A non-government information service on Turkey
Un service d'information non-gouvernemental sur la Turquie


19th Year - N°221
July-August 1995
38 rue des Eburons - 1000 Bruxelles
Tél: (32-2) 215 35 76 - Fax: (32-2) 215 58 60
 Rédacteur en chef: Dogan Özgüden - Editrice responsable: Inci Tugsavul


Europe's month of appointments with Turkey

18-22 September '95

25-29 September '95

    Despite Prime Minister's earlier promises of democratisation,
    • About all anti-democratic provisions of the 1982 Constitution, the Turkish Penal Code and the Anti-Terror Law are still kept in force.
    • The government,yielding to the military,  suspends the lifting of Article 8.
    • Following the military's directives, the Parliament again extends the emergency law in Kurdish provinces.
    • The security forces continue to destroy Kurdish villages in flames.
    • The Turkish Army repeats its incursions into Northern Iraq.
    • The Chief of General Staff threatens all human rights defenders.
    • The Human Rights Association (IHD) announces frightening figures as regards recent human rights violations.
    • 99 prominent intellectuals are tried by the State Security Court
    • Besikci is sentenced again and Zarakolu faces three new imprisonments.
    • Pro-Kurdish daily Yeni Politika is closed down, a journalist assassinated under torture.
    … and Ciller impudently continues to claim the ratification of the EU-Turkey Customs Union!


    Although the Europalia-Turkey '96 Festival was suspended by the Europalia Foundation, the Turkish Government has recently mobilised its forces in a move to change the mind of Belgian partners and to hold this prestigious festival in 1996 for the propaganda of the regime.
    After the Turkish Europalia Commissioner Bülent Eczacibasi's visit to Brussels, the Turkish Europalia Council invited in summer many Belgian journalists to Turkey in a view to convince them that the Europalia's suspension was a fault.
    Turkish officials are expected to visit Brussels soon with the same purpose during the Turkish Government's diplomatic offensive before and after the debates at the European Parliament.
    It should be recalled that since no amelioration has been recorded in the fields of human rights and the freedom of expression, any change in the decision of suspending Europalia will mean to be an accomplice of the Turkish regime's crimes in the field of fine arts.

    In a new manoeuvre to obtain the ratification of Turco-European Customs Union by the European Parliament, the Turkish regime, on July 26, 1995, amended only 17 out of 177 articles of the 1982 Constitution imposed by the military. The six other amendments proposed by the government were rejected failing to obtain necessary 300 votes.
    Although Prime Minister Ciller claimed, after the Parliament's vote, that Turkey became more democratic thanks to these amendments, many anti-democratic articles of this constitution and the repressive articles of the Turkish Penal Code and the Anti-Terror Law still remain in force.
    According to the first amendment, the part of the preamble of the Constitution which praises the Sept. 12, 1980 military take-over was removed.
    However, the proposed elimination of the clause barring people from claiming that laws and decrees passed during the Sept. 12, 1980 military era was rejected. Moreover, the clause barring prosecution of the military junta's members or administrators of that era on charges of corruption, bribery, theft, smuggling and other such ordinary crimes too was kept in force.
    What is more important, in its Preamble, the Constitution, denying the existence of the Kurdish people, declares that "sovereignty is vested fully and unconditionally in the Turkish Nation" and "no protection shall be afforded to thoughts or opinions contrary to Turkish national interests, Turkish historical and moral values, or the nationalism, principles, reforms and modernism of Atatürk."
    In Article 2, the Republic of Turkey is described as a state "loyal to the nationalism of Atatürk."
    The Constitution still remains incompatible with the European Convention of Human Rights.
    The Article 13 of the Constitution enumerates the hypothesis of legitimate restriction of fundamental rights and says: "The general grounds for restriction set forth in this article shall apply for all fundamental rights and freedom."
    Whereas, the ECHR clearly says that some warranted rights mentioned its articles 2, 7, 12, 13 and 14, notable the right not to be submitted to torture or to degrading treatment cqn never be restricted.

Other amendments adopted and rejected by the Parliament:

    • The constitutional provision which bars trade unions, associations, professional public organizations and cooperatives from engaging in politics has been deleted. Also a court order will be required for the closure of associations. In cases of closure by competent offices for reasons such as national security, it will be necessary to obtain a court order within 24 hours.
    However, the proposed easing formalities regarding formation of trade unions and the closure of trade unions only with court order were rejected.
    The Parliament also rejected the proposed removal of the ban on strikes and lock-outs with political intentions.
    • Civil servants will have the right to establish trade unions and to conclude collective bargaining agreements.
    However, they will not have the right to strike.
    • The voting age was lowered from 20 to 18. Parliament agreed to pass a special law granting citizens abroad the right to vote. Also detainees and inmates will have the right to vote under the supervision of judges.
    However, the proposed reduction of the age requirement for membership in Parliament from 30 to 25 was rejected.
    • The age limit for admission to a political party was reduced from 21 to 18.
    Also Parliament agreed to pass a law allowing university lecturers to assume posts at political parties central offices and permitting university students to become members of political parties.
    As for another proposed removal of the ban obstructing deputies from assuming posts at trade unions, association, foundation and professional public organizations, it was rejected.
    The other amendments are as follows:
    • The number of parliamentary seats was raised from 450 to 550. Parliament's commencement of the new legislative year was shifted from September to October.
    • It will be possible to hold local elections at the same time as general or by-elections in the event that only one year is left between them.
    • The condition requiring an absolute majority to accept the resignation of a deputy was removed. The relevant provision of the Constitution was worded to read: "This (resignation of the deputy) will be decided upon by the parliamentary general, assembly."
    Also the provision which causes a deputy to lose his membership if he resigns from his party to join another was removed.
    Furthermore, a deputy whose party is ordered dissolved by the Constitutional Court will be able to maintain his parliamentary membership provided that he has not caused the banning of his party by his statements or activities. In other words, only the deputies who were responsible for the closure of their parties will lose their seats in Parliament.
    • A deputy whose legislative immunity is lifted or who has lost his membership by plenary session can apply to the Constitutional Court within seven days. If the court will make a final ruling in regard to his appeal within 15 days the decision of Parliament will not take effect.
    • During the hearing of cases regarding the dissolution of a political party, the Constitutional Court will be required to hear the testimony of the chairman of that party.
    • The prohibition against political parties organizing abroad and founding their respective youth and women branches was eliminated.

Major anti-democratic articles still remain in force

    The following are the main anti-democratic articles of the Constitution which the government has never proposed to lift or amend:
    "Article 14 - None of the rights and freedoms shall be exercised with a view to violating the integrity of the state with its territory and people, endangering the existence of the Turkish State and Republic, ensuring the rule of one social class over the others, creating discrimination on grounds of language, race, religion, or sect, or establishing by any other means a political system based on the above concepts and opinions."
    This article takes as target all attempts to organize on the social class, ethnic or linguistic group basis. That is to say, the working class, the Kurdish population of the country and other religious and ethnic minorities are deprived of the right to organize and to spread their opinions.
    "Article 15 - In time of war or mobilisation, under martial law or during a state of emergency, the exercise of fundamental rights and freedoms may be partially or completely suspended."     "Article 17 - Death shall not be regarded as inflicted in violation of the right to life when it results from the execution of a death sentence, the exercise of self-defence or the lawful and necessary use of arms to carry out an arrest warrant or a detention order, prevent the escape of a person detained pending trial or following conviction, quell a revolt or rebellion or, under martial law or during a state of emergency, execute orders issued by the competent authorities."     "Article 18 - Forced or compulsory labour shall not include work required in the course of detention. pending trial or following conviction, services exacted from citizens during a state of emergency, or physical or intellectual work forming a part of normal civic obligations in fields dictated by the needs of the country."
    "Article 19 - Persons arrested or detained shall be brought before a court within 48 hours, or in the case of collective offences, within fifteen days. The periods may be extended during a state of emergency, under martial law or in time of war.
    "Article 26 - The right to express and disseminate their thoughts and opinions may be restricted in order to prevent crime, punish convicted offenders, prevent the disclosure of information lawfully declared to be a state secret or ensure the proper functioning of judicial authority.
    "No language prohibited by law shall be used in the expression and dissemination of thought."
    "Article 27 - The right to disseminate information shall not be exercised with a view to securing the amendment of the provisions regarding the state, character of the Republic and the integrity of the State, official language, flag, national anthem and capital."
    "Article 28 - Persons who write, cause to be printed. print or transmit to another for that purpose information or material of any description threatening the internal and external security or the indivisible integrity of the state with its territory and people, inciting to commit an offence or to rebellion or revolt or relating to state secrets shall be liable to prosecution under the relevant legal provisions.
    "Distribution may be forbidden as a preventive measure under a court order or, in cases where delay is considered prejudicial, an order of the authority expressly empowered by law.
    "Periodical and other publications may be authority expressly empowered by law in cases where delay is considered harmful to the protection of the indivisible integrity of the state.
    "Periodicals may be temporarily suspended by court order if convicted of publishing material inconsistent with the indivisible integrity of the state, the fundamental principles of the Republic, national security or public decency. All publications constituting a clear continuation of a suspended periodical shall be prohibited and shall be seized by court order."
    "Article 30 - Printing houses and accessory premises shall not be seized or confiscated (...) unless they are convicted of an offence committed against the indivisible integrity of the state, the fundamental principles of the Republic or national security."
    "Article 34 - The competent authority may prohibit a particular meeting or demonstration or postpone it for a maximum of two months if there is a strong likelihood that serious disturbances will occur, national security requirements will be infringed on or acts designed to destroy the fundamental character of the Republic will take place. Associations, foundations, unions and professional organisations instituted under public law shall not hold meetings or demonstrations exceeding their own scope and aims."
    "Article 42 - No activities other than those connected with learning, teaching, research and study shall take place in educational establishments. No language other than Turkish shall be taught to Turkish citizens as their mother tongue in educational establishments."
    "Article 51 - The statutes, management and mode of operation of unions and union federations shall not be inconsistent with democratic principles or with the character of the Republic.
    "Officials of trade unions or trade union federations shall be required to have been actually employed as workers for at least 10 years."
    "Article 54 - The right to strike shall not be exercised, nor shall lock-outs be practised, in a manner contrary to the principles of goodwill or prejudicial to the community or national wealth. The trade union shall be liable for any material damage caused in the workplace during a strike, either deliberately or accidentally, by the striking workers and union.
    "The National Arbitration Board shall settle disputes in cases where strikes and lock-outs are prohibited or, in the event of postponement, at the end of the period for which they are postponed.
    "Politically motivated strikes and lock-outs, sympathy strikes and lock-outs, general strikes and lock-outs, sit-in strikes, go-slows, work-to-rules and other forms of obstruction shall be prohibited.
    "Strikers shall do nothing whatsoever to prevent those who are not striking from working in their workplace."
    "Article 131 - The state shall supervise and inspect universities and their subsidiary units and shall ensure their security. University rectors shall be appointed by the President of the Republic and deans by the Higher Education Council (YÖK). Universities, members of teaching staff and their assistants shall be free to engage in scientific research and publication of all kinds. However, this shall not include freedom to engage in activities directed against the existence and independence of the state or the integrity and indivisibility of the nation and the country. The Higher Education Council shall be composed of members appointed by the President of the Republic from among candidates nominated by the universities, the Council of Ministers and the Chief of the Republic himself."
    As all these anti-democratic provisions of the Constitution are being kept in force, the government speaks of a possible lifting of Article 8 of the Anti-Terror Law. Unfortunately, certain European politicians considere such a move as a positive step in the way of democratization.
    Whereas, the coalition partners have not yet arrived at a compromise even at the lifting of this article, punishing any declaration or writing  considered "separatist propaganda" or "praising an outlawed organization."
    Moreover, the Army chiefs have declared that they were against the lifting of this article. Since then, the law project on the matter has been drawn from the agenda.
    Because, many provisions of the Constitution provide the military with extraordinary powers even in the period of civilian rule. And the "civilian" government never dares to propose the lifting of these privileges of the Army.

Anti-democratic institutions still in power

    First, the National Security Council (MGK), in which military chiefs are in majority, disposes the power to dictate decisions to the Council of Ministers:
    "Article 118 - The National Security Council shall be composed of the Prime Minister, the Chief of the General Staff, the Ministers of National Defence, the Interior and Foreign Affairs, the commanders of the army, navy and air force and the commander of the military police. The NSC shall inform the Council of Ministers of its views on the decisions to be taken concerning the establishment, formulation and implementation of the state's national security policy and on the measures required to secure the necessary coordination. The Council of Ministers shall give priority consideration to decisions of the Council concerning the measures that it deems necessary for the preservation of the existence and independence of the state, the integrity and indivisibility of the country, national peace and public order. The agenda of the NSC shall be drawn up by the President of the Republic, who shall take account of the proposals of the Prime Minister and the Chief of General staff."

State of emergency and Martial Law

    "Article 121 - In the event of a natural disaster, a dangerous epidemic or a serious economic crisis, the Council of Ministers meeting under the chairmanship of the President of the Republic may declare a state of emergency, in one or more regions or throughout the country for a period not exceeding six months. The State of Emergency Act shall regulate the financial and material obligations, and obligations relating to work, the procedure governing the restriction or suspension of fundamental rights and freedoms." During a state of emer¬gency, the Council of Ministers meeting under the chairmanship of the President of the Republic may issue legislative decrees."
    The state of emergency is still in forces in the Turkish Kurdistan since 1987.
    "Article 122 - The Council of Ministers meeting under the chairmanship of the President of the Republic may, after consultation with the NSC, declare martial law in one or more regions or through¬out the country. During the period of martial law, the Council of Ministers meeting under the chairmanship of the President of the Republic may issue legislative decrees on matters relating to martial law. Martial law commanders shall exercise their functions under the authority of the Office of the Chief of the General Staff."

State Security Courts

    "Article 143 - State Security Courts shall be established to try offences committed against the indivisible integrity of the state with its territory and people, the free democratic order of the Republic or directly relating to the internal and external security of the state. SSCs shall be composed of a President, two members, two substitutes, a prosecutor and a sufficient number of deputy prosecutors. One member and one substitute shall be appointed from among military judges of the highest grade, and the deputy prosecutors from among public prosecutors and military judges. In the event of the declaration of martial law, the SSC may be transformed into a military court."
    It is these state security courts that still try and sentences hundreds of intellectuals to heave prison terms and fines for their opinions.


    Despite the promises to European institutions, last months saw no improvement in the human rights situation in Turkey, according to a Human Rights Association (IHD) report released on August 22, 1995.
    In July 1995, execution without trial, torture or time spent in custody resulted in the death of 14 people, according to the report. Also, 13 people killed during mysterious assaults and 19 people went missing while in custody. The number of the people killed in armed conflict rose to 392.
    In one month, 1572 people, of whom 62 from the press, were taken into police custody and 117 of them were later placed under arrest pending trial.
    Tribunals issued 9-year prison term and a total of TL 2.221 billion in fine in political trials. The number of political prisoners in jail climbed to 171.
    Prosecutors requested 134 years and 5 months imprisonment in total for political defendants.
    In July, 30 publications were seized, 7 associations and press organs closed down, 23 associations and press organs raided by police, seven buildings bombed.
    354 people were fired from their working places.
    As for June 1995, the IHD gave on July 18 the following figures: Taken into custody :1,648, press workers taken into custody: 44, court arrests: 310, action against civilians: 24 dead and 34 wounded, unsolved attacks: 9 dead and 21 wounded, missing in custody: 25, killed in clashes: 505, death under torture, execution without trial and in custody: 10, tortured: 17, burned and evacuated villages and hamlets: 16 villages and 20 hamlets, labour-related violations: 600 layoffs, total of sentences and fines: 14 years and 9 months prison terms and a fine of TL 1.6 billion, seized publications: 17, bombings: 7, trade unions, associations and publications closed: 17, raided: 18, prisoners of conscience: 165.
    According to another report published by the daily Cumhuriyet of June 29, the total number of political detainees has risen to 8.548 this year as it was less than 7 thousand last year. The number of the people detained for ordinary crimes too climbed to 38,386. 


    One of the distinguished senior journalists of Turkey, Ilhan Selcuk, in his article published by the daily Cumhuriyet of July 10, 1995, answered the question "What has happened since Tansu Ciller took up office as prime minister?" in following terms:
    * Annual inflation, which had been around 60 percent for quite a long time, "exploded," jumping to l50 percent.
    * The April 5 package of economic decisions was adopted, worsening further people's plight.
    * Everybody seems to be rejoicing over the fact that "despite everything" the annual inflation rate has declined to somewhere in the 70 8Q percent range this year.
    * The economy has been "surrendered" entirely to the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The IMF inspectors frequently come to check on us.
    * In the Southeast, the area in which an anti-terrorist struggle is underway has been expanded, spilling into northern Iraq too.
    * The PKK has become more effective in the international arena, gaining new sympathisers in Europe.
    * Deputies from the Southeast have been forcefully thrown out of the Parliament building and delivered to the police.
    * The American dollar jumped and now costs more than TL 40,000.
    * Not a single step could be taken in the sphere of democratisation. The coalition protocol has been shelved.
    * There has been an increase in the number of "dubious" cases of privatisation. In many cases privatisation efforts have led to a fiasco.
    * The unemployment rate has climbed. Workers who lost their jobs in the course of the privatisation process found themselves in a tight spot.
    * Turkey has shrunk economically. Growth came to a halt. Now we are in a period of declining national income. Production has declined. Investments have come to a stop.
    * There has been an increase in the number of people thrown into jail because of ideas they expressed in their writings.
    * Article 8 of the Anti Terrorism Law, under which expression of certain ideas can be punished as an "act of terrorism," remains unchanged.
    * Thousands of villages and hamlets in the Southeast have been burned down or forcefully evacuated. Hundreds of thousands of people have been forced to migrate to other parts of the country.
    * Clashes have broken out in various parts of the country. The Alawite-Sunni rift has widened, resulting in many deaths.
    * In Sivas, 37 intellectuals were killed in a hotel fire started during a daylong demonstration staged by religious fundamentalists.
    * Europe's attitude toward Turkey has become increasingly negative. Ankara has been blamed frequently for so many things.
    * A member of the DYP-CHP coalition government used the word "prostitutes" in reference to three visiting female European Parliament members and the government had to apologise. The member of government in question has retained his post.
    * The pro-Shariah movement has been on the rise.
    * The practice of torture, executions without trial and murders by unidentified killers, are still continuing. In short, Turkey has been sliding downhill.
    * Not only has the government made Turkey smaller, spread the combat zone of the anti-terrorist struggle into northern Iraq and failed to have even a single law legislated to enhance democratic rights and freedoms.
    * On top of all this the head of this government has come under suspicion. This is because there has been widespread controversy surrounding the property of the Ciller family. The Prime Minister has failed to give a satisfactory explanation how her family acquired all these assets. When she was a cabinet minister she invested in another country, that is, the United States. Also, there are documents indicating that the Ciller family is guilty of the crime of tax evasion.
    * Then how come she can stay on as prime minister? She does so just as she managed to be "parachuted" down into the seat of prime minister. In no country where the parliamentary system functions properly would a prime minister like Ciller be able to remain in government, not even for a minute.


    The regime of emergency law in Turkish Kurdistan was extended for four more months from July 19 by the National Assembly, following the directive given by the military-dominated National Security Council.
    The ten provinces subject to emergency law are Bitlis, Tunceli, Sirnak, Mardin, Van, Hakkari, Diyarbakir, Batman, Bingöl and Siirt.
    Proclaimed in July 1987 to replace martial law regime, the emergency law has been extended 24 times up to now. On June 27, at the National Assembly 225 deputies voted for and 140 against the extension. The majority of the social-democrat Republican People's Party (CHP), junior partner of the coalition government which was against the emergency law when it was in opposition, voted for the extension as well.


    As the parliamentary works on lifting of Article 8 of the Anti-Terror Law was at a deadlock, the Turkish Armed Forces announced their opposition to taking such a step.
    "The lifting of Article 8  [of the Anti-Terror Law which deals with freedom of expression] is not appropriate," said Vice Chief of Staff Gen. Ahmet Cörekci to a group of select journalists who were invited to the General Command headquarters on June 30 for a briefing on "the fight against separatist terrorism."
    Asked to comment on the military's reaction if Article 8 of the ATL is changed, Gen. Cörekci said: "We are at the disposal of the political authority in Turkey. However, a change in Article 8 will affect our struggle against terrorism. We would prefer to see Article 8 untouched. If the political authority decides to scrap or change Article 8 and the Parliament accepts this, then that is something else. We feel it is not appropriate for Article 8 to be changed."
    Cörekci also said democratic conditions and human rights considerations prevent an effective struggle against terrorism which would yield results in a short time and added, "We also have problems in coordination of our forces and on electronic intelligence gathering."
    He said certain demands for Kurdish language broadcasts and education were being presented as "democratic rights" but added this was a part of a psychological tactic by the PKK. "We call this the salami tactic. As we cut the salami into slices they will take it from us. The more slices we cut the more they will take. There will be no end to the give and take. We cannot accept such a thing."
    Recently, General Cörekci has been appointed, by the Supreme Military Council on August 4, as commander of the Air Force in recompense for "his success as Vice Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces."


    Turkish Chief of General Staff Gen. Ismail Hakki Karadayi, on July 28, issued a strongly worded warning against the "show of sympathy for the separatists," calling naive liberals or ill-intentioned critics to "come to their senses" before being made to pay a heavy price.
    As he received a check for TL 2,7 trillion ($60 million) collected for the families of the soldiers fallen in the armed conflicts, Gen. Karadayi said: "Those people in the country or abroad having designs on the country's indivisible unity, those who search for so-called 'solutions', those who offer their own wisdom, w<ho give advice, those who associate democracy with freedom of encouraging terrorism, those who depict terrorists as freedom fighters, and those who see and interpret all these as the normal dictates of democracy, are in fact those seeking a separate state, a separate flag behind their dark and ugly masks."
    "I hope they will have enough sense to wake up and collect their wise before they have to bear the results of their continuing mistakes and are made to pay a heavy price for their accumulating accounts," the chief commander said.


    During the funeral of Colonel Ridvan Özden who was shot dead during an armed clash with Kurdish guerrillas, his widow Tomris Özden accused the political authorities of following an erroneous policy in Southeastern Turkey, reported the daily Cumhuriyet on August 18, 1995.
    In Mardin, as his husband's body was being buried on August 16, Mrs. Özden said, "I do not want any pretentious big funeral for my husband, because I do not consider my husband a martyr. To be martyr, one must have fallen at a war against another country's army. My husband was turned into an instrument of ugly policies. The question cannot be solved by killing or being killed. Many commanders, sergeants and soldiers have fallen up to now. Thousands of them are now handicapped. All of them entered the fight in the hope of saving the country. Whereas, it is not possible to save the country or to solve this question by following this policy."


    The Super Governorate of the Emergency Law region announced on July 25, 1995, that more than 2,664 villages or smaller settlements have been evacuated during the war against the PKK waged by the state in the Southeast. The evacuations have reportedly affected 49,000 families.
    Because of the lack of a government plan to resettle the displaced villagers, these evacuations have caused criticism from the opposition parties and Turkey's Western allies.
    The evacuations, accompanied by persistent reports of a coercion campaign which included the deliberate torching of the villages, has been a source of controversy in Turkey with displaced refugees clogging provincial centres in the area and in the west of the country.
    The most spectacular recent example of this evacuation campaign is Tunceli, an eastern Kurdish province of which the original name was Dersim.
    Dersim has always been a principal target of State terrorism throughout the history of the Republic.
    In a July 24 article by the daily Sabah's Mehmet Altan gives the following dreadful situation of Tunceli:
    "Two-thirds of Tunceli's villages have been evacuated. In the province, animal husbandry has collapsed. Educational and health services no longer exist in areas outside the provincial seat. I am thinking of complaining about Turkey at international platforms to help eliminate these people's plight. Since a coordination board has recently been created, I have, to prove my good intentions, decided to wait for some more time before taking this issue to international platforms. If no improvement takes place, I will contact world organizations, starting with the United Nations, to complain about Turkey. I will even seek 'safe resettlement' for them from the United Nations. In Bosnia there is Serbian brutality. And in Tunceli, the 'special teams' brutality. Using the same tactics as the Serbs, own compatriots are being forced to migrate."
    These words come from Sinan Yerlikaya, a deputy of the coalition's Junior partner, the Republican People's Party (CHP).
    Yerlikaya describes recent developments that began on July 2 in the following manner:
    "Today, Tunceli is being crushed under a serious 'special team' terrorism. This terror reached its peak especially after three members of a 'special team' were martyrs at a PTT transmitting station near the Tunceli provincial seat at the beginning of this month. Following the incident, fellow 'special team' members raided the city. They forced their way into houses in hamlets near the city, breaking doors and windows, beating the inhabitants severely ¬that is. seriously enough to cause them to be hospitalised— blocked the roads linking Tunceli with adjacent provinces, stopped all approaching cars and broke the windshields and slashed the tires of all of them. They beat up a group of local people who had gone to the hospital to donate blood to two injured policemen, turning them away and shouting, 'We do not need your blood.' And they killed a taxi driver.
    "Incidents continued (in the following day, too, when the bodies were laid to rest. The governor of the state of emergency region too had come to Tunceli on that day. In his presence they shouted slogans against Tunceli Governor Atil Uzelgün, saying, 'Communist governor', 'The governor is the CHP's servant' and 'Governor—the servant of the Tuncelites'. And then they started to chant 'Victory will belong to Islam even if or blood will lay shed.' Then they scattered the crowd of people who waited to attend the slain policemen's funeral, beating up some of them.     Veli Yesil, the head of the Tunceli provincial branch of the Correct Way Party (DYP), the senior partner of the coalition government, said, "Mr. Yerlikaya has not exaggerated at all. Citizens were rescued from the hands of the 'special team' by the (regular) police. Even the governor's life is not secure. The 'special team' is against the governor. The 'special team' sees the people of Tunceli as the enemy."
    Head of the New Democracy Movement's (YDH) provincial branch Mustafa Zülal said "There is an attempt to create an uninhabited region in Tunceli. Everybody lived through the July 2 incidents. But fear has sunk in. They all keep silent. For us, every day is July 2. The security forces, who try to protect the people, prove unable to do so, and take out their frustration on the people. They act as if they are the representatives of the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP)."
    Here is an excerpt from an item entitled "Attention to Tunceli" in yesterday's issue of the daily Yeni Yüzyil: "Tension has continued to reign in the Tunceli provincial centre since the martyring of the 'special team' members. In the city it is forbidden to buy too much food, and the farmers have been banned from going out into the fields. The solitary delegation which arrived in Tunceli has been denied entrance to the city."
    The Interior Ministry has announced officially that in the province 111 villages and 450 hamlets have been evacuated to date. According to the announcement, 2,682 households have been affected by the evacuations.
    Is it not a contradiction on the part of our government that the latter focuses on the plight of the Bosnian Muslims alone? Can they not hear the voices of their deputies speaking about the plight of the inhabitants of Tunceli? How can international offensives concerning Bosnia be effective while Tunceli Deputy Yerlikaya keeps shouting, "Tunceli is Turkey's Bosnia!"?


    The Turkish Armed Forces, on pretext to respond to the increase PKK activities in Northern Iraq, launched on July 5 a new incursion to the southern neighbour under the code name Operation Dragon.
    Anxious to avoid damaging strains with only months left to the verdict of the European Parliament on the customs union, Ankara felt need to assure the European powers as regards the dimension of the operation. Describing this newest incursion as "activities conducted with a limited number of troops in a limited area to render ineffective terrorist elements in certain spots (inside Iraq)," the Turkish General Staff spokesman said that not more than 3,000 troops were taking part.
    However, Iraq condemned the incursion as "a flagrant violation of Iraq's sovereignty." Massoud Barzani's KDP claimed Turkish forces had bombed seven Kurdish villages.
    The Arab League too condemned on July 9 the Operation Dragon as a "clear violation of Arab national sovereignty defying the letter and principle of international law." The League urged Turkey to "deal with the tension on the borders through cooperation and dialogue and with a good-neighbour policy."

    The new director of the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), John Deutsch paid an unpublicized visit to Turkey and held a meeting with Sönmez Köksal, the Under-secretary of Turkey's National Intelligence Organization (MIT) in Ankara on July 24.
    The upgrading of the technical infrastructure available to the MIT was main theme in the talks, according to The Turkish Daily News of July 27, 1995.
    In the meeting, the talks also centred on the important role Turkey has because of its strategic location as a country in direct contact with some 30 countries in Europe, North Africa and Asia.
    Saying Ankara was pleased with the importance Washington attaches to its economic and military cooperation with Turkey, Köksal called for the spreading of cooperation to the intelligence field and mentioned some difficulties encountered so far. He reportedly cited the obstacles raised against the purchase by MIT of the high-technology intelligence equipment produced by the US firms and the reticence of some firms to sell gear listed as "strategic equipment", and he requested the help of the CIA chief for the removal of these obstacles.
    Deutsch reportedly pledged "all kinds of help" to enable Turkey to purchase the equipment it needs through "official channels" and take the necessary steps immediately on his return.
    The CIA director also sought closer cooperation between the two organizations in the framework of bilateral ties between the two countries and voiced particular concern over developments in the Caucasus and the Balkans.
    Noting that relations between the CIA and the MIT were nothing new, the sources said, however, that both sides were eager for closer links, and the fact that Deutsch made his first foreign trip to Turkey after his appointment to the post was an important indicator in this respect.


    A total of 242 people was detained on July 6, 1995, for protesting at not being allowed to enter a State Security Court courtroom where executives of the People's Democracy Party (HADEP) were on trial facing charges of separatism.
    Sirri Sakik, former deputy of the now defunct Democracy Party (DEP), who was previously tried and convicted for separatism in the same court, was among those detained upon the orders of Chief Prosecutor Nusret Demiral.
    Other taken into custody were Yavuz Önen, president of the Human Rights Foundation of Turkey (TIHV), and attorney Hüsnü Öndül, secretary general of the Human Rights Association (IHD).
    The HADEP executives on trial were Deputy Chairmen Sahabettin Özarslaner and Hikmet Fidan, Deputy Secretary General Seyhmus Cagro and Ankara Provincial Organization Chairman Ferhan Türk.
    The defendants' attorneys, who asked for the spectators to be allowed into the courtroom, argued that since there was no interlocutory decision ordering the session to be closed to the public, the decision not to allow the spectators in should be reconsidered. However the prosecutor did not want the spectators to be allowed to enter the courtroom for security reasons, to protect the judges and the defendants.
    Taking into consideration the prosecutor's view, the judges decided not to allow the spectators to enter the courtroom. While the attorneys left the room to protest against the decision, the HADEP executives on trial refused to give their statement to the court.
    Policemen put the protesters in buses and took them to the Ankara Security Directorate.
    The HADEP executives are charged with having links with the outlawed PKK and the prosecutor is calling for prison terms of up to 15 years.


    The Constitutional Court decided on July 19 to close down the Socialist Union Party (SBP) on charges that its programme contains separatist objectives.
    This party which was an emanation of the defunct United Communist Party of Turkey (TBKP) had, after the opening of this legal action, joined the United Socialist Party (BSP).
    BSP Chairman Sadun Aren who was also the chairman of the closed SBP, criticising the higher court's decision, said, "The Kurdish existence in Turkey is an undeniable fact. The Constitutional Court, instead of taking such an antidemocratic decision, should have confirm this fact and serve to the functioning of democracy."


    More than 10,000 political prisoners and their relatives started a hunger strike on July 14 as well in Turkey as in various foreign countries. The mass action continued in shifts until August 23. It was the first of its kind in Turkey's history of prison hunger strikes because it did not aim to achieve better conditions in the prison.
    The reason for the hunger strike was to demonstrate the sorrow the Kurdish people have felt for years because of killings and forced migrations which dragged them away from their houses, work and their sources of food.
    The IHD, following a board meeting held on August 6, 1995, declared the current situation against the Geneva Agreement on prisons and called both sides to declare a cease fire. It also asked the Turkish state to negotiate with the Kurdish people.
    The IHD had already called for the application of the Geneva Convention in Turkey  at its 5th General Assembly held on October 29, 1994.
    "Since then, suppression by the state has intensified," said the recent IHD declaration. "Our association, which supports human rights fully for everyone, demands that this country should become a garden of equality, freedom and peace. For this, the policies of force and denial should end and a democratic, peaceful solution should be recognized."
    The IHD also called for abolition of the village guard institution and the special teams that are on duty in the Southeast and an end to Emergency rule.
    "A general amnesty should be issued," the IHD said.


    20.6, in Ankara, 37 top officials of different trade unions are tried by a penal court for having staged demonstrations for a democratic constitution. Each faces a prison term of up to three years.
    20.6, in Izmir, security forces raiding a student hostel detain 63 students resisting against the operation.
    20.6, in Sason, two little girls, Meryem Yavuz and Fatma Yavuz are shot dead by unidentified gunmen as pasturing animals.  When the peasants rush to the place of incident, one of them, Isa Abay falls victim of a mine explosion and three others seriously wounded.
    21.6, in Istanbul, a workers' demonstration is prevented by police using force. During the clash, 17 workers and 11 policemen are seriously wounded. After the incident, about 150 workers are taken into custody.
    21.6, in Istanbul, lawyer Ahmet Düzgün Yüksel is taken into custody just before the trial concerning two cases of summary executions in which he is expected to represent the families of the victims. After his release on June 26 Düzgün claims to have been tortured under custody.
    22.6, police announce the arrest of ten alleged members of the Workers' and Peasants' Liberation Army of Turkey (TIKKO) in Istanbul during last ten-day operations. Subjected to torture, some of the detainees start a hunger strike.
    22.6, the Chief Prosecutor of the Republic starts a legal proceeding against the Democracy and Transformation Party (DDP), headed by Ibrahim Aksoy, former secretary general of the defunct People's Labour Party (HEP). The prosecutor asks the Court of Constitution to ban the party for separatist activities.
    22.6, in Lice, four unidentified men were found killed and later burned in a forest.
    23.6, a penal court in Istanbul starts to try 24 people accused of having celebrated Kurdish new year Newroz on March 21, 1995.
    24.6, in Ankara, a group of 60 human rights activists performing a march to the Interior Ministry in protest against disappearances is stopped before the IHD Headquarters. IHD Chairman Akin Birdal accused the authorities to prevent themselves from using their democratic rights.
    24.6, in Adana, Aladdin Önen claims to have been tortured during his 24-hour detention at a police station.
    24.6, in Istanbul, 88 out of 103 workers detained on June 21 during a protest action are placed under arrest by the decision of a penal court.
    24.6, security forces detain eleven people in Mersin on charges of being members of the Marxist-Leninist Communist Party-Foundation (MLKP-K).
    24.6, in Adana, HADEP member Izzettin Görnü who was shot by unidentified gunmen on June 3 dies at a hospital.
    24.6, in Sason, farmer Ismet Erdem and public servant Mim Hadi Güngördü fall victim of the explosion of mine laid by security forces.
    24.6, in Nusaybin, a group of the inhabitants of the Yolbilen village is attacked by pro-government village protectors during their shopping in the city's bazaar. Three villagers are seriously wounded and hospitalised.
    26.6, in Dicle, minibus passenger Recai Dülger falls victim of the explosion of a mine laid by security forces.
    26.6, in Ovacik, driver Sabri Sarigül dies at the explosion of a bomb placed in its taxi. Three other persons are wounded during the incident. Sarigül had been arrested in 1994 for being PKK member and kept in prison for eight months.
    26.6, on Sirnak, a military team opens fire on a group of villagers collecting woods in the mountains, a villager is killed and four others wounded.
    30.6, the Ankara SSC sentences nine alleged Dev-Sol members to different prison terms of up to 21 years and eight months.
    1.7, in Hazro, Abdülvahap Kocan is shot dead by unidentified gunmen raiding the village of Dersi.
    2.7, during the commemoration ceremonies for the massacre of 37 intellectuals July 2, 1993, in Sivas, security forces attack the demonstrators in Istanbul, Ankara and Adana. A total of 50 people is taken into custody and many wounded.
    2.7, in Silvan, Mehmet Salih Savas and Seyfettin Zengin are shot dead after being kidnapped by unidentified assailants.
    2.7, in Ankara, an attempt to research in the ward of Dev-Sol prisoners of the Ankara Central Prison leads to violent clashes during which 29 detainees as well as the prison director, six gendarmes and four guards are seriously wounded.
    3.7, twenty people who were detained on June 30 during the funeral of Hasan Ocak claim after their release that they were subjected to torture and ill-treatment at the police station.
    4.7, in Kastamonu, worker Halil Akca (34) dies after being tortured at a local police station where he was detained in relation with a car accident.
    4.7, in Nusaybin, university student Serdar Ugras is shot dead by the military raiding his house in front of his mother and sisters.
    5.7, the Ankara SSC sentences 40 alleged Dev-Sol members to various prison terms of up to 15 years. After the judge announced the judgement, the defendants started to shout slogans in protest against the decision and all of them were brutally beaten by gendarmes in the court room.
    5.7, in Istanbul, the inhabitants of the Kücükarmutlu Quarters enter in clash with security forces when the municipal workers start to demolish the shanties they had built without an authorisation. About 70 people are taken into custody after the incident.
    5.7, in Diyarbakir, Ferit Yonca is assassinated with axes by unidentified assailants.
    6.7, the Malatya SSC sentences three PKK militants to life prison and four others to different prison terms of up to 12 years and six months.
    8.7, in Istanbul, a group of intellectuals marching in protest against disappearances is attacked and beaten by security forces. After the incident 33 demonstrators are taken into custody.
    9.7, the chairman of the Foundation of Social Law Researches (TOHAV), lawyer Talat Tepe is arrested at the Istanbul Airport as leaving Turkey for participating to an international conference on human rights in Germany.
    7.7, in Silvan, Kadir Alphan who was kidnapped by unidentified assailants is found assassinated outside the town.
    9.7, in Ankara, 36 people coming in a car from Istanbul to protest disappearances are stopped at the city entrance and taken to a police station.
    9.7, in Hizan, Muzaffer Gültekin and Mehmet Sirin Günal fall victim of the explosion of a mine laid by security forces.
    11.7, in Adana, security forces arrest 34 people on charges of participating in PKK activities. The detainees are reportedly subjected to torture at the police station.
    11.7, in Diyarbakir, high school student Cengiz Canoglu is killed with axe by unidentified assailants. Same day, Mehmet Ay is shot dead and Kendal Kurt, wounded on July 8 by unidentified gunmen, dies in a hospital.
    12.7, in Ankara, Rifat Onurcan and 13-year old Tayfun Kirs who were detained on charges of theft on July 9 claim after release that they were subjected to torture.
    13.7, the chairman of the Democracy and Transformation Party (DDP), Ibrahim Aksoy is sentenced by the Konya SSC to 20 months in prison and TL 41 million in fine for a speech he had given when he was the secretary general of the defunct People's Labour Party (HEP). Aksoy is for the time being in Europe and he will be imprisoned when he returns to Turkey.
    16.7, in Istanbul, nine people detained after they occupied the office of the New Democracy Movement (YDH) in a protest action are reportedly subjected to torture at police station.
    16.7, unidentified gunmen shoot dead Ahmet Sulak in Diyarbakir and Ibrahim Celik in Batman.
    17.7, the trial of IHD Gaziantep officials on charges of keeping illegal publications in the association's office begins at a penal court of Gaziantep. IHD Gaziantep Chairman Imam Özharat and six other officials face imprisonment of up to three years.
    18.7, in Bingöl, three children named Semra Ölmez, Sedat Cicek and Nihat Cicek die at the explosion of a hand grenade they found in a field.
    20.7, in Izmir, 22 detainees are brutally beaten by gendarmes as they are being taken from the Buca Prison to the Izmir SSC for their trial.
    20.7, in Diyarbakir, Ahmet Sulak is stabbed to death by unidentified assailants. In Batman, Ibrahim Celik falls victim of a political assassination. In Silvan, Ahmet Yikilmaz is assassinated by the Hizbullah.
    20.7, in Ankara, security forces arrest about 50 people during a series of repressive operations.
    21.7, unidentified gunmen shoot dead Ömer Erkek in Diyarbakir.
    21.7, in Kiziltepe, Hüseyin Ertas who was kidnapped on July 18 by village protectors is found assassinated.
    23.7, in Elazig, 23-year old Sinan Demirbas who had been detained on July 8 on charges of being TIKKO member, died in a hospital because of the torture he underwent at the Police Headquarters.
    24.7, in Istanbul, worker Fethi Polat claims to have been tortured at the Beyoglu Police Centre after being detained on July 22.
    25.7, the Malatya Section of the Human Rights Association (IHD) is closed down by the Governor's decision on charges of keeping in the office some illegal publications.
    25.7, in Midyat, Kurdish villager Hüseyin Altiner is shot dead by village protectors in front of his 8-year old son Sehmuz.
    25.7, in Izmir, about 600 transport workers are brutally beaten by police when they object to the arrival of a group of neo-fascist militants as "special guard teams" to their workplace where they were on strike since July 6. During the clash four top officials of the Motorised Transport Workers' Trade Union (MTIS) and about 20 workers are seriously wounded.
    26.7, the daily Yeni Politika reports that Ahmet Cingöz and Edip Aksoy have disappeared since June 7. At that date they were taken away by three persons carrying fire arms and presenting them as policemen.
    26.7, in Izmir, police raiding a house shoot dead Ali Riza Kurt, militant of the People's Revolutionary Liberation Party/Front (DHKP/C).
    26.7, On the decision of a penal court, the Communication Workers Trade Union (Tüm Haber Sen) in Istanbul and its all sections throughout Turkey are closed down by the governor without waiting the decision of the Court of Cassation to which the trade union had introduced an appeal.
    26.7, in Hatay, Murat Kahraman and Mehmet Kaplanci are shot dead by police after being taken to a military zone and tortured.
    27.7, in Elazig, Hüseyin Demirbas claims in a petition to the Public Prosecutor's Office that his son Sinan Demirbas had been taken into police custody on July 7 and assassinated by torture at the police station.
    27.7, in Istanbul, police intervene in a sit-in and hunger-strike carried out by municipal workers in front of the Eminönü Municipality and detain more than 50 workers. During the operation six workers are wounded by police using force.
    27.7, nine alleged PKK militants captured by security forces in Hatay and Adana are placed under arrest by a tribunal.
    28.7, in Izmir, during a clash between political detainees and security forces within the Buca Prison 20 detainees, four prison guards and seven gendarmes are wounded.
    28.7, in Mersin, the Association of Tunceli Citizens (TD) is closed down by the governor because of sheltering a group of hunger-strikers within the association's office.
    30.7, in Istanbul, a Kurdish woman named Hazal Deniz miscarries her baby after being brutally beaten by police during a demonstration in solidarity with political prisoners on hunger-strike. During the same incident, 20 other people are seriously wounded and 79 people detained.
    30.7, in Istanbul, lawyer Bilgütay Hakki Durna is harassed and threatened by police at the Akbiyik Police Station to where he went to talk with his client under custody.
    30.7, in Diyarbakir, two unidentified gunmen shoot dead Ensari Demir.
    31.7, in Genc, two minibus passengers, Ahmet Varan and Ismail Toprak fall victim of a mine explosion and seven other are wounded.
    31.7, in Adana, police announce the arrest of 14 Hizbullah members.
    1.8, the Court of Cassation ratifies a sentence against Halil Ürün, Mayor of the Konya City. Ürün was sentenced in 1994 by a penal court to one-year imprisonment for having insulted Kemal Atatürk, founder of the Republic. His imprisonment was later converted to a fine of TL 1 million 825 thousand.
    2.8, in Adana, HADEP member Cemal Kahraman claims to have been tortured after being taken from party local to the police station on July 31.
    2.8, in Diyarbakir, a clash between the Ilim and Menzil fractions of the Hizbullah ends in the death of Süleyman Duran and the wounding of four other people.
    2.8, in Diyarbakir, Fahri Kusun's dead body carrying torture traces is found floating in the Tigris River.
    3.8, in Mutki, unidentified assailants shoot dead a minibus driver, Burhan Celebi and wound three passengers.
    3.8, in Silvan, the headman of the Gözderesi Village, Mehmet Salih Eraslan is shot dead by unidentified gunmen. `
    6.8, in Diyarbakir, Hüsnü Elduru is shot dead by unidentified assailants raiding a cafe.
    8.8, in Istanbul, Kasim Yörük claims to have been tortured after his arrest on July 29. He also says to have witnessed the torture applied to 30 other detainees at the Political Police Headquarters.
    9.8, in Diyarbakir, Harun Efe is shot dead by unidentified gunmen. He was one the leaders of the defunct Progressive Democratic Cultural Association (DDKD).
     10.8, in Antakya, a cultural evening organized in the honour of poet Can Yücel is banned by the governor's decision.
    11.8, in Ankara, 31-year old Ali Haydar Efe dies because of the torture he underwent after his detention on August 10. Police authorities claim that Efe commit suicide by throwing himself from the third floor of the police headquarters.
    11.8, in Erug, farmer Abdüllatif Kilic who was kidnapped on June 6 by unidentified assailants is found assassinated.
    13.8, in Ankara, 24 year-old Mrs. Leman Celikaslan claims to have been tortured and sexually harassed after his detention on July 21 during a police raid on the house where she stayed as visitor.
    13.8, the imam of the Kalkansögüt Village at the Turkish-Bulgarian border, Selim Tonca is shot dead by a military patrol on pretext that he entered a forbidden military zone. Same day, in Bitlis, another imam named Mehmet Serif Aslan is wounded by three village protectors as he is visiting his parents in the town of Gölbasi.
    13.8, a public servant, Mehmet Bicakci, who was kidnapped on August 10 in Batman is found assassinated in the village of Aydinkonak. His body is reportedly covered with torture traces.
    14.8, in Diyarbakir, unidentified gunmen shoot dead Nurettin Ekinci.
    14.8, Batman chairman of the Petroleum Workers' Trade Union (Petrol-Is), Nimetullah Sözen is taken into police custody.
    14.8, IHD Iskenderun Chairman Sadullah Caglar and Abdullah Aydar, father of the former DEP deputy Zübeyir Aydar, are taken into police custody in Iskenderun.
    15.8, in Istanbul, 19-year old university student Zeynep Askara claims to have been tortured after he detention on August 1 as she was travelling to Corlu.
    16.8, in Iskenderun, police raiding some houses take six people into custody. Same day, in Istanbul, twelve people are detained as they are carrying out a demonstration with burning candles.
    17.8, the public prosecutor starts a legal proceeding against the leaders of the Trade Unions Confederation of Turkey (Türk-Is) for the protest demonstrations and sit-ins they organized on August 5 and 8, 1995. Chairman Bayram Meral and other officials are accused of contravening the laws on Trade Unions and Demonstrations.
    17.8, eight foreigners following the hunger strikes in Turkish prisons are taken into police custody in Diyarbakir. Eva Erle, Jeanine Weigel, Holber Neibert, Anina Jendreyko, Ann Kristien Kowarsch, Uwe Oetken, Martin Dietermann and Thomas Vappeller are released next day by the Diyarbakir SSC.
    17.8, in Cayeli, eight people are taken into police custody on charges of being members of outlawed organizations. Their parents claim that the detainees are subjected to torture at police station.
    18.8, in Bismil, security forces raiding a house shoot dead two alleged PKK militants.
    18.8, in Midyat, unidentified gunmen shoot dead Mehmet Nezir Akinci.
    22.8, in Ovacik, 13-year old Güngör Koc falls victim of the explosion of a hand grenade and three other children seriously wounded.
    23.8, the trial of eight members of the DHKP/C starts at the Istanbul SSC and the prosecutor claims capital punishment for four defendants and prison terms of up to 15 years for the others.
    23.8, in Ankara, five officials of the Health Workers' Union (Tüm Saglik Sen), Veysi Ülgen, Songül Beydilli, Cafer Balci, Metin Karabulut and Özkan Tüm, are detained as they are performing an action in protest against the condemnation of the trade union's chairman Fevzi Gercek, who was sentenced to two years in prison for an article he wrote to the periodical Direnis.
    24.8, the Ankara SSC places under arrest eleven out of 15 Hizbullah members who were taken into custody a week ago in Bolu.
    25.8, the trial of 97 people accused of having taken part in the popular resistance in Gazi Quarters begins at a penal court of Istanbul. The tribunal declaring itself incompetent for this trial decides to transfer the file to the Istanbul SSC with the demand of trying the defendants by virtue of Article 8 of the Anti-Terror Law.
    26.8, in Hakkari, the village of Bag is raided by security forces and ten peasants taken into custody.
    28.8, in Istanbul, Yunus Atalay claims to have been tortured by police after being detained on charges of writing political slogans on walls.
    28.8, in Ankara, nine people are beaten by gendarmes as they are paying visit to their parents  detained in the Central Prison.


    The only pro-Kurdish daily of Turkey, Yeni Politika had to stop publication indefinitely on August 18, 1995, after a decision to confiscate the daily was taken by an Istanbul penal court on August 16, in line with a National Security Council (MGK) decision on the subject.
    Yeni Politika is the third pro-Kurdish daily forced to silence after Özgür Gündem and Özgür Ülke.
    The penal court based its decision on the following pretext: "Yeni Politika is clearly the successor of Özgür Gündem and Özgür Ülke which were closed down on the grounds of promoting separatism."
    Necati Taniyan, the owner of the daily, said that the decision taken by the court to confiscate was a de facto closure of the newspaper. "Any issues that we publish are going to be considered as illegal publications and confiscated. That is why we took the decision to close the newspaper," said Taniyan.
    Yeni Politika was first published on April 13, 1995. Of the 127 issues of the daily, 118 were subject to confiscation orders. Since its first issue, 500 articles, photographs and caricatures have been subject to censorship.  The fact that had been publishing many articles with the sign "Censored" above them was given as justification for the decision to impose a confiscation order on the paper.
    On July 27, 1995, the National Security Council (MGK), headed by President Demirel and composed of Army chiefs and some key ministers including Premier Ciller, decided to increase the control on "separatist publications" and to extend the control prior to the printing of the publications, applied until the only to "separatist" publications, to the extreme left and extreme right publications as well.
    Taniyan, attacked the MGK's above-mentioned decision and quoted the prosecutor and the judge saying, "If I had objected to the decision I would have been exiled. The state does not want this newspaper to be published. I find the practice or censorship wrong. However, I cannot do anything. Even if you object to the decision, it won't change anything. There is neither an independent judiciary nor any security for judges in Turkey."
    On the other hand,  the Human Rights Foundation of Turkey (TIHV) reported on August 30 that Seyfettin Tepe, Batman correspondent for Yeni Politika, was killed in detention.
    Tepe was detained on August 22 along with Ramazan Ötünc and Aydin Bolkan, Batman representative and correspondent for the same newspaper, respectively. Ötünc and Bolkan were released on the same day, but Tepe was kept in detention, and taken to the Bitlis Security Directorate on the morning of August 26. Tepe died there on August 29.
    The family of Tepe was said at the Bitlis Security Directorate that their son had committed suicide.


    The 87th anniversary of the abolition of censorship in Turkey was marked on July 24 with inflamed debates on freedom of expression and the ongoing censorship in the country.
    Historically, the pressure for press freedom by a group of progressive journalists influenced the establishment of the Second Ottoman Constitution in 1908, which came to be marked as the abolition of censorship in Turkey and is celebrated as the "media feast."
    On this occasion, President Demirel said, "Despite the fact that the media is free in Turkey, there are some discussions which reflect the idea that the freedom of press means lawlessness. In fact, like every freedom, press freedom can only be used by obeying some rules."
    However, media associations or personalities, considering the maintaining of censorship in the country, refused to celebrate the day as the "media feast."
    The Turkish Journalists' Association (TGC) declared: "Today there is no official censorship. However, it is very hard to say that the freedom of press — which means the right of people to face reality — is secured. The celebrations will not be enthusiastic while many journalists are in prison because of Article 9 of the Anti-Terror Law."
    The TGC spokesman Ziya Sonay also drew attention to the danger of monopolised in the media and said that newspapers were offering dinner sets, towels and sheets instead of information as part of promotion campaigns. "Except for a few people who were paid enormous salaries, journalists are usually considered cheap labour and they had no right to social security and to unionise. There is no respect for labour in the media sector," he said.
    Mustafa Ekmekci, chairman of the Contemporary Journalists Association (CGD) stated that a new kind of censorship is applied in the media currently. Ekmekci claimed that terrorism — which he defines as actions of people who are enemies of democracy — was used as the justification for restrictions on every kind of freedom. "A quiet public had been created by some to be able to continue the restrictive policies," he said.


    The Turkish big media, totally ignoring the defence of human rights and freedoms, have entered a shameful promotion campaign in a ruthless war of circulation.
    The Turkish Daily News, on August 2, 1995, gives the following story of this unbelievable ruthless circulation war:
    "Yeni Ufuk, a small local newspaper published in the Aegean area town of Cine, distributed condoms to its readers and its daily circulation increased from 2,000 to 8,000. This four fold increase constituted a great success for the local daily when compared to the mainstream newspapers promotion campaigns which promise items related to eating such as dinner sets, cutlery, table cloths, etc.…
    "The result of the mass circulation papers' campaigns shows that none of them were able to boost their circulation by four times, as the local daily did. The leading dailies — Hürriyet and its rival Sabah — which promised dinner sets, increased their circulation by 200,000 to 250,000 copies daily, about 25 per cent, according to the statistics published by the United Press Distribution Company (BBD).
    "The latest promotional campaigns, which started almost two months ago and caused big rows between the two mainstream dailies, Hürriyet and Sabah, were employed not only by each of the leading newspapers but also by local dailies.
    "The only other newspaper which had a big success in increasing its circulation was the daily Aksam which promised a television set to its readers. It is not seen as a rival for the big two and — according to the statistics of the BBD — its circulation went up to 1 million from around 60,000. This also proved that dinner sets were not as desirable as a TV.
    "Meanwhile the mainstream newspapers, including Hürriyet, Milliyet, Sabah, Yeni Yüzyil, Türkiye, Aksam, are continuing their promotion campaigns with added goods in their lists. According to the same BBD statistics after the campaigns by the dailies, the number of the readers in Turkey went up to 5 million from 3 million.
    "Some, including the chairman of the Journalist's Association (TGC), Nail Güreli, argue that the readers were not motivated by the quality of the news but by the variety of goods the dailies promise.
    "The dallies can use the money they are investing in the promotions to create better quality newspapers that provide better news to its readers," Güreli was quoted as saying by the weekly Nokta published on July 2.
    Here is the list of goods the mainstream dailies promised people recently:
    Sabah: Moulinex mixer, an English knife set, a data bank small computer, and an Italian cutlery set. Milliyet: An iron, a set of sheets, a saucepan set, another saucepan set, a translator bracket, and an Arcopal dinner set. Yeni Yüzyil: A translator mini computer. Hürriyet: Ultima marked mixer, Silver Star cutlery set, Arcoroc dinner set. Türkiye: A bicycle, a telephone with answering machine, a vacuum cleaner and a beauty set. Aksam: Television to everyone who collects coupons.
    Aksam had, a few months ago, distributed to its readers a set of toy soldiers representing "heroic Turkish soldiers annihilating Kurdish traitors"!


    The Istanbul SSC started to try 99 prominent intellectuals charged with advocating separatism, inciting public disorder and distributing published material deemed to be criminal.
    At the opening of the trial, the public prosecutor demanded two years imprisonment and a large fine for the intellectuals, but at the same time urged the court to refer the case to the Constitutional Court to determine whether some of the charges are unconstitutional.
    The defendants are part of a group of 1,080 intellectuals who signed their names as "co-publishers" of the book Freedom to Thought, containing the writings of eight authors, including Turkey's best known novelists Yasar Kemal.
    Those on trial include musicians Sanar Yurdatapan and Ilhan Irem, economics professor Asaf Savas Akat, novelists Adalet Agaoglu and Orhan Pamuk, TV entertainer Cenk Koray, TV news producer Can Dündar, and journalists Ahmet Altan, Musa Agacik and Bülent Denli.
    Among the defendants are also Ömer Erzeren, a reporter for the German newspaper Die Tages Zeitung, and Nadire Mater, a journalist for the Holland-based Interpress news agency.
    The defendants said all the charges were unconstitutional because they ran counter to international accords signed by Turkey involving human rights and freedom of expression.
    The three-member court adjourned the trial to October 26.


    Sociologist Ismail Besikci was sentenced again, on July 5, to two years in prison and TL 550 million in fine by the Ankara SSC for his book entitled Bans Losing Their Functions. The director of the Yurt Publishing House, Ünsal Öztürk too is sentenced by the same tribunal to six months in prison and TL 75 million in fine.
    With this new punishment, Besikci's total prison term rises to 69 years and one month, and the total fine to TL 5 billion 574 million. 23 years and three months of these sentences as well as the fines of TL 1 billion 850 million ($44,047) have already been ratified by the Court of Cassation.
    According to the Anti-Terror Law, in the case of not paying the fine, the defendant is imprisoned for three years more for each unpaid fine. Since Besikci does not have financial possibilities to pay his fines, the total of his prison terms will rise to more than two centuries, reports Yeni Politika of July 8, 1995.
    As for the total of prison terms against Öztürk, with this last sentence, it climbed to 13 years and six months and fines to TL 1 billion 628 million.


    The director of the Belge Publishing House, Ayse Zarakolu was again tried by the Istanbul SSC on July 7, 1995, for three books she published.
    Zarakolu is accused of contravening the Anti-Terror Law and Article 312 of the Penal Code by publishing Our Ferhat - The Anatomy of A Murder, Mehdi Zana's poetry book Evina dile min and Prof. Vakhan Dadrian's book The Genocide in National and International Documents/ The 1915 Armenian Case and Its Consequences.
    Mrs. Ayse Zarakolu had already been sentenced to two years in prison and a fine of TL 250 million for having published Yves Ternon's work Armenian Taboo. (See: Info-Türk, Jan-Feb 95)
    The trial was attended by French lawyer Yves Baudolet, representative of the International Federation of Human Rights.
    The tribunal adjourned the trial to October 3, 1995.


    A report entitled "The Eastern Question — Diagnosis and Observations," published on August 3, 1995, by the Turkish Chamber of Commerce and Commodity Exchange (TOBB), has led to a new debate on the solution of the Kurdish Question in Turkey.
    As some Kurdish organizations qualify the report's publication as a tactic of the government to fool the public opinion on the Kurdish question, the militarist circles accused the report's authors, mainly Prof. Dogu Ergil, of serving to the foreign powers aiming to divide Turkey by publicising the Kurdish Question.
    It is noteworthy that the TOBB Chairman Yalim Erez is Ciller's principal ally and supporter in the business circles and had personally carried out her promotion campaign to replace Demirel as DYP Chairman and Prime Minister.
    Whatsoever be the reason behind the preparation of this report, it has served to opening a large debate on the Kurdish Question and its possible solutions
    The field work for this report was carried out in the most problematic cities among the people who are defined as Kurdish. Permanent residents in the south-eastern provinces of Diyarbakir, Batman and Mardin were chosen as interviewees. Three cities on the Mediterranean: Adana, Mersin, and Antalya were selected as the cities which attract Immigrants from the south-east. The number of people interviewed for the research was 1,267 in these six cities. 90.3 per cent were male; 9.7 per cent were female.
    The report findings are as follows:
    Seventy-six per cent have regular jobs, 23.3 per cent are unemployed, 95.5 per cent of them do not have agricultural jobs and 82.2 per cent do not own their own land. Those who own land, but can not use it for the time being because of the evacuation of their villages, make up 3 per cent.
    Kurdish ethnic origin accounted for 90.8 per cent, 5.6 per cent Zaza, and 3.6 per cent as Arab.
    In response to the question what is their mother tongue, 89.8 per cent answered that it is Kurdish, 6 per cent said it is Zaza, 3.5 per cent indicated Arabic, and 0.007 per cent said it is Turkish. When asked which language they use in daily life, 65.1 per cent stated that they use Kurdish, while 15.1 per cent use Turkish. However, they said, that was only in the home. When they are outside their home, 52.5 speak both Turkish and Kurdish together, while 23 per cent speak only Turkish, and 21.5 per cent speak only Kurdish.
    A majority of them are Muslim—97 per cent; 1.4 per cent are atheists, 0.002 are Christian. The division by sects is: 83.3 per cent Sufi, 13.5 Hanefi, 1.7 Alevi.
    When asked whether they have any relatives with links with PKK, 34.8 per cent did not hesitate to say, "Yes". Among those who have relatives in the PKK, 40.3 per cent said that PKK's main aim was to establish a state. Seventeen per cent believe that democracy and the recognition of the Kurdish identity were the PKK's goals. However, 75 per cent of those who have family members in the PKK do not want a Kurdish state to be established. They stressed that they favour a solution within the boundaries of the Turkish Republic. These demands are expressed as recognition of the Kurdish cultural identity, and the establishment of a political and legal structure.
    Those indicating that they believe the Turkish Republic (TC) would be successful in battling against the PKK are 20.3 per cent, while 76.8 per cent believed that TC would not be successful.
    Among those who stated that the TC was not going to be successful against the PKK, 24 per cent stated that the PKK enjoyed popular support, 18 per cent indicated that the state was applying force and authority while 10 per cent stated that state was using the tactics of terrorism as much as the PKK.
    When asked what the state's policy in the Southeast should be, 3.2 per cent stated that the cultural and political identity of the Kurds should be recognized, 7.5 per cent supported the full establishment of democracy and 12.2 per cent demanded investment and opening of new job opportunities. 2.7 percent demanded the lifting of emergency rule, the office of village guards and the special forces.
    In view of this result, the report said: "It appears that an important element of the sectors that the PKK is recruiting its political and armed cadres from will ask the organization to continue its bloody struggle in the East on the political plane. The PKK has to sooner or later respond to this request. Otherwise it will face difficulties in attracting militants and resources. The Turkish Republic has based its struggle with the said organization wholly on military strategy. If the organization all at once declares that it is laying down its arms and is entering politics, then Turkey could be caught unawares as it gains the support of world public opinion. The struggle against the PKK must be seen as only one aspect of the Eastern question. The Kurdish phenomenon is an aspect of the Eastern question. Because of this, there is an advantage to continuing economic, administrative and cultural initiatives independent of the armed struggle."
    Responding to a question on how the government will secure internal peace, 5 per cent of those polled said that "everyone must be able to express their identity, express their thoughts, organize, and the organizations that are established must be accepted as interlocutors."
    Of those polled, 9.8 per cent maintained that this government will not be able to solve the problem. On the other hand, 5.8 per cent of those polled called for the Kurdish reality and the South-eastern problem to be acknowledged for denials and pressures to be given up, and for economic rehabilitation to be undertaken. While 8.8 per cent of those polled called for the PKK to be accepted as an interlocutor and for the state to respond to the organisation's call for a cease-fire, 15 per cent wanted the state to recognise the Kurdish identity, to give cultural rights to the Kurds and to provide the appropriate democratic environment in which these rights can be enjoyed. Social, cultural, and educational reforms should be carried out so that the individual is free of traditional control mechanisms. The base of politics should be enlarged and all kinds of political programs and organisational movements should be encouraged except separatism. If these are not done, the East will continue its bloody fight within its traditional underdeveloped structure. By cross-referencing the answers to the questionnaire, it appears that 42.5 per cent of the Kurds identified themselves with their ethnic origin, 21.8 per cent as Turkish citizens and 9.3 per cent with their religious identity. The report evaluated these findings as follows:
    Regarding language the findings were as follows:
    Thirty-two per cent wanted the official language of the state to be Turkish, 5 per cent Kurdish and 63 per cent want both Turkish and Kurdish. Sixty per cent of those interviewed said each ethnic group should be given the right to education in its own language. And 68.8 per cent said that each ethnic group should be allowed to publish in its language.
    "In answer to a question on whether the Turkish Republic should be provided with a new political and administrative structure 89.7 percent of those interviewed said 'yes,' 10.3 percent said 'no,' Among those who wanted a structural change of society, 13 percent demanded a Kurdish state, 13 percent wanted autonomy, 19.4 percent proposed reforms of local administrations and an increase in participation in the local administrations. In answer to another question a striking 42.5 per cent of the interviewees demanded a federation.
    In the cities with a large population of Kurdish immigrants 71 per cent of those interviewed wanted a Kurdish state and 58 per cent favoured a federation.
    The report, which underlined the fact that 71.5 percent of those who sought the establishment of an independent state were primary school graduates or illiterate, said " It is not a coincidence that the a large majority of the fighting staff of the PKK are uneducated village boys. The findings reveal the . fact that the less educated the people are the more radical demands they have"


    The Istanbul SSC, on June 29, refused a defence appeal for the release of an ailing Kurdish writer charged under the Anti-Terror Law.
    Recep Marasli, on trial for an article analysing the Kurdish resistance in Southeast Turkey, has been in and out of prison since the 1970s. He was declared a prisoner of conscience in the 1980s.
    39 year-old Marasli is facing 24 other cases for his articles and speeches.
    He suffers from brain and nervous disorders because of his imprisonment and his lawyers say he cannot get treatment in the Istanbul jail where he is held. "His health is serious enough to make it impossible for him to be kept in jail much longer," said a group of leading Turkish and Kurdish writers in a statement.


    Aziz Nesin, 80, Turkey's internationally renown humorist and one of the principle targets of the State terrorism and the Islamic fundamentalism, died of heart attack on July 6, 1995, in the resort of Cesme where he had been invited to autograph his books.
    In his lifetime, Aziz Nesin received countless Turkish and foreign literary awards for his works which have been translated into many languages.
    As a result of his satirical brilliance, it has become common practice for Turks whenever faced with a ridiculous turn of events to say "a situation worthy of Aziz Nesin."
    In recent years, he incurred the wrath of just about everyone, including many of his own friends in the media, by first saying "60 per cent of Turks are stupid," because of the population's submission to the military.
    His greatest detractors, however, came from Islamic quarters due to his outspoken views on Islam, the Koran and believers.
    Events in this respect turned tragic when his insistence on publishing Salman Rushdie's The Satanic Verses. In July 1992, angry of his presence in Sivas, a fundamentalist mob attacked a hotel and burned it down, causing the death of 37 writers and intellectuals. Nesin, who was in Sivas for an Alevite cultural festival, and who barely escaped with his life from the fire, said later that the Sivas incident had demonstrated a stark manner that Islamic fundamentalism was setting in Turkey.
    The State Security Court has recently ordered a legal proceeding against Nesin for provoking public disorder as some of the arsonists were receiving insignificant punishment for the massacre they committed.
    Nesin, born in 1915, started his literary career after 1944, when he was dismissed from the Army in 1944 for "abusing his duty and authority." His real name is Mehmet Nusret, but he chose Aziz Nesin as pen name, which means "What are You?" in Turkish.
    Nesin, a global representative of Turkish humour, wrote for various newspapers and magazines until he became a publisher himself in 1956. In 1963, he gave up all other occupations and became a full-time writer. However, during his literary carrier, he was sentenced and imprisoned many times for his opinions.
    In 1972, he established the Aziz Nesin foundation, which aimed to bring up and educate orphans, Nesin donated all his earnings from his books to the foundation.
    A controversial figure during his life, Nesin is also set to be controversial in death as well because of his last will and testament. According to this, Nesin did not want a religious burial, or obituaries in the papers. He also wanted to be buried in the garden of his house in Catalca, an Istanbul suburb, which he had turned into an education foundation for homeless children.
    His sons, conforming to Nesin's will, secretly buried writer in one of the eight graves dug in the garden of his house to conceal the exact location of his body.
    "I am 70 and I have no intention of dying," Aziz Nesin said in the opening of an article, "Hello, Seventy," which he wrote in 1985.
    Giving an early morning interview to several journalists a few months ago, Nesin said that he was preparing a new book — a collection of his articles that have appeared in the media — under the title Cats Stuffed into A Sack. Boasting that if he put all the books he wrote on top of each other the pile would be taller than his own slight figure, Nesin was determined to keep writing.
    In the foreword of his book Oh, We Cowardly Intellectuals, he had said that he felt all his books were in preparation for The Ultimate Book, although he did not know when he would write it.
    "My books are like Legos," he said simply. "Put them together and you have a map of Turkey."
    Nesin was not sure the verdict is the end of Sivas Case. "Under the present law, there should be a case brought against me, because I accused all judges of being liars," he said. "I said that everywhere. But I think they do not want me to say that in court, so that is why they take no action against me. In any country where judges start lying or base their decisions on lies, the trust in justice disappears."
    Aziz Nesin firmly maintained that Turkey was "historically guilty" toward the Kurds.
    "The Kurds are working toward a war of liberation. The fact that we have Kurdish ministers and parliamentarians does not translate into full right for Kurds. People of this region can neither speak nor broadcast in that region... If I had been treated as the Kurds have been, I would have done what they did."
    In his book called "Turks in Bulgaria, Kurds in Turkey," Nesin compared the ethnic Turks of Bulgaria, whose names were changed under the Communist rule and were denied overall cultural rights, to the Kurds in Turkey. "All the names in the Southeast—Kurdish names which have been changed by the state should be restored," he said. "Turkey is indebted to Kurds. This score should be set right."
    He was not sure that Turkey will become a full democracy in foreseeable future, but "becoming a full democracy is the only way the problem between Turks and Kurds, Sunnites and Alevites could be solved," he maintained.
    Recently, on June 30, Aziz Nesin declared war on fundamentalists at a press conference in Istanbul and called on an international conference against the rise of fundamentalism throughout the world.
    He argued that the Parliament and local governments exploited religion, warning that if a solution is not found soon, Turkey will find itself worse off than Algeria. He continued by saying this was not simply a confrontation between right and left-wing politics. "I don't trust the government, I don't trust foreign powers either," Nesin stated. "In my opinion the solution lies in the nation? That is, if we can organize a civilian nation, we will solve the problem at its roots."
    Nesin noted that many thinkers, writers and scientists from Turkey and abroad would be invited to the international conference. He highlighted the fact that the important issue here is how the government will view such a convention, adding that if this meeting is not permitted in Turkey, "We can easily hold it in Paris, London or any other location."


    20.6, The Court of Cassation ratifies the judgement against Fevzi Gercek, chairman of the Health Workers' Union (Tüm Saglik Sen) who was sentenced by the Istanbul SSC to two years in prison for an article he wrote to the periodical Direnis. The higher court also ratifies a two-year imprisonment and TL 250 million fine against the responsible editor of the periodical, Ayla Tuncdemir. According to the judgement, the periodical will be banned from publication for one month.
    20.6, the Istanbul SSC sentences the responsible editor of the Insan Haklari Bülteni (Human Rights Bulletin), Izzet Eray to 5-month imprisonment and TL 42 million fine for an article published on the occasion of the World Peace Day. The IHD Istanbul Chairman Ercan Kanar too is sentenced to TL 83 million in fine as the owner of the bulletin.
    23.6, in Istanbul, a concert organized in celebration of the first anniversary of the private radio Cizgi is banned by the governor's decision.
    24.6, the Adana branch of the Mesopotamia Cultural Centre (MKM) is raided by security forces. During the operation 17 people including MKM top officials Hüsnü Adibelli and Hasan Kaya, are taken into custody and all documents inside confiscated.
    26.6, five periodicals, Alinteri N°46, Kizil Bayrak N°24, Odak N°43, Kurtulus N°20 and Ronahi N°6, are confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for propaganda in favour of separatism and some outlawed organizations.
    27.6, the military tribunal of the Turkish General Staff sentences theatre actress Bilgesu Erenus to two months in prison and TL 100 thousand in fine for anti-war propaganda.
    27.6, the periodical Roj N°3 is confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for separatist propaganda.
    29.6, The director of Yaba Publishing House, Aydin Dogan is put in prison after his sentence was ratified by the Court of Cassation. He had been sentenced, on June 23, 1994, to six months in prison and TL 100 million in fine for having published a book about Kurdish writer Musa Anter, victim of a political assassination. Mustafa Pala who edited the book too was sentenced to two years in prison and TL 250 million in fine.
    29.6, the responsible editor of the political magazine Aydinlik, Serhat Bolluk is sentenced by the Istanbul SSC to 18 months in prison and TL 375 millions by virtue of Articles 6, 7 and 8 of the Anti-Terror Law.
    29.6, the Istanbul SSC sentences the editor of the Kurdish periodical Hewdem, Siddik Tasdemir, to 20 months in prison and TL 50 million in fine for separatist propaganda.
    29.6, in Istanbul, the Ortaköy Cultural Centre is raided by police because of having put on the window saying "Nobody can silence Revolutionary Art!" Fourteen people inside harassed and detained during the operation.
    29.6, the Diyarbakir SSC sentences correspondent Nezahat Özen of the defunct daily Özgür Ülke to three years and nine months in prison on charges of aiding the PKK.
    29.6, popular singer Gani Nar is taken into custody in Istanbul after a concert and sent to Konya for questioning in relation with another concert he gave in Konya in past year.
    2.7, the Supreme Board for Radio and Television (RTÜK) decides to stop the broadcastings of the private TV stations Kanal 6, Kanal D, Show TV and ART-TV for one day on charges of broadcasting some programs incompatible with general morality and Turkish family's life. The RTÜK also issues warnings to Kral TV in Istanbul, Kayisi FM in Malatya, Keciören FM in Ankara and Aktif Radio in Izmir. IHD Chairman Akin Birdal accuses the RTÜK of violating the freedom of expression.
    2.7, the weekly Aydinlik N°418 is confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for separatist propaganda.
    3.7, the Istanbul SSC confiscate the periodicals Atilim N°38 and Ronahi N°7 for separatist propaganda. The last issue of the periodical Partizanin Sesi too is confiscated by the decision of an Istanbul penal court on the same charge.
    3.7, popular singer Gani Nar is placed under arrest by the Konya SSC in relation with a concert he gave in Konya in 1994.
    5.7, the Istanbul SSC sentences the responsible editor of the periodical Kizil Bayrak, Ayse Öztürk, to six months in prison and TL 50 million in fine. The court also decided to ban the periodical's publication for one month.
    7.7, the Ortaköy Cultural Centre is closed down by the decision of the Governor of Istanbul.
    10.7, the Istanbul SSC confiscates Alinteri N°48 and Ada N°11 for separatist propaganda.
    11.7, in Istanbul, the office of the periodical Kurtulus is raided by police and 16 people inside taken into custody.
    11.7, the Governor of Istanbul bans a poster produced by the United Socialist Party (BSP) in protest against disappearances.
    12.7, the Istanbul SSC sentences Nebahat Ayhan to 20 months in prison and TL 375 million in fine for her book entitled A Letter to the Rising Sun and published by the Working Women's Union (EKB). The editor of the book, Gülderen Baysungur too is sentenced to five months in prison and TL 41 million in fine.
    12.7, the chief editor of the periodical Toplumsal Dayanisma, Kenan Kalyon is sentenced by the Istanbul SSC to 20 months in prison and TL 83 million in fine for an interview he gave to the review Emegin Bayragi.
    12.7, in Alanya, the Baran Bookshop is put on fire by unidentified assailants.
    13.7, the Istanbul SSC confiscates Roj N°5, Hedef N°45 and the July issue of the newsletter Haklar ve Özgürlükler (Rights and Freedoms) by virtue of Articles 6 and 8 of the ATL.
    14.7, the responsible editor of the periodical Devrimci Yasam, Alican Güncü is sentenced by the Istanbul SSC to two years in prison and TL 980 million in fine. The tribunal also decides to ban the periodical's publication for one month.
    15.7, the Malatya correspondent of the daily Yeni Politika, Ziya Köseoglu is taken into custody by gendarmes raiding his house.
    17.7, the Istanbul SSC confiscates Roj N°6, Ronahi N°9, Atilim N°40 and Partizanin Sesi N°21 on charges of separatist propaganda and raising outlawed organizations.
    19.7, journalist Yazgül Güder who was taken into custody on July 11 during a raid to the office of the periodical Kurtulus is reportedly subjected to torture at police station.
    20.7, the last four issues of the daily Evrensel are confiscated by the Istanbul SSC on charges of separatist propaganda.
    20.7, the Istanbul SSC sentences the director of the Firat Publishing House, Süleyman Yasar, to six months in prison and TL 50 million in fine for having published Kurdish writer Malmisanij's book entitled Kemal Fevzi of Bitlis and His Place in the Kurdish Organizations.
    20.7, the last issues of the periodicals Alinteri and Emek are confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for separatist propaganda.
    20.7, in Ankara, a local radio station, Cagdas Radyo, is raided by police and speaker Tezcan Erdinc Tan taken into custody for having broadcast a IHD communiqué concerning disappearances.
    23.7, the daily Evrensel is confiscated by the Istanbul SSC on charges of instigating the people to racial hostility. According to a communiqué by the editorial board, seven out of 48 issues of Evrensel have been subjected to confiscation.
    24.7, the Istanbul SSC confiscates the last issues of the periodicals Sterka Rizgari and Kervan for separatist propaganda.
    27.7, in Izmir, three journalists, Ahmet Subasi (Kizil Bayrak), Gürcan Yildiz (Sosyalist Alternatif) and Serhat Karaduman (Kurtulus) who were taken into police custody during a demonstration in front of the Buca Prison are placed under arrest by a court decision.
    30.7, the governor of Istanbul bans the Evening of Rights and Freedoms organized by the Writers' Union of Turkey (TYS) and the Divrigi Cultural Association (DKD).
    31.7, the Court of Cassation ratifies a sentence against the director of the Evrensel Publishing House, Songül Özkan. He was sentenced in 1994 by the Istanbul SSC to five months in prison and TL 42 million in fine for having published a book entitled Imperialism, Nationalism and Kurdish Question.
    1.8, the Istanbul SSC confiscates the periodicals Roj N°8, Atilim N°42 and Ronahi N°12 for separatist propaganda and praising outlawed organizations.
    1.8, in Istanbul, two journalists of the daily Evrensel, Nedim Köroglu and Ali Gündogdu are stopped by police under the menace of fire arm and harassed in the street.
    4.8, the Istanbul SSC starts the trial of journalist Ahmet Altan for his article Atakürt, published in the daily Milliyet on April 17, 1995. The public prosecutor demands imprisonment of not less than two years on charges of instigating the people to racial and ethnic hostility. After the publication of this article, Milliyet fired Altan under the pressure of the authorities. Thereupon the article was reprinted by the daily Yeni Politika and the periodicals Söz and Express, but these publications were confiscated by the Istanbul SSC.
    4.8, seven members of the musical group Yorum, in protest against the closing of Ortaköy Cultural Centre and Gazi People's Cultural House, occupy the Istanbul office of the Republican People's Party (CHP). They are taken into police custody after ending their action.
    8.8, the periodicals Roj N°9 and Alinteri N°51 are confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for separatist propaganda and praising outlawed organizations.
    12.8, the Istanbul SSC confiscates the daily Evrensel N°67 and the periodical Hedef N°46 for separatist propaganda.
    14.8, a one-month ban on the publication of the periodical Özgür Halk as well as two-year imprisonment against its editor are ratified by the Court of Cassation. Özgür Halk was already suspended from publication for one month between March 19 and April 18, and for another one month between May 24 and June 23.
    15.8, the Istanbul SSC confiscates the periodical Roj N°10 for separatist propaganda and instigating the people to commit crime.
    17.8, in Izmir, the correspondent of the periodical Odak, Emine Can claims to have been tortured at the Political Police Headquarters after her detention as covering a protest action.
    18.8, the periodicals Özgür Gelecek N°57 and Odak N°45 are confiscated by the Istanbul SSC for separatist propaganda and praising some illegal actions.
    21.8, the Ankara SSC sentences three journalists of the periodical Direnis, Gülseren Duman, Günes Uysal and Hasan Bahcivan, to three years in prison and TL 1 million in fine each. Accused of having distributed May Day leaflets in Ankara, three journalists have been tried under arrest for over 16 months.
    22.8, three journalists of the periodical Özgür Gelecek, Ercan Baskan, Riza Yesil and Devrim Yurtsever are taken into custody as they are paying a solidarity visit to the daily Yeni Politika, recently closed down by a tribunal.
    23.8, in Istanbul, two journalists, Mehmet Yildiz (Kurtulus) and Ömer Berber (Atilim) are taken into custody at a tribunal of Eyüp as covering a trial.
    26.8, a distributor of the daily Evrensel, Kemal Dogan is detained in Adana.
    26.8, the weekly Express N°83 is confiscated by the Istanbul SSC in virtue of Article 312 of the Penal Code.
    28.8, the prosecutor of the Ankara SSC, conforming to a demand by the Turkish General Staff, indicts the editor of a newsletter entitled Gündem Strateji Grubu Haber Bülteni, Nezih Tavlas, on charges of revealing top secret information concerning the state's security.


    The new minimum wage, set on August 10 at a gross TL 8,460,000 ($ 176), following weeks of tense debate, has failed to satisfy the expectations of the workers' unions and drawn harsh reactions. Although this is 102.7 per cent up from the previous wage, but a worker can get TL 5,547,000 ($ 115) after tax deduction.   
    Representatives of trade unions boycotted the meeting of the Minimum Wage Commission in protest against the concessions given to employers. Underlining that it was cruelty to offer such a wage at a time when a pair of shoes is sold at a price of TL 1.5 million ($ 31), the Confederation of Turkish Trade Unions (Türk-Is) claimed that the new wage should have been at least TL 18 million ($ 375) after tax.
    As for the Confederation of Turkish Employers' Union (TISK), its spokesman Nihat Yüksel said that the economic conditions in Turkey were not actually able to carry such a burden but that the 103 per cent increase was made for the sake of the workers.
    On the other hand, a collective bargaining affecting 700,000 public workers has recently deadlocked when the government proposed a wage increase of 5.4 per cent and Türk-Is asked for a better offer to meet the inflation rate of over 80 per cent. The current average monthly salary among public workers is about TL 19 million ($ 407).
    Prime Minister Tansu Ciller said "I won't bow to their demands."


    During the hot summer days, Turkey has been the scene of nation-wide actions of workers against the government's anti-democratic and anti-social policies.
    First, on June 15, the Civil Servants Labour Unions Confederation Council (KCSKK) started a series of rallies and sit-ins in Ankara, calling for their trade union rights. The protest enlarged when tens of thousands of civil servants arrived on buses from all corners of Turkey to take part in the action, staging demonstrations, marches and meetings. The central Kizilay district echoed with the slogans of the civil servants that criticised the government for its anti-democratic policies. The spokesman of the KCSKK, Yildirim Kaya, and three other top officials were detained on June 19 for violating Article 27 of the Law on Rallies and Demonstrations, which bans verbal and written calls aimed at inciting people to protest.
    On June 21, civil servants stopped work throughout the country. During their protest, the civil servants demanded that the police stop investigating their leaders.
    Same day, similar rallies took place in Istanbul. They accused the government of assaulting the workers to quell what they termed the biggest crisis in the country's history.
    On August 5, thousands of public sector workers protesting against work conditions marched through central Ankara, warning a wider stoppage called for next week.
    Shouting anti-government slogans and carrying banners saying "It's coming, it's coming. A general strike is coming" and "Bread, Peace, Freedom", the workers marched towards the city's business district to pipe and drum music.
    Finally, on August 8, the Türk-Is held a nation-wide work stoppage to protest deadlocks in collective bargaining affecting 700,000 public workers. 
    The demonstrations were not only a reaction against the proposed 5.4 per cent wage increase and the injustice done to public sector employees, the Turk-Is declared. They also symbolised demands for a democratic constitution, protection of public sector workers' rights, and the abolition of Article 8, which restricts freedom of expression?
    The Conservative Confederation of Labour Unions (Hak-Is) and the Confederation of Progressive Labour Unions (DISK) also voiced their support for the action.


    A new report released on June 25, 1995, by two major American-Jewish organizations, "Anti-semitism: World Report 1995," drafted by The Institute of Jewish Affairs and The American Jewish Committee to detail the treatment of the Jews world-wide, contains a chapter on Turkey wherein the activities of the Welfare Party (RP) and pro-Islamic dailies receive some extra attention.
    The report notes that "in recent years, there have been few cases of anti-semitism. The September, 1986 and March, 1992 attacks on Neve Shalom synagogue in Istanbul are mentioned in passing, as well as the January, 1993 attempt on the life of Turkish-Jewish industrialist Jak Kamhi. Before the March 1994 elections anonymous letters were sent "calling for a boycott of Jewish firms and shops."
    During 1994, Friday prayers were used as an occasion to lash out at Israel and Jews, among other things. The events in Bosnia and the massacre in Hebron fuelled such anti-Jewish sentiments, the report notes.
    "In March, the Islamic Avengers of the Great East (IBDA-C), a previously unknown organization, distributed leaflets calling on Muslims in Turkey to kill Jews in retaliation for Hebron massacre. It also provided a list of prominent Jews to target, promising to pay DM 500 for every Jew murdered.
    RP's rise receives in-depth treatment in the report. In a carefully balanced section, the report points to RP's mixed record on anti-semitism.
    "Refah is the main political organization with anti-semitic tendencies. The party, which has 40 seats in the 450-seat Parliament, argues that secularism is a 'foreign' concept and that Turkey should return to its Islamic roots," it says. RP Chairman "Erbakan and other leading party representatives made stirringly anti-Jewish and anti-Israeli statements in Parliament and to the media. However, at the start of [1994], Refah played down its Islamist and anti-semitic views in order to attract mass support in the March local elections."
    Bilim Arastirma Vakfi (Foundation for Research of Knowledge) President Adnan Oktar, also known as "Adnan Hoca," is also quoted as representative of a "nationalistic and Islamic line."
    "Oktar is notorious for his virulent attacks on Israel, Jews and freemasons…" In 1994, Oktar published a newsletter called Siyasi Çizgi (Political Line) which "alleged that some of the Jews amongst the (Ciller's) delegation (to Israel) were intent on strengthening the 'Zionist-Masonic' lobby in Turkey in order to counter Muslim anti Zionist activities and to try to influence public opinion against Muslims."
    On several occasions, imams in mosques used the term "Jews" or "Jewish" when denouncing Israeli actions against Palestinian Muslims… In December 1994, Ali Bozkurt, one of the imams at the Fatih mosque in Istanbul, called for the annihilation of "the Jewish nation, the Israeli government, the Greeks, the Armenians, the Bulgarians, the terrorists, the anarchists, the communists, and all our secret enemies." Bozkurt's sermon was part of a service commemorating the ascent of the Prophet  Mohammed to heaven, which was televised by the commercial Channel 6."
    In Turkey all imams are appointed by directorate of religious affairs, which is attached to the prime minister's office.
    The report also focuses on the such pro-Islamic dailies as Türkiye, Zaman, Milli Gazete and Vakit as platforms ( from which anti-semitism has allegedly been defended.
    "Zaman, which is considered the most moderate of the pro-Islamic publications, occasionally featured attacks on Turkish Jews, including entrepreneurs Jak Kamhi and Izak Alaton.
    "For instance, when Professor Yuda Yürüm, a Jewish university professor in n Ankara, was awarded the annual chemistry award for his research, Zaman claimed that Albert Bilen, the chair of the association of chemical industries… was instrumental in giving this award to another Jew."
    Yürüm's car was recently bombed by pro-Islamic militants.     "Zaman also attacked Yusuf Azuz, a Jewish model, for 'immoral' behaviour, stressing his Jewishness."
    A TV producer, Nedim Saban, was also attacked for his programs, "again emphasising his Jewishness."
    "Abdullah Atay, a commentator for Milli Gazete, alleged that Israel was seeking to establish a Greater Israel' which would include parts of Turkey."
    The report ends with the following gloomy assessment: "The increased number of anti-semitic publications and media outlets, together with the growing popularity of the pro-Islamic Refah Partisi, continued to be a source of concern for Turkish Jews during 1994. Following Refah's success in the March municipal elections, the possibility, indicated by opinion polls, that it could emerge as the largest single party in a national election was a worrying prospect for many Jews, who fear for their future under a pro-Islamic regime."


    The Chairman of the Gümüshane Bar Association, Ali Günday was assassinated on July 25 by an Islam fundamentalist, Izzet Kirac following the expulsion of two veil-wearing female lawyers from the Bar.
    On the Bar's decision, two pro-Islamic dailies, Akit and Milli Gazete had started an insulting campaign against Günday. The killer, Izzet Kirac, who gave himself up after the murder, claimed that he had come from Adana to Gümüshane to kill Günday after he read the articles in the pro-Islamic dailies.
    Önder Sav, chairman of the Turkish Bar Association (TBB), said on July 27 that reactionary forces were trying to send Turkey back to the Middle Ages and those who encourage murderers to kill people in the name of religion are also responsible for the killing.


    The beheading of four Turkish nationals on drug charges in Saudi Arabia — two on August 11 and two on August 14, has caused a furor in Turkey. At the beginning, some State officials and political leaders too took part in the anti-Saudi campaign launched by the media which attacked the Saudis as Barbarians.
    Prime Minister Ciller immediately sent a renown Islamist professor, Nevzat Yalcintas, as special envoy to King Fahd in the hope to stop further executions of Turkish nationals. According to the Turkish Foreign Ministry, a further 20 Turks were already on death row and 20 others were being tried on capital charges for sex-stimulant Captagon drug smuggling.
    Despite Demirel and Ciller's personal demands, King Fahd did not receive the special envoy. Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Abdullah bin Abdul-Aziz, who received Turkish special envoy, affirmed on August 22 that his country would continue to behead drug smugglers, saying capital punishment had helped reduce crime in the Kingdom.
    The Turkish Government's reaction against this refusal has not be in the same tone used in reactions against Europe. Instead, Foreign Ministry spokesman Ömer Akbel said Ankara was trying to tone down the adverse publicity given to the issue. "We believe silent diplomacy would be more effective in ensuring that this issue is resolved satisfactorily."
    According to the press reports, Turkey's bargaining power with Riyadh was constrained by two principal factors: Saudi Arabia's $3.5 billion post-Gulf War aid program for Turkey, and the volume of lucrative construction business that Turkish firms are currently enjoying in the Kingdom. Turkish contractors said they have recently won $500 million worth of contracts in Saudi Arabia and employ there some 50,000 Turkish workers. Besides, Turkey's exports to Saudi Arabia stood at $609 million and imports were $1.23 billion in 1994