A non-government information service on Turkey
Un service d'information non-gouvernemental sur la Turquie


19th Year - N°219
March-April 1995
38 rue des Eburons - 1000 Bruxelles
Tél: (32-2) 215 35 76 - Fax: (32-2) 215 58 60
 Rédacteur en chef: Dogan Özgüden - Editrice responsable: Inci Tugsavul


While time is running out for Turkey-EU customs union and the two-month deadline of the Council of Europe, the government still remains very far from keeping its promises concerning democratisation.
    1) Human rights violations are going as before.
    2) The human rights organisations are revealing each days new cases of torture and ill-treatment.
    3) The legal charges brought by the prosecutors against the Democracy Party (DEP) deputies and leaders are still effective, many of them are still in prison and some in exile.
    4) There is no move for that Kurdish deputies who have been stripped of their status of deputy are given that status back so that they can serve as members of Parliament once again.
    5) 166 prisoners of opinion are still in prison and hundreds still face heavy prison terms.
    6) There is no move to amend the constitution and the legislation so as not to permit the closure of political parties and the arrest of individuals for their opinions.
    7) The cultural autonomy of Kurds is still a taboo.
    8) Instead of seeking a political solution to the Kurdish problem, the government continues to count on military solution and the Army chiefs are still carrying on to massacre Kurdish population, to burn and destroy Kurdish villages in Southeast and to persecute all those demanding a political solution throughout the country.

    Turkey and the European Union, as expected, concluded the accord of customs union on March 6 in Brussels, but the European Parliament's resolution not to ratify this union as far as human rights are not respected still remains a major obstacle because no concrete step was taken up to now for democratisation.
    Although economic in essence, the decision to conclude the customs union was expected by both sides to have wide ranging political and social ramifications.
    At the end of the EU-Turkey Association Council meeting in Brussels, EU term president Alain Juppe recalled the European Parliament's reserve in the matters of human rights and the EU Council of Ministers' opinion that membership talks with Cyprus would begin in the first half of 1996 following the decisions of the intergovernmental conference in 1996.
    Turkish Foreign Minister Karayalcin, for the sake of obtaining the signature of the customs union, did not say anything against the opinion concerning Cyprus though Turkish foreign policy had always been against it. As for the human rights, he said that the Turkish Government was trying to overcome the obstacles to democratisation.
    Prime Minister Ciller for her part, while addressing the EU foreign ministers at a working dinner following the Association Council attended by the president of the EU Commission Jacques Santer, said this accord would "not only lift customs barriers but also pave the way for political and financial integration with Europe." Moreover, she gave a lot promises to EU ministers for democratisation and human rights.
    However, two months after these promises, at the end of April 1995, there was a growing frustration among ambassadors of the European Union countries in Ankara over the delays in democratic reforms and moves promised by Ciller.
    Instead of keeping its promises, the Ciller Government first raised the tension between the European Union and his regime by launching a military operation on the Iraqi territory.
    Keeping many Kurdish or left-wing intellectuals in prisons, starting new legal proceedings against distinguished writers and artists for their declarations concerning human rights, massacring Alevis in Istanbul have led to violent protestations against Ciller's government all over the world.
    Notably, the decisions of the European Parliament and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe have been the ultimate warnings to the Turkish Government and placed Turkey under the menace of being expelled from the Council of Europe.
    As underlined in a report revealed by President Demirel at the end of April, Turkey has no chance to see the Customs Union entering in force from the beginning of 1996 as far as the following conditions are not fulfilled:
    1) Human rights violations must be brought to an end.
    2) Torture and maltreatment must be stopped.
    3) The legal charges brought by the prosecutors against the Democracy Party (DEP) deputies and leaders must be dropped.
    4) Kurdish deputies who have been stripped of their status of deputy must be given that status back so that they can serve as members of Parliament once again.
    5) The prisoners of opinion should immediately be freed.
    6) The constitution and the legislation should be amended so as not to permit the closure of political parties and the arrest of individuals for their opinions.
    7) The Kurds should be given cultural autonomy.
    8) A political solution should be found to the Kurdish problem and negotiations should be started with those concerned.
    In front of these demands, the only thing that the government attempted to do has been the removal of Article 8 of the Anti-Terror Law, which stipulates five-year prison for crimes of expression of thought. According to the government's project, "crimes of expression of thought" will not really be removed, but it will be added to Article 311 of the Turkish Penal Code. So, anybody accused of spreading propaganda in line with the purpose and activities of "terrorist organisations which threaten the indivisible integrity of the state" will remain exposed to a prison term of up to two years. Those who are accused by virtue of Article 311 will be tried, not by the State Security Court, but by the High Criminal Court.
    By this change, the coalition partners are preparing to promote and focus on the release of two prisoners detained for crimes of expression of thought, Fikret Baskaya and Haluk Gerger, as symbols of the government's "success" in providing for expression of thought.
    Baskaya and Gerger are currently serving 20-month prison terms and, even this change is not adopted, they will be released respectively on June 14 and September 24.
    Even if these two prisoners are released earlier, 166 other prisoners of opinion will remain in prisons. For example, sociologist Ismail Besikci, who is the real symbol of freedom of expression, has been sentenced to 65 years in prison of which 23 years ratified by the Court of Cassation, risks to stay in prison.
    Besides, if Article 8 is amended, hundreds of intellectuals such as novelists Yasar Kemal, Orhan Pamuk and the Workers' Party (IP) leader Dogu Perincek could still face jail sentences, since although they will not be tried at the SSC, they could still be tried at criminal courts.   
    Even such a minor change in the Anti-Terror Law which does not remove "crimes of expression of thought" but only reduces the term of prison is refused by the conservative wing of Ciller's own party, DYP,
    Furthermore, President Süleyman Demirel, in a recent statement, said that the government should get the approval of the Army chiefs before putting such an amendment into the National Assembly's agenda.


    The first document initialed by Turkey and the European Union on March 6, 1995, concerns the decision to conclude a customs union and incorporates the scope of this union. Some of the stipulations of the 52-page document include the zeroing of customs levies by both sides with some reservations vis-a-vis textiles, the automotive industry and agriculture still to be ironed out.
    The achieving the standardisation between the EU and Turkey, the free circulation of most non-agricultural goods, the harmonising of Turkey's foreign trade legislation with EU legislation are among other stipulations.
    Also included are the harmonising of Turkey's intellectual property rights and patents laws with the EU, cooperation in the industry, transport, communications, statistical accounting and cultural contacts.
    The second document spells out the financial aspect of the customs union and projects the money to be received by Turkey from the EU's various funds, and from the IMF over a five year period at 3.2 billion ECU.
    The third document is a resolution which is, in the words of officials, a forward looking document listing  on the one hand the issues that have to be ironed out and on the other spelling out the will of the sides to enhance their political dialogue on a wide range of issues.

    EU-Turkey Resolution

    The following is the full text of the Resolution:
    "Considering the political agreement reached to date on the substance of a decision establishing operating rules for the final phase of the customs union
    "Whereas it is particularly important to supplement the agreements concluded within the framework of that Decision by implementing other aspects of the Association;
    "Whereas the European Council has many times underlined Turkey's important role in the current political situation and called for the intensification of co-operation and the development of relations with Turkey and for the establishment of a political dialogue at the highest level, in accordance with the prospect outlined in the Association Agreement,
    "The Association Council expresses its satisfaction with the negotiations for achieving free movement of ESCS products within a time frame as close as Possible to the entry into force of the customs union. The Association Council wishes to conclude these negotiations in 1995.
    "The Association Council deems it necessary to open, in 1995, in order to finish them before the entry into force of the Decision on customs union, negotiations concerning an exchange of reciprocal concessions on the agricultural products listed in Annex 6 to the Additional Protocol.
    "The Association Council deems it necessary to start an appropriate dialogue between the two sides on the conduct of macro-economic policy in order to ensure the best macro-economic environment possible for the functioning of the customs union.
    "The Association Council deems it essential to broaden the scope of the co-operation between the European Union and Turkey and looks forward to seeing initiatives being taken in the fields listed below:
    "• Industrial co-operation: this co-operation should extend Community instruments to Turkey to create contacts between undertakings, encourage Turkish firms to participate in Euro-partnership events in Europe, promote the creation of Euro-Turkish Joint ventures, including the development of SME's and create, in industrial sectors where the need is most acute, contact groups for consultation on the situation and prospects for the sectors in question.
    "• Trans-European networks; the Commission will enter into a dialogue with Turkey on trans-European infrastructure projects in fields such as energy, transport and telecommunications with a view to examining the possible mutual interest of Turkish participation in such projects.
    "• Co-operation on Energy: this co-operation must fit into the context of principles of the European Energy Charter and cover the drawing-up and programming of energy policies. Sectoral co-operation and exchanges of views should be continued and intensified in view in particular of the important role played by Turkey as a hydroelectric producer and a transit country for the transport of oil to Europe.
    "• Co-operation on transport: this co-operation should be initiated or stepped up and could provide in particular for regular exchanges of views on respective developments in the transport sector, with the aim of improving links between the two parties in the following areas:
    "* exploration of the possibilities for technical assistance for the railway and civil engineering authorities with a view to increasing the quality and productivity of services and harmonising technical standards as far as possible;
    "* promotion of combined transport
    "* examination of means of participating in the extension and improvement of transport links. In addition, agreements should be concluded with Turkey in fields such as transit and market access resulting from the Community's implementation of its common transport policy or its extension to new areas (air and sea transport).
    "• Co-operation on telecommunications: this co-operation will concern the modernisation of the Turkish network and its integration into European networks and the standardisation and management of telecommunications, the harmonisation of legal and complementary aspects being an essential element of this; harmonisation of laws will be actively sought in order to promote network interconnection, the speeding up of Turkey's development and the contribution of European firms to that development.
    "• Co-operation on agriculture: regular-consultations will be held between the two parties on both sides' agricultural policies in order to achieve a maximum of convergence in accordance with the contractual arrangements in force. The Commission will investigate the possibility of providing technical aid to Turkey to enable it to harmonise the special circumstances of Turkish agriculture.
    "• Co-operation on the environment: the objective will be to develop and step up the campaign to prevent deterioration of the environment: exchange of information and experts, training, and approximation of laws. It will also be necessary to examine the arrangements for Turkey's participation in the European Environment Agency.
    "• Scientific co-operation: it will cover research and technological development: exchanges of information on S&T policy, information, possible participation in the activities of the fourth European Community framework Programme for R&D in accordance with the Council decision of 21 November 1994 (94/763/EC) and intensification of efforts to create scientific co-operation networks between Turkish universities and research centres and their Community counterparts.
    "• Co-operation on statistics: co-operation under the Protocol concluded by the Turkish State Statistical Institute and Eurostat on 21 September 1993 will aim to set up a statistical system which will provide reliable statistics with the particular aim of harmonisation with Community and international methods, standards and classifications.
    "• Matters relating to justice and home affairs: Closer dialogue between the EU and Turkey could be considered on certain matters relating to justice and home affairs. This dialogue will be implemented in particular through exchanges of information.
    "• Consumer protection: co-operation will be designed to ensure compatibility between consumer protection systems in Turkey and in the Community. To that end and in the common interests of both parties, harmonisation of laws and the alignment of Turkey's consumer protection on that of the community will be sought.
    "• Cultural cooperation: with the aim of strengthening links between Turkey and the EU and improving mutual understanding. the parties will define by common agreement the precise areas to be covered by such co-operation. Particular efforts should be made to increase knowledge of the cultural heritage of each of the partners.
    "• Information and communication: appropriate measures will be taken by the Community and Turkey to encourage the exchange of information. Priority will be given to programs providing basic information on the Community for the general public and specialised information for professional circles in Turkey, including access where possible to Community databases. In this regard co-operation in the audio-visual sector, particularly through technical support by the EU for Turkish radio and television network, picture banks, etc. will be considered.
    A regular dialogue will be set up on the situation of Turkish worker in regular employment in the Community and vice versa. The two parties will explore all possibilities for a better integration of such workers.
    "The Association Council considers it necessary for political dialogue between the European Union and Turkey on all topics of common interest to be intensified:
    "• in principle, the President of the European Council and the President of the Commission will meet with the Turkish Head of State or Head of Government once a year;
    "• the Ministers for Foreign Affairs will meet twice a year, once in the framework of the Association Council and once in Troika formation
    "• the Senior Officials (including Political Directors) will meet in Troika formation twice a year;
    "• consultations between Turkish and EU experts will be organised in certain CFSP Working Parties
    "• Turkey will be regularly informed of the outcome of the meetings of the European Council, the Council and the Political Committee by the Presidency or the Council Secretariat;
    "The Association Council calls for the strengthening of the institutional framework of the Association by organising consultative relations between Turkey and the institutions of the EU with priority on the subject of trans-European dimension.
    "8. The Association Council requests the Association Committee to keep it regularly informed of the progress of discussions for the development of relations, the subject of this Resolution, enabling it to take stock of the situation in this respect."


    Banner headlines in Turkish dailies said on April 27, 1995, "The Turkish epic in Europe," "Another victory", "Turks shake Europe," "Victories should not end" and "Turkey, you are great." This victory in Europe they were celebrating was not a political kind. Simply, it was the Turkish national team's beating the Swiss football team.
    Thirst for violence, the Turkish media carried the flag in the front row of the victory celebrations in which at least five people were killed and many more injured. In every picture published by the press and in every image given by the TV people could be seen making the sign of the "wolf", the symbol used by the neo-fascist MHP of the Grey Wolves.
    On the same day, the Turkish dailies carried another item — unobtrusively in the inside pages in most cases — datelined Strasbourg which involved the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly decision against Turkey, that is, yet another Turkish political defeat in Europe.
    The Assembly, at its meeting on April 26, gave Turkey two months to fulfil certain conditions. If it fails to fulfil these conditions by June, Turkey, a nearly half a century-old member of that 34-member important organisation, would be suspended.
    The recommendation to the Council of Europe's ministers says the Council's executive body should consider suspending Turkey unless it could certify in two months' time that it had brought its record up to acceptable standards in human rights and withdrawn its troops from northern Iraq.
    The European parliamentarians, in their recommendation, condemned the Turkish military intervention in northern Iraq, saying that this is in violation of international law and expressing concern over the safety of the civilian population in that region.
    In the part concerning human rights, Turkey was accused of failing to make the legal (and constitutional) arrangements which would adjust its system to that of the European Council.
    The Parliamentary Assembly also asked Turkey to solve the Kurdish problem through peaceful ways.
    The recommendation adopted by 112 votes against 29 led a furious reaction by the Turkish delegation and the Turkish authorities.
    12 members of the Turkish delegation walked out of the meeting and decided to boycott future sittings. They said, "We'll not return to the Council of Europe forum until the Committee of Ministers adopts a respectful stance towards Turkey and its state structure.
    The Turkish government, next day, made a statement saying that the decision was unacceptable and unfair. "No institution may impose a deadline on the Turkish Parliament for completing its democratisation process," the government spokesman said.
    The Speaker of the Turkish National Assembly, Hüsamettin Cindoruk, accused the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe "of considering itself as an imperial legislature which was sending directives to the Turkish legislature as if it was a provincial organisation."


    The European Parliament, on April 6, 1995, urged Turkey to halt its military operations in Northern Iraq and urged the member states  to follow Germany's example and to make future military aid to Turkey conditional on Turkey withdrawing its troops from northern Iraq.
    The assembly also called on the European Council and the Commission to draw up strict rules on the export of weapons in order to prevent weapons originating in EU states from being used in the settlement of similar conflicts.
    The German Parliament had, on March 28, frozen 150 million marks in grants promised to Ankara to help with the purchase of two German built frigates.  Earlier, the German Government too had stopped the delivery of 153 million marks worth of supplies including armoured vehicles for the engineering corps, bridge-laying and other engineering equipment, a supply ship, radios and spare parts.
    The resolution criticised the PKK terrorism as well, but added that the Turkish operations in northern Iraq would bring no solution to Turkey's Kurdish problem.
    Referring to its earlier resolutions which link the customs union and improvement of the human rights situation in Turkey, the Resolution said: "The state of human rights in Turkey is too grave to allow for the formation of the proposed customs union at present." 
    Earlier, European Union Troika, composed of the Union's past, present and future presidents (Germany, France and Spain), had urged Turkey to withdraw from Iraq "as soon as possible."


    Considering the multiplication of complaints against the Turkish regime, the European Commission of Human Rights (ECHR) in Strasbourg has decided to carry out its investigations and hearings on the spot in Turkey.
    First, three members of the Commission went to Diyarbakir on March 13 and took oral evidence in three cases brought by Kurds against Turkey for violations of their rights under the European Convention. The delegation head evidence from some of the applicants and from villagers, lawyers, doctors, a mayor and a public prosecutor.
    A member of the Commission, Hans Danelius said "the claims are against the state, but the authorities deny the allegations. To be able to reach a just decision, we have to listen to the applicants."
    The three cases involved allegations of torture, killings and the destruction of houses.
    - In the case of Akdivar, the applicants allege that their houses were burned down and that they were forces to leave their village.
    - In the case of Aksoy, the applicant alleges ill-treatment while in detention on remand.
    - In the Cagirge case, the applicants allege that several members of their family were killed and their house destroyed as a result of the use of an explosive device fired by the Turkish forces.
    In a further move, a second delegation of 12 lawyers, on April 12, holding a secret hearing at the Justice Palace of Ankara, investigated the said allegations as well as the others.
    At the end of April 1995, 29 complaints on behalf of 50 individual applicants were under the Commission investigation.
    The seven cases involve allegations of destruction of villages, extra judicial killings, arbitrary killings, disappearances and freedom of expression.
    The individual applicants were helped to take their grievances to Strasbourg by the Human Rights Association of Turkey (IHD) and the Kurdistan Human Rights Project (KHRP) in London.
    The KHRP has assisted over 250 individual applicants to bring complaints before the Commission.
    [For detailed information: KHRP - Room 236, Linen Hall, 162-168 Regent Street - London W1R 5TB, Tel/Fax: O171-287 2772 or 734 4927]

    Despite its commitment before the European Commission of Human Rights in 1993, the Turkish Government has not yet officially recognised the citizen rights of two Info-Türk editors, Dogan Özgüden and Inci Tugsavul, who had been deprived of Turkish nationality in 1983 by the decision of the military junta.
    On the other hand, the Turkish diplomatic missions have launched a campaign against the two journalists for discrediting their work in defence of human rights in Turkey.
    Özgüden (59) and Tugsavul (55), journalists respectively since 1952 and 1960, had fled Turkey after the 1971 military coup because of more than 30 legal proceedings for their publications and a number of arrest warrants issued by the martial law commanders.
    Although some of the legal actions against them were lifted by a general amnesty and they visited their country in 1978, their passports were not renewed after the 1980 military coup and both, along with more than 200 other opponents of the regime abroad, were deprived of Turkish nationality. Besides, their entries to or exits from Turkey were forbidden, all their belongings and social rights in Turkey were confiscated by the State.
    Already put in practice in 1983, this decision was formally notified to themselves by the Turkish Consulate in 1988 after that they forwarded to Prime Minister Turgut Özal some questions on the violations of human rights in Turkey during the latter's press conference in Brussels.
    Thereupon, the two journalists applied to the Turkish Council of State for the annulment of this antidemocratic decision, but this demand was refused in 1990 on the pretext that the decisions taken by the military junta cannot be made the object of any legal proceeding according to the Constitution.
    On this refusal, Özgüden and Tugsavul applied to the European Commission of Human Rights in the same year.
    In its defence sent to the Commission in 1992, the Turkish Government claimed that the law authorising the government to deprive anybody of Turkish nationality for political reasons was abrogated and there was no more grounds for dealing with this complaint.    
    Counting on this declaration, in 1993, the European Commission of Human Rights declared the complaint inadmissible. As for the possible anti-democratic practices they might face in the case of return to Turkey, the Commission reminded in its decision that it belongs first of all to national authorities to redress any alleged violation of the European Convention on Human Rights.
    Referring to this decision, Özgüden and Tugsavul, in a registered letter dated October 6, 1993, forwarded the following demands to the Turkish Foreign Minister:
    1. The confirmation of their reintegration to Turkish nationality,
    2. The confirmation that the legal proceedings for which they had been deprived of Turkish nationality were lifted,
    3. The confirmation of the lifting of the ban on their entries to and exits from Turkey and the delivery of a national passport.
    4. The restitution of their belongings and social rights in Turkey.
    The foreign minister of the time, Hikmet Cetin, did not give any reply to this letter nor to the two further letters dated February 14, 1994, and May 31, 1994, reminding these demands.
    When Mümtaz Soysal took over the Foreign Ministry, Özgüden and Tugsavul addressed to him a new registered letter with the same demands on August 5, 1994. This letter has not been answered either up to now.
    Although the Turkish Consulate in Brussels notified the two journalists on September 1st, 1994, that they could get national passports, no guarantee was given them by the Turkish Foreign Ministry against the risks of being arrested and tried in the case of entering the country and of being subject to a ban to leave the country. It has never been confirmed that their belongings and social rights in Turkey were restored.
    It is noteworthy the Social Security Administration (SSK), in  a reply of October 3, 1994, to their demand, refused to recognise their right to retirement pension although Özgüden  has a 43-year and Tugsavul a 34-year professional career. According to the social security legislation, any wage-earner has the right to retirement pension after a 15-year professional career covered by social security system whatsoever be the age. The SSK refusal is based on pretext that Özgüden and Tugsavul did not pay an additional retirement contribution during the years when they were deprived of Turkish nationality.

    Campaign against Info-Türk editors

    Besides, the Turkish diplomatic missions in Brussels have been intensifying their campaign to discredit the struggle of Özgüden and Tugsavul against the violations of human rights in Turkey and to instigate the ultra-nationalist activists in the Turkish community against them.
    First, in their reply to Özgüden's article on the inopportuneness of the Europalia-Turkey 1996 (Le Soir, December 23, 1994), the press counsellor of the Turkish Embassy in Brussels and an extreme-right "journalist" in the service of the Embassy had accused Info-Türk chief editor of "endeavouring with a suspect attention not to touch the terrorist action of the PKK" (Le Soir, December 30, 1994) and of "pretending to defend the Kurds, Armenians and Assyrians by biased and incongruous thoughts." (Le Soir, January 10, 1995).
    Recently, after the suspension of the Europalia-Turkey 1996 Festival in Brussels, another Turkish journalist, a former Maoist currently close to the Turkish Embassy, in a high circulation Turkish daily, claiming that the two editors of Info-Türk were effective in Europalia Foundation's decision, accused them as "a frenetic refugee couple carrying on the mission to denounce their country and committed to sully the fatherland on the pretext of defending human rights and democracy." (Hürriyet, March 29, 1995).
    By this attitude against two veteran journalists of Turkey committed to defend human rights, the Turkish diplomatic missions in Belgium and their collaborators supply a new proof of the Turkish regime's real face hidden behind the mask of good will declarations.


    "The guilt of Dreyfus or the infamy of the General Staff: this is the stupid dilemma in which have been shut up these officers."
    Replace "Dreyfus" by "Kurds", you can perfectly attribute this famous judgement of French author Roger Martin du Gard not only to the Turkish officers but also to the present rulers of the country.
    The latest Kurd-hunting  launched by the Turkish General Staff in Northern Iraq has already put the authorities in Ankara before an unprecedented dilemma.
    As well the contradictory declarations of the country's political and military authorities as a recent interview of the Deputy Permanent Delegate of Turkey at the European Union (Le Soir, March 31, 1995) are the undeniable proofs of this fact.
    At the beginning, when the offensive operation was started on March 20, 1995, Prime Minister Ciller, in a view to calm the western reaction, justified this action as "a punctual military operation in Northern Iraq to neutralise the PKK camps in this border region, and to protect the innocent population against the PKK raids started from the camps situated in Iraqi territory."
    A few days later, the Number 1 of the regime, President Süleyman Demirel declared that the operation was not to be accomplished in a few days or in a few weeks, but it should not take a time longer than one year.
    Meanwhile, Turkish officers swore to carry on the operation until the annihilation of all the combatants of the PKK. Notably, the chief commander of the offensive operation, General Hasan Kundakci, surnamed "Schwarzkopf Hasan Pasha" by the Turkish media, said, "I cannot rest in peace in my grave if I die before the eradication of the  PKK." (Milliyet, March 22, 1995). 
    As for the Turkish media, about all the newspapers and the TV stations, in a Goebbels-type frenzy, was committed to a jihad (holy war) orchestrated by the General Staff not only against the Kurds, but also against the Turkish or European advocates of a peaceful solution to the Kurdish question.
    Whereas, this most powerful army of the region, since 1984, announced in each spring that it was going to annihilate Kurdish combatants before the end of the year. Parallel to the military operation, the repression against Kurdish peasants, suspect of supporting the PKK, and against the partisans of a political and peaceful solution to the Kurdish question has been reinforced. The legal party DEP of Kurds was closed down, its deputies were deprived of their legislative immunity and sentenced to scandalous prison terms. Even the internationally renown Turkish novelist Yasar Kemal was indicted for having criticised the repressive practices against the Kurdish people.
    In spite of all these measures, the Turkish State has never been capable to eradicate the Kurdish guerrilla. Contrary to this, the destruction of villages, the deportation of Kurdish peasants, the assassinations by "death squads", the disappearances and torture have exasperated the Kurdish population so as those young Kurds have joined without any hesitation the ranks of the guerrilla.
    The military speak of the presence of more than 2,500 PKK combatants in Northern Iraq. Although 35,000 Turkish soldiers participated in the operation, according to official figures, the number of the Kurdish combatants killed during the operation did not pass over 500, because they could easily find refuges in the mountains inaccessible for a classical war machine.
    Is it possible to annihilate the Kurdish guerrilla by the occupation of 8,800 Km2 in Northern Iraq as the support to it is coming from the Kurdish population as well in Turkey and Iraq as in Europe? To dry the human and logistic sources of the guerrilla, is the Turkish army prepared to conquer the Turkish and European cities having a high Kurdish density as well and to conquer again the Turkish Kurdistan that is already under occupation.
    To avoid disorder as well in Turkey as in Iraq and the European countries welcoming Kurdish migrants and refugees, isn't it wiser to opt a political and peaceful solution instead of this disastrous military adventure that costs to the Turkish economy more than $10 billion per year?
    The dilemma of Ankara is so colossal that the members of the government have each day contradicted each other by the diametrically opposed declarations.
    As Prime Minister Ciller was speaking of withdrawing the big part of Turkish troops by leaving in Northern Iraq a unit within the framework of the multinational presence in which the United States take part, the new foreign affairs minister, Erdal Inönü came against this idea and talked of a solution in complicity with Saddam Hussein.
    As for the military, they were openly opposing to an immediate withdrawal of Turkish troops. In the extreme-right circles, which are very influential within the Turkish Army, the anchluss of Northern Iraq was again on the agenda not only for putting an end the Kurdish hope of autonomy as well in Turkey as in Iraq, but also in the dream of taking over the oil sources of Kirkuk and Mousul.
    Nobody talked of the recognition of the legitimate demand of the Kurds, the last nation without a State in the world, to enjoy equal rights in the countries where they have existed for thousands of years. Nobody talked any more of a dialogue or a political solution.
    The Turkish representative at the European Union, in his interview, accused the Kurds of having refused a dialogue and claimed that it is impossible to develop a solution in Parliament with the persons preferring confrontation to dialogue.
    As Kurdish deputies are suffering in prison, this Turkish diplomat, presented by Le Soir as the "architect of the accord of customs union with the European Union", has the audacity to talk of a dialogue in Parliament. What kind of a dialogue? A dialogue of the deaf or simply a monologue?
    For the respect of human rights, the condition sine qua non of the European Parliament's ratification of customs union, he claims that the objective will be attained if the government can  could concretise more than a half of those it promised. "She [Mrs. Ciller] tries for the time being to gather a majority as well in Parliament as in public opinion for going further. This will be a step by step approach, not an all or nothing approach," he said.
    Is the Turkish government making fun of all the world?  Tansu Ciller, Süleyman Demirel, Erdal Inönü and Hikmet Cetin have been in power since 1991. Which majority are they looking for? With their majority why they have not taken a single forward step in the field of human rights for more than three years? What does it mean "a step by step approach?" Are the human rights an oriental carpet to be bargained at the Covered Bazaar of Istanbul?


    Four days of riots and repression triggered off by a shooting on March 12, 1995, against Alevi establishments in Istanbul have proved in an undeniable manner the disastrous policies of the government which lead the country to a catastrophic polarisation in social, ethnic and philosophic fields.
    Dark forces well tolerated and protected by the Army and security forces, attacking this time Alevis, moderate Islamic community, at the quarter of Gazi in Istanbul have provoked troubles which finally passed over the limits of this community.
    Many of about thirty victims of the riots were killed by the security forces shooting on the demonstrators with real bullets.
    The images of policemen, armed with clubs, brutally beating the demonstrators reinforced the lack of confidence of the public as regards the forces of order.
    The riots rapidly gained dimensions showing the general dissatisfaction of the population. The economic situation, the oppression of Kurds, the repressive attitude of authorities were the main factors contributing to create an explosive situation.
    The Alevi community, representing 20 millions of the 60-million population, has a religious practice completely different from that of the Sunni majority? Considered equal, men and women pray together not in mosques but in their proper community houses (cemevi). They do not go on a pilgrimage to Mecca and their period of fast does not correspond to the Ramadan of Sunnis. Because of the equality of men and women, they are always accused by the Sunni fundamentalist of practising "Incest", a slander of which the utilisation by a television led to a big anger in the Alevi community resulted in a number of protest demonstrations in big cities.
    Politically near to the Left, the Alevis constitute an important brake before the rising of Sunni fundamentalism in turkey. For this reason, they have, like Kurds and Christian minorities, been one of the principal targets of the fundamentalist and ultra-nationalist violence.
    In 1978, hundreds of Alevis were killed during the bloody attacks of Grey Wolves in Kahramanmaras and Corum.
    In 1993, during the commemoration of Pir Sultan Abdal, one of the historical figures of the Alevi community, fundamentalist mob attacks a hotel in Sivas and burned to death 37 intellectuals, Alevi or in solidarity with Alevis.
    After the last shooting in Istanbul, the solidarity with the Alevi community was also organised in Europe. More than 50,000 people coming from different German cities peacefully marched in the streets of Köln for denouncing the 12 March attempt and similar demonstrations followed each other in other big cities of Europe.
    So, just one week after the signature of the accord of customs union with the European Community, Turkey found itself in grave conflicts which menace its stability and can delay its coming closer to Europe.
    Le Monde of March 17, 1995, said:
    "If, among the victims, there are the militants of the Kurdish cause, isn't it the logical consequence of the ferocious repression which strike the populations of the southeastern part of the country. The 'dark forces' are also inside the State, among those who are committed to eradicate the Kurdish problem by force.
    "The riots of this week have also put in evidence the gap between the political class of the country and a population hit by the effects of a grave social crisis. It is not by chance if the violence took place in poor quarters of big cities.
    "These events have, finally, shown to which point were strong the fractures of a society — between Turks and Kurds, between Alevis and Sunnis, between Seculars and Moslems.
    "Once again, Turkey is the face of a crucial choice. The old structures of the State which are paternalist but also violent, are neither morally acceptable nor capable to answer to the challenges of the 21st century, especially in the economic field. However the frame of a democratic Turkey seems very difficult to be built. The support of Europe is, certainly, important for aiding Ankara in this difficult stage. However, it will never be sufficient because it belongs to Turks themselves to exorcise their old devils."


    The controversial Europalia-Turkey 96 Festival, under the pressure coming from democratic organisations of Belgium and Turkey, has finally been suspended by the Europalia Foundation on March 23, 1995.
    However, the Foundation's administrative board motivated the suspension for the financial difficulties rather than the deplorable situation of human rights in Turkey.
    In fact, considering the criticisms coming from human rights organisations, the Flemish Community of Belgium had already announced that it would not make any financial contribution to the organisation of the festival. The French-speaking Community of Belgium was retaining its reserve on the matter. As for the Belgian federal government which had promised BF 80 million from the budget of the national lottery, it later tied the attribution of this sum to the condition that the cultural diversity of Turkey, mainly the Kurdish culture, should be respected. Since the Turkish Government refuses categorically such a condition, the Foundation failed to obtain the contribution from Belgian public authorities.
    On the decision of suspension, the Turkish authorities and the Turkish media started a furious campaign against the opponents of the Europalia-Turkey by labelling them as "enemies of Turkey."
    As for the Turkish organisers of Europalia, they rushed to Brussels in a view of forcing the Europalia Foundation to change their decision. To obtain the change of the decision, they promised that Turkey was ready to provide the financing blocked by the Belgian authorities.
    In an interview to the Flemish daily De Standaard of March 31, 1995, the Turkish Commissioner of Europalia-Turkey, Bülent Eczacibasi resorted to all possible demagogy to prove that the Turkish government has nothing in the organisation of the festival and the programme was prepared as the cultural diversity of Turkey be well represented.
    "Europalia-Turkey is not a governmental project. The cultural events exclusively chosen under my competence are appreciable. I have a full autonomy for the selection of my staff and my counsellors of the different ethnic groups," he said.
    Whereas, in the eyes of the Turkish rulers, Europalia is entirely a governmental project. The idea of Europalia-Turkey had been launched more than three years ago by the President Turgut Özal. Even before the signature of the accord, Turkish Foreign Minister Hikmet Cetin, currently Vice-Premier, had held a series of meetings with Turkish businessmen for persuading them to contribute maximum to the financing of the festival in a view to win over Europe thanks to this cultural festival.
    The pro-government newspapers had announced the signature of the accord in January 1994 by the following headlines: "It is Belgium that will make us recognized in Europe!" "A historical occasion!" "Turkish flags in Brussels!" "A European chance for Turkey!"
    According to a law adopted by the Turkish National Assembly on September 22, 1994, the organisation of Europalia 96 is considered as an operation of the Turkish State's propaganda apparatus.
    The law first describes Europalia as a "festival comprising events in political, economic, commercial, cultural, social and tourist fields."
    The organisation of the festival is conducted by the National Europalia Board of Turkey chaired by a State Secretary and composed of the representatives of foreign affairs, finance, culture and tourism ministries.
    The Turkish commissioner of Europalia, that is Mr. Eczacibasi, was appointed by a political decision of the Turkish Government. He depends on the National Europalia Board of Turkey. In the law there is not any word concerning "full autonomy" of the commissioner.
    "Since the beginning, we have been very attentive that the programmes be well-balanced and treat all aspects of the Turkish culture as Kurdish music, dances and handicrafts, contemporary Armenian composers, Bulgarian music, Byzantine and Jewish art..." he claimed.
    First of all, with this declaration, the Turkish commissioner perfectly admits that the other cultures of Anatolia are considered as "different aspects of the Turkish culture." He does not consider the culture of the other peoples as independent.
    Secondly, for an equitable presentation of all Anatolian cultures, the representatives of these communities should take their place in all bodies of the Europalia Festival, that is National Council, Executive Committee, subcommittees as well as in the staff of technical and artistic counsellors.
    Whereas, at the administrative bodies there is not a single representative of these communities. As for the counsellors, in the staff constituted by Eczacibasi himself, there are only two businessmen belonging to minorities. Always in relations of interest with the Turkish Government, these two businessmen have been accepted to the staff for benefiting from their competence in the field of advertisement and collecting funds.
    "We are working perfectly together with the Orthodox Patriarchate in Istanbul," said Eczacibasi.
    Without having integrated in the said bodies a representative of the Greek Community, how do they work perfectly together?
    Besides, isn't it the Interior Minister of the present government who accused Greek Orthodox Patriarch Bartelemos of having led anti-Turkish activities abroad? (Info-Türk, Nov-Dec 1994)
    Isn't it the same government which prevented a delegation of Turkey's Armenian community from participating in the election of the new Armenian spiritual chief in Armenia? (Info-Türk, Jan-Feb 1995)
    Isn't it the Education Minister of the same government who started new pressures on the Armenian schools in Turkey (Info-Türk, Jan-Feb 1995).
    In reply to a question concerning Turkish refusal of a separate exhibition on Kurdish culture, Turkish commissioner said:
    "Whosoever recognises Turkey knows that it is not possible to distinct a component and to organise an independent event on it. Our philosophy is clear: The Turkish culture is an ensemble having many facets."
    Again the same official Turkish mentality denying the autonomy of each culture. Instead of respecting the diversity of all cultures, the Turkish regime makes all the possible in order to assimilate the richness of these cultures to the culture of the State-Nation.
    Mr. Eczacibasi's these words are a perfect admission of the Turkish regime's chauvinism.
    Such a philosophy is always refused by the Kurds and other minorities, how can Europalia 1996 represent the real splendour of the thousands' years old cultures?
    In reply to another question concerning the fact that the Turkish government's policy as regards minorities seems repugnant to Western Europe, Eczacibasi said:
    "This criticism is juste. But if you want to punish our country, it is not a good solution to suspend Europalia. So, you punish the progressive side of the Turkish society."
    If Mr. Eczacibasi, in spite of his assimilationnist philosophy, admits that the policy against minorities is repugnant, how does he consider the suspension of Europalia as a punishment of his country? Turkey is not a country belonging only Turks, but also to thousands years old other peoples. Then, such a suspension is a gesture to save the honour of the country rather than punishing it.
    As for the progressive side of the Turkish society, hundreds of Turkish intellectuals still suffer in prisons for having cried that the country belongs not only to Turks, but also to Kurds and other ethnic minorities.
    It is enough to look at the chronological lists of the prosecution of Turkish intellectuals in Info-Türk's columns. The progressive side of the society is continuously punished not by Europeans but by the Turkish Government to which Mr. Eczacibasi serves loyally.
    "Our work is not an attempt to make approve the official policies. To criticise a country is one thing, to ill-treat its culture is another."
    Mr. Eczacibasi makes himself radicalised by this claim while he was, as explained above, appointed as commissioner by a political power which thinks only to exploit Europalia as an instrument of the regime's propaganda.
    The critics of Europalia-Turquie do not ill-treat the cultures of Anatolia, but wish that these cultures be represented in an honourable way without the interference of a political power which has always proved its choice to ill-treat the men and women of culture.
    "Even during the dark days of Communism in the USSR, Europe did not behave in such a way as regards its artists and cultures," he said.
    A deplorable demagogy that proves the ignorance of Mr. Commissioner. Neither the Soviet Union nor any other European country has been chosen for Europalia when it was under dictatorship. Spain, Portugal and Greece have been subject of Europalia after their fascist regime collapsed.
    It should be reminded that, before Europalia, Nazi Germany had never been chosen as the subject of such an international cultural event.
     Were not they the countries having cultures as splendid and rich as that of Turkey?
    The Turkish Commissioner's arguments are very far from justifying an Europalia-Turkey and will remain so as far as Turkey does not respect the rights of its minorities and the freedoms of its intellectuals and artists.
    Have the Belgian administrators of the Europalia Foundation been convinced by these ridiculous arguments? Will they change again their mind and restart the preparations of Europalia-Turkey for the sake of a financial reward promised by their Turkish counterparts?
    Such a financial reward of a few millions dollars will be a low cost bribe for a warmonger government which wastes each year more than 10 billions Dollars of the State for a dirty war in Turkish Kurdistan.
    Democratic forces of Belgium and Turkey expect the Europalia Foundation to suspend definitively Europalia-Turkey if it does not wish that Europalia 96 go down in history as the Festival of the Shame.

    The daily Hürriyet reported on February 27 that a Dallas-type "second prime ministry residence" had been built on a 90-acre plot near the Aegean tourist resort of Kusadasi with three satellite antennae and a private electricity generating system.
    Prime Minister Ciller's husband Özer Ciller said it was a "90 square meter cottage" and that the estate had nothing to do with the Ciller family, belonging entirely to Tansu Ciller's secretary Suna Pelister, who is very close to the Ciller family.
    However there are certain questions which must be answered:
    - Where did Suna Pelister find the money to by the TL 3 billion worth complex with its ranch and the villa decorated with antiques?
    - If it indeed belongs to Suna Pelister, how come Özer Ciller's close friend Orhan Özbas left all his work aside to take care of the construction activity at the "cottage"?
    - How come the rod linking the ranch to a nearby highway was built by the Ministry of Agriculture Rural Service Department at lightning speed?
    Prime Minister has been the object of heavy criticisms for her doubtful wealth in Turkey and in the USA, estimated at more than 60 Million Dollars?
    During her recent visit to the United States, at a press conference at the Ritz Carlton Hotel, a Turkish journalist asked her about the amount of tax she pays for her real estate in the United States.
    The question angered her so much that she made an abrupt gesture which broke her pen. The Anatolia news agency filmed the scene but the footage was not distributed to their subscribers because those around Ciller gave the agency instructions to this effect.


    The former director of the publishing House Evrensel, Mrs. Semra Caralan was put in Bayrampasa Prison in Istanbul for serving a 5-month imprisonment.
    She had been sentenced by the Istanbul SSC to imprisonment as well as a fine of TL 42 million for having published a book entitled The Conference Documents. The sentences was ratified by the Court of Cassation.
    On April 6, the director of the Yurt Publishing House, Ünsal Öztürk was sentenced by a penal court of Ankara to 9 months in prison for having published Besikci's book The Ismail Besikci Case 5. The prison term is later commuted to a fine of TL 1 million 350 thousand. He is accused of having insulted the judicial system and tribunals.

    As the Turkish Government pretends to respect minority rights in Turkey, the Istanbul State Security Court has recently forbidden the sale and distribution of an academic work entitled Genocide, as a question of national and international law - The 1915 Armenian Event and Its Consequences.
    This work was written by the New York State University professor Vahakn N. Dadrian and first published in Yale Journal of International Law (Volume 14, N°2, 1989).
    The Turkish translation of the book was published by the Belge Publishing House. The director of the publishing house, Mrs. Ayse Zarakolu faces a new legal proceeding for separatist propaganda.
    Mrs. Ayse Zarakolu had already been sentenced to two years in prison and a fine of TL 250 million for having published Yves Ternon's work Armenian Taboo. (See: Info-Türk, Jan-Feb 95)
    The Istanbul SSC, in the recently issued motifs of its decision, justified the condemnation of Mrs. Ayse Zarakolu as publisher by the doubt if it really exists a person named Yves Ternon. Whereas, Yves Ternon is an internationally renown authority on the question of Armenian Genocide and his work was first published in French by Seuil Publishing House under the title of Les Arméniens, histoire d'un genocide in 1977 in Paris.
    Beside Mrs. Zarakolu, the court also decided to institute legal proceedings against Abdülkadir Konuk, translator of the book, and journalist Ragip Zarakolu, who wrote a preface to the book.
    The Belge Publishing House, in a press release, accused the government headed by university professor Tansu Ciller of banning academic works of foreign university professors in Turkey.
    It also reminds that the original of Prof. Dadrian's book was published by the Yale University where Premier Ciller had a part of her academic education.
    On the other hand, on March 20, Mrs. Ayse Zarakolu was sentenced by the Istanbul SSC to six months in prison and TL 50 million in fine for having published Hasan Bildirici's book Bekaa about Kurdish guerrilla.
    In a campaign to mark International Women's Day on March 8, 1995, members of International PEN world-wide focused on the case of Mr. Aysenur Zarakolu along with two other women intellectuals, Burmese writer Daw San San Nwe who is serving a long prison term and Guatemalan writer Alaide Foppa de Solorzano who disappeared in 1980.


    Izmir Mayor Burhanettin Özfatura, on February 25, linking the "Dole" brand bananas with Senator US Robert Dole, said that the "anti-Turkish" senator's product would not be sold in chain stores owned by the municipality.
    Senator Dole is regarded by the Turkish authorities as anti-Turkish for his sponsoring of an "Armenian Genocide Bill" concerning the massacre of 1.5 million Armenians by the order of Ottoman rulers in 1915, and for his close connections with the Armenian lobby in the United States.
    However, a spokesman for Dole Food Co. of California denied the Turkish mayor's claim and their company had no connection with the Senate majority leader. The company's founder James Dole, who died in 1972, was not related to Senator Robert Dole, he added.
    The US Embassy in Ankara similarly said on February 26 that they knew of no links between the senator and the banana brand.


    After silencing of two daily newspapers, Özgür Gündem and Özgür Ülke who courageously defended the rights of the Kurdish people and disclosed the atrocity of the state security forces in the Turkish Kurdistan (See: Info-Türk, Jan-Feb 1994), a new daily newspaper started was launched on April 13 under the title of Yeni Politika by a group of human rights militants.
    However, this new daily too has immediately fallen under repressive practices of the Turkish authorities.
    Prior to it publication, on April 7, the office of the daily Yeni Politika in Istanbul was raided and searched by police.
    After the publication, almost all issues of Yeni Politika were confiscated by the Istanbul SSC were confiscated for separatist propaganda by virtue of articles 6 and 8 of the Anti-Terror Law. The confiscating operation, according to a decision taken by the National Security Council, is very often carried out at the printing house before the distribution on pretext that some articles in the newspapers contravene the ATL. If the issue is reprinted with blank columns in the place of the original article, the security forces, considering it a new crime, confiscate it as well.
    Subject to the same pressure, the weekly Newroz had to stop its publication on April 25 because of financial difficulties. According to the editors, 54 out of 57 published issues of Newroz have been confiscated either at the printing house or during the distribution.


    A group of human rights activists belonging to different ethnic groups of Turkey, at a press conference held on March 22, 1995, at the Belgian Parliament House, presented an overwhelming report on the situation of the minorities in Turkey and called on all international institutions to take initiative for putting an end to the national oppression in this country.
    The 44-page report entitled La Turquie face à ses minorités (Turkey facing its minorities) published by Droits de l'Homme Sans Frontières (Human Rights Without Frontiers) is composed of a series of articles written by Willy Kuijpers, Belgian Senator; Dogan Özgüden, Info-Türk editor; Pervine Jamil, Chairwoman of the Brussels Kurdish Institute; Claude Selis, Dominican orientalist; Panayote Elias Dimitras, spokesman of Greek Helsinki Monitor in Athens; Christine Flamand, Belgian lawyer. 
    At the press conference headed by Senator Kuijpers, Human Rights Without Frontiers editor Willy Fautré gave a detailed explanation on the different aspects of the national oppression in Turkey, and said:
    "If Turkey wishes to keep its place in the community of European nations and to have a solid hope of adhesion to the European Union, it has to sign the Frame-Convention for the protection of national minorities and to respect the rights of the persons belonging to its ethnic and religious minorities. The suspension of Europalia-Turkey, the difficulties accumulated on the road of customs union with the European Union, the demand of its expulsion from the Council of Europe, presented by the Socialist Group of the  CE Parliamentary Assembly, constitute enough signals of alarm for a country regularly put in the pillory because of its bad records of human rights."
    The report gives the data of 1994 concerning thousands of killings and woundings at the war in South-East Turkey; hundreds of Kurdish and Christian villages and hamlets destroyed or burnt by security forces; a number of cases of disappearances, kidnappings, tortures, mutilations by mines and assassinations of people belonging to these minorities; thousands of Kurdish, Assyrian and Armenian families seeking asylum in the European Union countries; hundreds of sites and monuments belonging to the historical, architectural and artistic patrimony of the minorities under the menace of disappearance.
    At the press conference, Human Rights Without Frontiers asked for that regular reports be presented to the European Parliament, the Council of Europe and the European Court on the matter of respecting fundamental human rights, and in particularly, the rights of the people belonging to ethnic and religious minorities and that these reports condition the development the relations between the European Union and Turkey. According to the organisation, the progressive integration of this country into the European Union requires that "it conforms its legislation and attitudes on the matter of human rights and religious liberties to the European Convention."
    As a conclusion, Human Rights Without Frontiers addressed to the Turkish authorities a number of recommendations in the field of fundamental rights concerning culture, education, language and religious freedom. It called on them to recognise to the members of the ethnic and religious minorities the right to teach and practice their proper religion, to maintain, restore and enlarge, freely and without any interference or discrimination, their religious edifices.
    [This report entitled La Turquie face à ses minorités can be ordered to Droits de l'Homme Sans Frontières - B.P.1 - 7090 Braine-le-Compte, Belgium. Tel: 067-33 39 95 , Fax: 067-33 63 45]


    A nine-month imprisonment against sociologist Ismail Besikci was ratified by the Court of Cassation on March 18.     Besikci had been sentenced by a penal court of Ankara to nine months for his book entitled The Ismail Besikci Case from the point of view of university autonomy and democratic society principles.
    With the ratification of this sentence, the total prison terms ratified by higher court has reached 23 years and three months. The ratified fines against him totals at TL 1 billion 850 million ($44,047).
    Since Besikci who has spent many years in prison does have financial possibilities to pay this sum, his fines too will be commuted to new prison terms.
    In one of his other pending trials, on March 30, Besikci was sentenced by the Ankara SSC to two years in prison and TL 250 million in fine for separatist propaganda in an article he wrote in 1993 to the Human Rights Bulletin of the IHD.
    At the same trial, IHD Secretary General Hüsnü Öndül too is sentenced to six months in prison and TL 56 million in fine for having published this article.


    Istanbul State Security Court started on April 17 to take the depositions of the self-claimed contributors of the book Freedom of Thought and Turkey. The book, a collection of 11 articles by various authors including Yasar Kemal.
    Kemal's article in the book, which had appeared earlier in the German magazine Der Spiegel, accused the government of suppressing Kurds in south-eastern Turkey. He was charged with promoting Kurdish separatism following the article's publication.
    1080 Turkish intellectuals consisting of artists, writers, journalists and trade union leaders have also claimed to be the publisher of the book and declared themselves responsible for publishing the book in support of Yasar Kemal and Erdal Öz, the real publisher of the book.
    An additional 50,000 have signed petitions declaring their support.
    Speaking on behalf of the 50 intellectuals who went to the Istanbul SSC said, "Either thought will be freed from jail, or else we will go to jail" noting that there was still no freedom of thought in Turkey.

    Despite the Turkish Government's attempts of obstruction, the Kurdish Parliament-in-exile held its opening meeting on March 12, 1995, in The Hague.
    As more than 2,000 Kurds were raising flags of yellow, red and green which are considered the traditional Kurdish colours, 65 members of the Parliament took the oath of office in The Hague's main conference centre.`
    The opening ceremony was also attended by hundreds of European and Kurdish personalities.
    The spokesmen of the Kurdish Parliament said that the centuries of oppression have forced almost half of their people to live outside their homeland that lies around the upper Tigris and Euphrates rivers and across the borders of Turkey, Iran, Syria and Iraq.
    Kurdish writer Ismet Serif Vanli, opening the meeting, said the parliament constituted the first step towards a Kurdistan National Congress, uniting with the parliament of the Kurdistan provinces to fight for national liberation. Seeking diplomatic and political relations with the international community, he called for the unconditional release of all political prisoners, the acceptance of Kurds as a distinct people and observer status for the parliament at the United Nations, the Council of Europe and the OSCE.
    A resolution adopted by the first session of the parliament stated, "The Parliament supports the peaceful solution of the ongoing issues through democratic means."
    The Kurdish parliament elected chairman the former DEP chairman Yasar Kaya and founded an Executive Council.
    The 15-member Council includes former DEP deputy Zübeyir Aydar as chairman, former DEP deputy Remzi Kartal as Secretary and Ali Sapan, a representative of the Kurdistan National Liberation Front (ERNK), as spokesman.
    Furious against the Dutch authorities who allowed the Parliament to open in The Hague, Turkish Foreign Minister Erdal Inönü said it was not possible to characterise the stance of Netherland's government as friendly. In a further step of protest, Turkey called back its ambassador.
    The Turkish diplomatic missions in Europe later on mobilised pro-government and extreme-right Turkish organisations to hold a protest demonstration in The Hague on April 23. Over 100,000 Turkish migrant workers took part in the rally and protest against the "Dutch support for the separatists."

    German Labour Minister Nobert Bluem, on March 26, 1995, accused the Turkish authorities of treating Kurds worse than animals and said NATO could not stand idly by while Kurds' human rights were trampled.
    In a guest column for the German weekly Bild am Sonntag, Bluem said his positive image of Turkey was shattered in April 1991 when he visited Kurdish refugee camps on the Iraqi-Turkish border and saw children and old people suffering.
    "These were not all terrorists, but people who had fled to save their lives. Since then I have known that one cannot treat even animals the way Turks treat Kurds," he said.


    Angry of Europe's reaction against the Army's operations in Iraq, the Turkish authorities and press started an unprecedented campaign against western political and human rights institutions.`
    Referring to the "findings" of the Turkish intelligence services in the occupied zone of northern Iraq, the daily Hürriyet of April 11, under the headline of "Northern Iraq is teeming with agents", claims that many members of NGO missions in the area were in fact provocative agents instigating Kurds against Turkey.
    In the same issue, Hürriyet published a list of non-government organisations which have missions in northern Iraq and raised doubt as regards their activities. The following is the list of suspect ONGs:
    UN Iraq Relief Coordination Unit, UNICEF, FAO, UN Guard Contingent in Iraq, A Community Oriented Rehabilitation, Aide Médicale Internationale, UN World Food Programme, UN High Commissioner for Refugees, UN World Health Organization, Association for Development of Cooperation, Association for Participation in Development, Broederlijk Delen, Arbeiter Samariter Bund, CARE, Concern for Kurds, Care for the Kurds, Centro Internazionale di Cooperazione alle Sviluppo, Children's Relief Association, Dutch Consortium, Diakonia, European Community Humanitarian Office, EquiLibre, English Resource Centre, the Foundation for Human Rights in Asia, France Libertés, Global Partners, Humanitarian Aid and Development Organization, Handicap International, Horizont International, International Catholic Migration Commission, Impact Teams International, Mines Advisory Group, Medico International, Médecine du Monde, Middle East Development Services, Northwest Medical Teams International, US Office of Foreign Disaster Assistance, Operation Mercy, OXFAM, Pharmaciens sans Frontières, OUANDIL, 4Rs (Response, Relief, Resettlement; Rehabilitation, Shelter Now International, Third World Development Organization, WADI, World in Need, Wells of Life.


    1.3, the IHD Diyarbakir office was reportedly raided on February 27 by police. Four Human Rights Association (IHD) officials, lawyer Sinan Tanrikulu, lawyer Firat Alni (also HADEP provincial chairman), Serif Atmaca, Hanefi Isik and IHD employee Servet Ayhan were taken into custody.
    1.3, the houses of IHD Istanbul Chairman Ercan Kanar and another administrator, Mercan Güclü, are raided and searched by police in Istanbul.
    1.3, imam Hasan Hüseyin Kiymis is sentenced by a penal court of Istanbul to one-year imprisonment for having insulted the Republic's founder Atatürk.
    1.3, the female prisoners' section of the Buca Prison in Izmir is raided by guards and gendarmes on pretext that some prisoners refused to go to tribunal. About 20 prisoners are seriously wounded. Same day, some other prisoners returning from their trial are also beaten at the prison.
    3.3, in Adana, 18-year old Nebil Polat is found assassinated.
    4.3, in Adana, Resit Simsek and Hüseyin Kurt are shot dead by unidentified gunmen.
    5.3, a female prisoner, Latife Ereren is found assassinated at the Bayrampasa Prison in Istanbul.
    6.3, during a two-day operation in Ankara police detain 15 youths for participating in underground activities
    7.3, the number of school teachers who have been subjected to disciplinary measures for having participated in a protest action on December 29, 1994, reaches 40 thousands.
    7.3, the special children's tribunals have reportedly tried 5.843 minors in 1994 and half of the trials ended in a judgement. Of the latter, 67.7% were sentenced to prison terms or fines. 75% of the children were accused of theft, 7% of killing or wounding and 4% sexual harassment.
    7.3, in Adana, a restaurant owner, Mehmet Emin Tunc, claims to have been tortured and insulted after being detained during a police raid on his house.
    7.3, in Gebze, neo-fascist MHP militants provoke a conflict between Turks and Kurds during which four people are stabbed.
    9.3, Sirnak deputy Mahmut Alniak is stopped at the Ankara Airport as boarding an airplane in order to attend a meeting of the Greens' Party in Germany. Police also confiscate his diplomatic passport.
    9.3, in Ankara, during a one-week operation, police have taken into custody more than twenty people for participating in the activities of illegal organisations.
    11.3, Tarsus chairman of the Workers' Party (IP), Hüseyin Parlatici is shot dead by unidentified gunmen.
    12.3, in Istanbul, five members of the Socialist Power Party (SIP), Hüseyin Topaloglu, Esma Kocabasoglu, Levent Baltaci, Cigdem Özen and Ahmet Hamdi Samancilar, claim to have been tortured after being detained as distributing tracts in protest against the attacks on university students.
    12.3, in Batman, former HADEP chairman Ihsan Calar and twelve other people were taken into custody during police operations carried out in February.
    12.3, in Batman, Selim Müjdeci who was shot on March 1 by unidentified gunmen dies in a hospital.
    13.3, taxi driver Tahsin Kaplan is assassinated with an axe by unidentified assailants.
    14.3, in Siverek, unidentified gunmen shoot dead Ihsan Özbay and wounded his sister Meryem Özbay. Same day, in Diyarbakir, Aslan Kabaaltinda falls victim of a political murder.
    15.3, in Ankara, more than 60 people, mainly university students, are taken into custody during a series of police operations.
    16.3, in Istanbul, police detain nine people for taking part in Dev-Sol activities.
    18.3, in Balikesir, 17-year old E.E. claims to have been tortured after being detained by police on March 15. The torture is certified by legal medicine with a ten-day incapacity report.
    19.3, a woman named Gülistan Sevimlikurt who was wounded at the explosion of a Molotov cocktail on March 14 in Istanbul dies at a hospital.
    21.3, in Diyarbakir, a military patrol shot dead a car driver, Haci Polat, for not having stopped his vehicle despite the order to stop.`
    22.3, the Malatya SSC sentences six people to life-prison for having taken part in the activities of the Workers'-Peasants' Liberation Army of Turkey (TIKKO).
    23.3, in Bursa, eight alleged militants of the Marxist Leninist Communist Party-Liberation (MLKP-K) are taken to police custody.
    26.3, in Adana, Semsettin Cengiz, Asiye Karahan and Fatma Karahan claim to have been tortured at the police headquarters and asks for treatment by the TIHV Rehabilitation Centre.
    26.3, the IHD Ankara section reports the arrest of more than 200 people in March in the capital city. Some of the detainees claim to have been tortured during their interrogation.
    26.3, in Istanbul, seven high school students are taken to police custody for distributing leaflets without preliminary permission.
    26.3, unidentified gunmen open fire on the Kirsehir office of the Human Rights Association (IHD).
    27.3, in Cizre, six Germans, Ute Rotermund, Marco Meyenschen, Helmut Klaas Sem, Thorsten Müller, Albrecht Müller and Oliver Kontany as well as a Belgian, Koem Raad Opgeuhaffen are taken police custody and expelled from the city.
    28.3, in Ankara, Haydar Uzun and Songül Yarar claim to have been tortured after being detained by police.
    28.3, in Istanbul, lawyer Atilla Tanman is subjected to torture at the Beyoglu Police Station after his detention for a quarrel with two persons.
    28.3, in Izmir, seventeen people are placed under arrest for taking part in the activities of the People's Revolutionary Liberation Party-Front (DHKP-C).
    29.3, in Ankara, tradesman Mustafa Gölhan and university student Sükrü Keser are reported to have been tortured during their police detention.
    29.3, the Istanbul SSC Prosecutor opens a trial against three alleged PKK militants. Accused of armed actions, each faces capital punishment.
    29.3, an IHD official, lawyer Sait Kiran is indicted by the Ankara SSC Prosecutor for his speech at a meeting. Accused of separatist propaganda, he faces imprisonment of up to five years.
    30.3, a youth named Hakan Cabuk who was wounded by police during a demonstration on March 15 in protest against the Gaziosmanpasa incidents dies at a hospital.
    30.3, in Samandag, former HADEP chairman Mehmet Latifeci is shot dead by unidentified gunmen. During the attack, four other people are seriously wounded.
    31.3, in Yüregir, unidentified assailants opening fire to a cafe shoot dead Ercan Agver and wound three people.
    2.4, during recent police operations in Tunceli, IHD local chairman Ali Ekber Kaya and some of his relatives, Cigdem Kaya, Sabriye Ural, Kamer Ural, Besi Demir and Kamer Demir are taken into custody.
    3.4, security forces took into custody 13 alleged members of the Marxist Leninist Communist Party-Liberation (MLKP-K) in Istanbul and nine alleged PKK members in Adana.
    4.4, in Adana, tradesman Mustafa Gül claims to have been tortured after being detained on March 24. The legal medicine certifies a 15-day incapacity because of torture.
    4.4, in Diyarbakir, a woman named Zehra Kilicaslan falls victim of an armed attack by unidentified gunmen. Same day in the same city, Hüsamettin Özkumus is assassinated by assailants using axes.
    5.4, in Gaziantep, police raiding a house shoot dead two alleged Dev-Sol militants.
    5.4, security forces detain ten high school students in Izmir and four people in Istanbul.
    6.4, Erdogan Ocak claims that his son Hasan Ocak has disappeared since his detention on March 21.
    6.4, in Mardin, 26 people are taken into custody for having participated in a number of armed actions of the Hizbullah.
    7.4, in Tunceli, the Mayor of the district of Nazimiye, Kemal Tekin is shot dead by two unidentified gunmen. The assassination is claimed by the PKK.
    7.4, IHD Tunceli Chairman Ali Ekber and three other persons are placed under arrest by a court decision.
    7.4, in Tatvan, two brothers named Emin and Veysi Erim die at the explosion of a grenade they found. Same day, Kamil Öke and Mahmut Aric fall victims of the explosion of mines laid by security forces.
    10.4, in Istanbul, nine university students are taken into custody as distributing leaflets in protest against university entrance exams.
    11.4, IHD Chairman Akin Birdal and three other human rights activists, former deputy Hüsnü Okcuoglu, lawyer Ali Yildirim and doctor Alparslan Berktas are acquitted at the Ankara SSC where they have been tried for their speeches during the 1992 Human Rights Week.
    11.4, security forces announce the arrest of 14 alleged PKK members in Istanbul.
    12.4, in Ankara, 14-year old Halil Can Dogan claims to have been tortured by police after his detention during an unauthorised demonstration.
    12.4, in Ankara, police raiding a house shoot dead three alleged DHKP-C militants, Mustafa Selcuk, Sirin Erol and Seyhan Akyildiz. The eyewitnesses accuse the police of having executed them instead of trying to arrest them.
    12.4, in Izmir, 28 cargo workers carrying on a protest action are taken into police custody.
    12.4, unidentified gunmen shoot dead HADEP member Rüstem Akan in Yüregir.
    13.4, Atilla Baris, kidnapped two weeks ago in Mus by unidentified assailants, is found assassinated.
    13.4, in Dogubeyazit, two girls named Filiz Gültekin and Ipek Gültekin die at the explosion of a grenade that they found.
    16.4, in Diyarbakir, Memduh Özgen is assassinated with axe by unidentified assailants. Same day, Abdullah Karaca is shot dead in the same city.
    16.4, a group of German human rights activists are taken into custody in Diyarbakir as they are carrying on an inquiry on the situation in the emergency law region. Peter Senger, Johanna Stockner, Friedrich Clemens, Heidi Clemens, Adelheid Sendik, Maria Seipel, Klaus Schceev, Beste Rudolph, Daniel Rosenthal, Claus Shickova and Beatrice Obrger, after their interrogation by the SSC, are expelled from Turkey.
    17.4, Emine Ocak and Gülsen Birsen Gülünay, respectively mother and wife of two disappeared persons are sentenced by the Ankara SSC to one-month imprisonment each for insulting the tribunal.
    17.4, in Kiziltepe, Selahattin Yilmaz dies at the explosion of a mine laid by security forces and three other persons seriously wounded.
    18.4, in Tarsus, Hüseyin Tinic claims to have been tortured for 24 hours after being detained on April 14 during a raid on his house.
    19.4, in Istanbul, 21 people are taken into custody on charges of participating in DHKP-C activities.
    19.4, the Izmir SSC sentences eight PKK defendants to prison terms of up to twelve years.
    21.4, in Kagizman, 14-year old Kamil Yilmaz dies at the explosion of a grenade he found. Three other children are gravely wounded.
    25.4, the Court of Cassation ratifies the sentences against 15 human rights activists in Diyarbakir. Because of a press release on behalf of the Democracy Platform, each was sentenced by the Diyarbakir SSC to 20 months in prison and TL 208 million in fine. Among them are journalists, trade unionists and chairman of associations.
    25.4, security forces arrest more than 20 people in Ankara and eight people in Adana for participating in the activities of illegal organizations.
    26.4, in Ankara, Mustafa Ugur Akkaya and Baris Alparslan, detained on April 25 as distributing May Day leaflets, claim after their release to have been tortured by police.
    26.4, HADEP Vice-chairman Sahabettin Özarslaner and ten other party members are taken into custody on charges of having relations with PKK.
    27.4, a public servant, Ferhan Eser who was kidnapped by unidentified assailants in Diyarbakir on April 13 is found assassinated at the district of Pirinclik. He was earlier taken to police custody for aiding PKK and released.
    27.4, in Ankara, Mürsel Mutlu claims to have been tortured at the Anafartalar Police Station.


    1.3, the correspondent of the Greek newspaper Adosmaftos Typos, Ionnis Kokkidis, and his translator Mikail Gunis were reportedly taken custody on February 27 by police raiding the hotel where they stayed in Diyarbakir.
    3.3, Greek journalist Kokkidis and his translator are sent back to Greece after being kept under custody for five days.
    5.3, two periodicals, Sosyalist Kadin and Realite, are confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for publication inciting to hostility and separatist propaganda.
    8.3, the public prosecutor starts a legal proceeding against three journalists of the daily Sabah, responsible editor Battal Yörükoglu, columnist Güngör Mengi and correspondent Okan Müderrisoglu, on charges of insulting National Defence Minister Mehmet Gölhan. Each faces one-year imprisonment.
    9.3, the publication of the weekly Denge Azadi is banned by the decision of a penal court in Istanbul. The decision is taken on pretext that Denge Azadi is a continuation of the defunct weekly Azadi that was also banned from publication. All 42 issues of the Denge Azadi published since May 20, 1994, have been confiscated by the decision of the Istanbul SSC.
    12.3, three periodicals, Atilim N°22, Özgür Genclik N°5 and Emekcinin Alinteri No°1 are confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for separatist propaganda and praising some underground organisations.
    14.3, five local radio stations in Ankara, Mozaik, Cagdas, Imaj, Arkadas and Cankaya, are reportedly threatened by police for having broadcasting uncensored news concerning the Gaziosmanpasa incidents. The directors of the first three radio stations, respectively Deran Ata, Erdinc Özatan and Cumhur Buyurun are taken to police station.
    14.3, the Radio-TV Higher Board issues warning against Kanal D and HBB TV stations as well as some local radio stations for their comments about the Gaziosmanpasa events.
    18.3, two books published by the Deng Publishing House are confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for separatist propaganda. The Kurdish Question, Peace and Democracy was written by Ali Dicleli and The Kurds-Their Fight for Life and Cultural Rights by Zuhdi El Dahoodi.
    20.3, a book festival programmed for March 27-30 in Kusadasi is banned by the decision of the district governor.
    21.3, journalist-novelist Dursun Akcam living in Germany is detained at the Ankara Airport when he came to visit his country, but released after interrogation at police station. He fled Turkey after the 1980 coup.
    23.3, the Radio TV Higher Board decides to ban the broadcasting of the Sky TV in Izmir for one day and to issue warnings against three TV stations in Istanbul, Show TV, ATV and Interstar as well as two local radio stations, Yenisehir Yörem FM in Bursa and Gözde FM in Sinop.
    26.3, a correspondent of the defunct daily Özgür Ülke, Aslan Sarac claims to have been tortured during his two-day police detention in Adana.
    27.3, the last issue of the weekly Aydinlik is confiscated on pretext that the dates on the inner pages are different from that on the cover.
    28.3, a correspondent of the periodical Atilim, Veysel Ceylan is arrested as covering a police intervention in a workers' meeting.
    31.3, PKK militants kidnap Reuters correspondent Fatih Saribas and Agence France Presse correspondent Kadir Gürsel between Cizre and Nusaybin.
    2.4, in Konya, Ilkezgi Bookshop is destroyed by unidentified assailants with stones and clubs.
    5.4, two Finnish journalists, Leana Reikko and Iletom Kankonen are taken to custody in Diyarbakir and sent to Istanbul for expulsion from Turkey. All their materials are confiscated.
    7.4, movie star Ilyas Salman and showman Cem Özer are tried by a penal court of Istanbul for a program broadcasted by Interstar TV in 1992. Under the charge of insulting the Army and the judicial system, each faces a prison term of up to five years.
    18.4, a book entitled Yilmaz Güney, A Human, Militant and Artist, is confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for instigating people to regional and racial hostility. The book contains memoirs of the renowned film director who died in exile.
    19.4, in Izmir, Yeni Asir reporter Ramazan Akin is harassed by policemen and his camera destroyed.
    21.4, the director of the Pencere Publishing House, Muzaffer Erdogdu is sentenced by the Istanbul SSC to six months in prison and TL 50 million in fine for separatist propaganda in a book entitled The Days of Exile.
    22.4, in Ardahan, the publisher of the local newspaper Yeni Dogu Anadolu, Erol Erel is beaten by the Hanak district governor Levent Tuncsiper and his bodyguard.
    23.4, the periodical Hedef is confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for separatist propaganda.
    24.4, the periodicals Ekspres and Söz are confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for having reprinted an article entitled "Atakürt", written by Ahmet Altan in the daily Milliyet.
    25.4, two journalists of the Kurdish weekly Welate Me, publisher Aynur Bozkurt and chief editor Mehmet Gemisiz are tried by the Istanbul SSC. Accused according to Articles 6 and 7 of the Anti-Terror Law, the defendants refuse to talk in Turkish at the courtroom and reply to the judge's questions in Kurdish. The court refuses to make translate the answers into Turkish and declares that the judgement will be given without taking in consideration their replies.
    27.4, the periodical Atilim N°29 is confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for separatist propaganda and instigating the people to commit crime.
    28.4, Direnis responsible editor Ayla Tuncdemir is sentenced by the Istanbul SSC to six months in prison and TL 75 million in fine. The court also decides to stop the periodical's publication for one month.
    30.4, the last issues of the periodicals Özgür Genclik, Odak, Tavir, Gencligin Sesi, Jiyana Nû, Devrimci Mücadele and Hedef are confiscated by the Istanbul SSC on charges of contravening the Anti Terror Law and Article 312 of the Penal Code.