response on Kurds • EP Resolution on the Greeks of Turkey • State terrorism in September • Pressures on Özgür Gündem • An atlas withdrawn for Kurdistan • No school for Kurdish deputy’s son • Persecution of the media in September