Droits de l'Homme / Human Rights

Heurts entre étudiants et la police à Ankara et Istanbul

Des affrontements ont eu lieu vendredi entre la police anti-émeutes et plusieurs centaines d'étudiants qui manifestaient contre le gouvernement islamo-conservateur turc, à Ankara et Istanbul, ont rapporté un photographe de l'AFP et les médias.

Plus d'une centaine de manifestants réunis sur la place centrale de Kizilay, dans la capitale turque, ont été dispersés par un impressionnant dispositif de la police anti-émeutes.

La police a fait usage de grenades lacrymogènes et de canons à eau, tandis que les étudiants ont riposté par des jets de pierre. Plusieurs manifestants ont été arrêtés, selon un photographe de l'AFP.

A Istanbul, un groupe d'environ 100 étudiants s'est affronté à la police dans le quartier de Yildiz, sur la rive européenne de la métropole.

Eux aussi ont été dispersés avec des canons à eau et des gaz lacrymogènes, et à coups de matraque, par la police, selon les images diffusées par les chaînes de télévision.

Les deux manifestations visaient à protester contre le Premier ministre Recep Tayyip Erdogan, qui est accusé de refuser le dialogue avec le monde étudiant.

Jeudi, à la veille de l'ouverture à Erzurum (est), de la 25e édition des jeux universitaires, les Universiades, M. Erdogan a rencontré un groupe d'étudiants, mais ces derniers avaient été soigneusement choisis par les autorités, selon les protestataires.

L'agitation estudiantine se poursuit en Turquie depuis novembre, lorsque 18 étudiants ont été condamnés à 15 mois de prison avec sursis pour avoir manifesté contre M. Erdogan, en 2008.

Depuis, plusieurs manifestations ont été violemment réprimées par les forces de l'ordre. (AFP, 27 jan 2011)

Turkey Failed in HRW World Report 2011

The Human Rights Watch World Report 2011 reveals the countries deficits in freedom of expression. The number of trials against journalists increased again, provisions of the Anti-Terror Law are applied arbitrary, the report criticized.

According to the Human Rights Watch (HRW) 2011 World Report, violations of freedom of expression in Turkey still fuel concern. Lengthy periods of detentions and the persecution of the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) were further points of criticism.

This year's 649-page HRW World Report is based on the evaluation of human rights issues in more than 90 countries. The section on Turkey also mentions the government's lack of attention on the human rights situation and its focus on foreign policies instead.

The report appreciates the amendments passed in the scope of the referendum on the constitutional reform package on 12 September 2010. However, Turkey came under criticism for "alleged speech crimes, the arbitrary use of terrorism laws, unnecessarily prolonged pre-trial detention, a clampdown on the legal pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP), and police violence against demonstrators".

Turkey in the HRW 2011 Report

* The government did not make considerable progress in the Kurdish initiative. Several offences were imputed to the BDP, the political party founded subsequent to the ban of the pro-Kurdish Democratic Society Party (DTP) on the grounds of alleged separatist activities.

* The government failed to advance the "democratic opening" announced in 2009 to assure human rights of minority groups such as the Kurds. Kurdish people were attacked in the Dörtyol district of Hatay and in the İnegöl district of Bursa.

* "Some editors and journalists faced scores of ongoing legal proceedings in 2010. The case of Vedat Kursun stands out among those convicted in 2010. The editor of Kurdish daily Azadiya Welat, Kursun received a 166-year prison sentence in May. (...)Long-term restrictions on access to websites, including YouTube, continued".

* Freedom of expression is being restricted by provisions of the Anti-Terror Law. 151 people stand trial in the scope of the so-called KCK trial regarding the Democratic Confederation of Kurdistan, the umbrella organization that includes the militant Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), for instance. Among the defendants are seven mayors and numerous lawyers and human rights defenders.

"You failed to protect Hrant Dink"

* The report also referred to the conviction of Turkey by the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) in relation to the murder of Hrant Dink: "Turkey had failed to protect the life of Hrant Dink, a Turkish-Armenian journalist and human rights defender, or to conduct an effective investigation into his January 2007 murder".

* Police ill-treatment remained a problem, particularly during street stops, demonstrations, and arrests. (...) In May police beat five transgender members of Ankara-based NGO Pembe Hayat (Pink Life Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Transsexual Solidarity Association) in the street in front of witnesses before detaining them. (...) Use of firearms by police and the gendarmerie remained a matter of concern, particularly against unarmed suspects". The sentences handed down to two policemen for injuring lawyer Muammer Öz in July 2007 were postponed, for expample. (AS/EÖ/VK)

Source: HRW-BIA

Click here to read the full report.

Appel à signer la pétition de soutien à Pinar Selek 

L'écrivaine et sociologue turque Pinar Selek, actuellement boursière du centre PEN Allemagne, dans le cadre du programme „Ecrivains en exil“, est une avocate passionnée des groupes socialement défavorisés et marginalisés, comme les enfants de la rue, et une militante engagée pour les droits des minorités ethniques kurdes et arménienne. Elle est l'auteure d'études et enquêtes sociologiques, publiées et même rééditées en Turquie ainsi que de contes pour enfants. Elle travaille actuellement à la rédaction de son premier roman. Au mois de mars la maison d'édition berlinoise Orlanda Verlag a publiée la traduction allemande de son livre Sürüne Sürüne Erkek Olmak (L'homme choyé, l'homme dressé à être un homme), qui traite de l'influence du service militaire sur l’identité maskulin.

A la fin des années 90, injustement accusée de soutenir le PKK, Pinar Selek est arrêtée, durement torturée et emprisonnée en détention préventive pendant deux ans et demi. Ce n'est qu'en prison, un mois après son arrestation qu'elle est accusée d'avoir posé une bombe dans le Bazar aux Epices d'Istanbul. Le procès s'étire sur plus de huit ans. Après que de nombreuses expertises aient confirmé que l'explosion du Bazar ne résultait pas d'une bombe mais bien d'une bouteille de gaz liquide défectueuse et que le témoin à charge, sur qui reposait le chef d'accusation, ait rétracté son témoignage obtenu sous la torture, Pinar Selek est acquittée en 2006. Pourtant au début de l'année dernière, sous prétexte d'une erreur de procédure, le dossier est porté devant la Cour de Cassation. Le nom lieu est alors levé, contre l'avis du Procureur de la République de la même Cour qui s'opposait à la réouverture du procès. Le 8 février 2010, nous avons appris que la Haute Cour de cassation à Ankara, réclame une peine d'emprisonnement à vie à l'encontre de Pinar Selek.

Tout récemment, ce même tribunal supérieure a débouté l’appel contre l’annulation de l’acquittement fait par les avocats de Mme. Selek. La révision du procès commencera le 9 février 2011 devant la 12ème chambre correctionelle de la Haute Cour d’Istanbul. Mme. Christa Schuenke, la vice-présidente du P.E.N. allemand sera suivre la procédure en tant qu'observateur.

Au cours des dix dernières années, Pinar est devenue une icone de ce que la Turquie compte aujourd'hui de forces vives et démocratiques. Selon toute évidence, des forces antidémocratiques au sein de l'appareil judiciaire turc usent de leur influence pour condamner définitivement une écrivaine courageuse au silence. Distinguée par le centre PEN turc qui lui a attribué cette année le prix Duygu-Asena, Pinar Selek n'a malheureusement pu assister à la cérémonie organisée en son honneur.Il est craindre que le procès serra repris bientôt et plus que jamais Pinar Selek a besoin d'un large soutien en Turquie et dans le monde. Tout au long du procès des personnalités publiques telles que Orhan Pamuk, Yasar Kemal, Noam Chomsky et Claudia Roth se sont engagées pour Pinar Selek. La presse progressiste turque se fait largement l'écho de cette affaire et multiplie ces jours-ci articles et prises de position. Une très longue liste comprenant les noms de nombreuses associations et organisations turques et internationales ainsi que les noms de nombreuses personnalités ayant signé la pétition de soutien se trouve sur le site web de Pinar Selek http://www.pinarselek.com.

Le centre P.E.N. Allemagne a invité les écrivains, artistes, politiciens et autres personnalités de la vie publique à apporter leur soutien à Pinar Selek en ajoutant leur nom à cette pétition. Jusqu'à présent, l'appel de P.E.N-Allemagne a été signé par beaucoup plus que 3.000 personnes de plus que 20 pays de la terre, dont Fatih Akin, Elisabeth Badinter, John Banville, Judith Butler, Daniela Dahn, Dai Qing, Renan Demirkan, Ulrike Draesner, Jutta Ferbers, Wieland Förster, Heiner Geißler, Günter Grass, Gregor Gysi, Peter Härtling, Christoph Hein, Elfriede Jelinek, Reinhard Jirgl, Joachim Kaiser, Necla Kelek, Inge Keller, Tom Koenigs, Wolfgang Kohlhaase, Ursula Krechel, Norbert Lammert, Petra Morsbach, Martin Mosebach, Herta Müller, Cem Özdemir, Claus Peymann, Luk Perceval, Monika Rinck, Claudia Roth, Rüdiger Safranski, Dirk Sager, Joachim Sartorius, Wilfried F. Schoeller, Christa Schuenke, Tilman Spengler, Klaus Staeck, Johano Strasser, Wolfgang Thierse, Hans Thill, Hans- Ulrich Treichel, Jan Wagner, Martin Walser, Heidemarie Wieczorek-Zeul, Herbert Wiesner, Christa Wolf et beaucoup d’autres.

Nous vous prions d'apporter votre soutien à Pinar Selek en signant cet appel, veuillez envoyer pour cela un simple email à christaschuenke 'at' mac.com

Pour signer online, cliquez ici, s’il-vous-plait: www.ps-signup.de

Nous vous remercions chaleureusement de votre soutien,

Christa Schuenke Vice Présidente de P.E.N. Allemagne
Responsable du programme Ecrivains en exil

 Proposed amendments to top court irk Turkish officials

The Council of State and the Supreme Court of Appeals have both criticized new enabling laws being drafted that would give the Constitutional Court the authority to annul their decisions.

Chairman of Supreme Court of Appeals Hasan Gerçeker told journalists Thursday that the enabling laws being drafted would lead the judiciary into a state of chaos and pave the way for a ‘super appeals court’ to override Council of State and Supreme Court of Appeals decisions.

“As far as I know, the European Court of Human Rights does not even have such authority,” Gerçeker said. “No court has the right to annul a decision made by a high court.”

If implemented, the proposed enabling laws will slow the judiciary process down even further, Gerçeker said. “Intermediate Courts of Appeal, local courts, regional courts of justice, the Supreme Court of Appeals, the Constitutional Court, the European Court of Human Rights… The judiciary will have many levels. Let alone slowing down the process, we will not even know when a case will end.”

In a separate statement made Thursday, Council of State head Mustafa Birden said the proposed “enabling laws disregard and belittle the Council of State and the Supreme Court of Appeals and are upsetting to us. This draft will not solve any problems but create even more. It will injure the judiciary process.”

The Council of State and the Supreme Court of Appeals were kept out of the loop as the proposed enabling laws were being drafted, Birden said, adding that in their current conditions, the laws are counter principles protected in the constitution.

Both Gerçeker and Birden pointed out that a financial injustice would take place if the enabling laws are passed, financially privileging the Constitutional Court and fueling a rivalry between judges. 

Deputy Prime Minister Cemil Çiçek denied accusations that the draft laws gave the Constitutional Court “super powers,” adding that the draft would be examined and discussed in Parliament next week.

The main opposition Republican People’s Party, or CHP, has said it will take the proposed enabling law to court to have it repealed. CHP Mersin deputy İsa Gök criticized the laws at a press conference outside Parliament on Thursday, saying they would hinder Turkey finding the path to becoming a state of law.

The ruling Justice and Development Party, or AKP, is trying to organize the Constitutional Court as a sub-unit of the party in order to change the Constitution however they want, Gök said.

According to the draft, the head of the Constitutional Court would become the most powerful individual in Turkey, Gök said, adding that the proposed law would replace the members of the court with a new team, the majority of whom are not even judges. (Hürriyet Daily News, January 13, 2011)

SDP and ÖDP Members to be Transferred to another Prison?

13 suspects of the "Revolutionary Headquarters" investigation detained in the Silivri Prison (west of Istanbul) will probably be transferred from Prison No. 4 to Prison No.1 for security reasons. Their lawyer, Gülüzar Tuncer, announced that he learned about the transfer from the news. Apparently, Tuncer did not receive an according notification.

Almost 10,000 people are being incarcerated in the Silivri Prison, among them defendants of several cases with broad public attention such as the "Ergenekon Trial" or the case against the "Revolutionary Headquarters organization". It was recently reported that many detainees and convicts are going to be transferred to the No.1 F Type Prison for "security" reasons.

In an interview with bianet, Tuncer demanded an explanation regarding the "security reasons" supposedly put forward in the application. "The security of whom? What is the purpose? Has there been any security problem until now? The officials have to be asked these questions", Tuncer claimed.

Tuncer emphasized that the 13 members of the Socialist Democracy Party (SDP) and the Platform for Social Freedom (TÖP) would be affected of the transfer as well as journalists Tuncay Özcan and Mustafa Balbay, Retired Brigadier General Veli Küçük, former Chief of Police Hanefi Avcı and Doğu Petinçek, leader of the Workers Party (İP). If the defendants are being transferred to the F type prison, they will be taken to prison cell designed for three people.

Among the people arrested on 21 September 2010 are SDP Chair Rıdvan Turan, TÖP spokesmen Oguzhan Kayserilioğlu and Tuncay Yılmaz, SDP Deputy Chairs Günay Kubilay and Ecevit Piroğlu, Steering Board Member Ulaş Bayraktaroğlu, SDP members Özgür Cafer Kalafat and İbrahim Turgut and TÖP member Semih Aydın.

Prof. Kansız arrested

At the same time, Prof. Erhan Kansız was arrested on Tuesday (11 January) in the scope of an investigation regarding the missing health report for Prof. Mehmet Haberal, founder of the Başkent Hospital and owner of the Başkent University. Haberal is a detained defendant of the "Ergenekon" trial. He has been in hospital until the present day due to his health problems. Kansız apparently failed to send an according health report to court.

Kansız, Head of the Istanbul University Cardiology Department, went to the Istanbul Courthouse and saw prosecutor Fikret Seçen who is in charge of the Ergenekon trial. Kansız had previously given his statement as a supposed suspect and was released pursuantly. He was now once more interrogated by Seçen.

Kansız was taken to court with the demand to arrest him under allegations of "assisting and accommodating members of an illegal organization". He was arrested and brought to prison in the evening of 11 January.

Ergenekon

The clandestine ultra-national Ergenekon organisation nested within the state and the military is alleged to have planned to create chaos in the country with murders and attacks with the aim to overthrow the government.

Revolutionary Headquarters

The illegal "Revolutionary Headquarters" organizaiton assumed responsibility for an explosion at the Istanbul building of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) on 1 December 2008 which left ten people injured. In the course of a police operation against the terror organization carried out on 27 April 2009, a police officer, a bystander and alleged terrorist Orhan Yılmazkaya, member of the Revolutionary Headquarters Organisation, were killed. Following the operation, 17 people were arrested on the grounds of supposed connections to the organization, among them journalists Aylin Duruoğlu and Mehmet Yeşiltepe. (BIA, Erol ÖNDEROĞLU, 13 January 2011)

Heurts entre étudiants et la police à Ankara

De violents heurts se sont produits mercredi à Ankara entre la police et environ 500 étudiants qui manifestaient contre le gouvernement islamo-conservateur turc, a constaté un photographe de l'AFP.

Les manifestants réunis à l'entrée du campus de l'Université technique du moyen-orient (ODTÜ) se sont heurtés à des centaines de policiers anti-émeutes alors qu'il voulaient marcher vers le siège du Parti de la justice et du développement (AKP), au pouvoir.

La police a fait usage de grenades lacrymogène et de canons à eau pour les refouler tandis que les étudiants qui ont brandi une grande pancarte proclamant "Révolte", ont riposté par de jets de pierre.

Au moins une personne, un journaliste, a été blessé dans les incidents.

La protestation estudiantine contre le gouvernement a eu lieu après que la police eut réprimé à Istanbul et Ankara des manifestations visant le Premier ministre Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

Le 4 décembre, la police était intervenue sans ménagement pour disperser des manifestations d'étudiants à Istanbul, provoquant les critiques de la presse. Une étudiante enceinte avait perdu l'enfant qu'elle attendait, après des coups portés par la police.

M. Erdogan a défendu la police, accusant les étudiants d'avoir des liens avec des organisations clandestines.

La colère étudiante va crescendo depuis novembre dernier, lorsque 18 étudiants ont été condamnés à 15 mois de prison avec sursis pour avoir manifesté contre M. Erdogan en 2008. (AFP, 5 jan 2011)

Lawyers Criticize Judiciary's Approach on Period of Arrest

Turkish lawyers discuss the judiciary's narrow interpretation of the recent amendment of article 102 of the Criminal Procedure Law. According to Istanbul Bar Association President Kocasakal, defendants should be released after a period of arrest of four years.

Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan commented on the recent decision by the Court of Appeals 9th Chamber regarding a limitation of the period of arrest and called it the "efficiency of the judiciary". According to the decision, the period of detention for terror crime defendants of pending trials has been limited to a maximum of ten years.

Being asked whether the regulation would enter the law, Erdoğan replied, "The necessary things will be done if needed. However, there is no such thing right now. This issue is done upon previously enforces legal regulations [...]".

Head of Bar Association says "four years"

The amendment of Article 102 of the Criminal Procedure Law (CMK) was enforced on 1 January 2011. In a broadcast of the Turkish news channel NTV, Democratic Judiciary Association Executive Uğur Yiğit criticised the length of the period of arrest.

"As long as the conditions at the judiciary have not changed, we will be the ones to discuss this issue", Yiğit said about the lengthy detention periods. Istanbul Bar Association President and lecturer Dr. Ümit Kocasakal argued in the same program, "One plus three makes four as far as I understand", referring to the maximum length of the period of arrest.

In an interview with bianet, lawyer Ercan Kanar had previously pointed to a liberal interpretation of the regulation and said that detainees could be released after four years pending trial.

Milliyet newspaper writer Rıza Türkmen, former judge for Turkey at the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR), criticized the implementation of the regulation only for defendants who were detained more than ten years. He put pen to paper in his column entitled "How not to become a state of law". Ho

Türkmen pointed to the danger of opposing the European Convention of Human Rights:

"The ECHR primarily looks at the requirements of detention and whether the shown reasons are sufficient or not. It is seen as a violation if the requirements of detention do not exist. If the requirements of detention are fulfilled, the duration is to be evaluated. However, ten years is a very long period under any kind of requirements".

Defendants of major trials will not benefit from the regulation

The Court of Appeals announced on 3 January that the upper limit for the period of arrest for defendants of heavy crimes was set at five years and for defendants charged with "terror crimes" at ten years. However, this regulation will not be applied to the defendants of the Ergenekon case, the Hrant Dink murder trial and the trial regarding the killing of three people of the Zirve Publishing House in Malatya (south-eastern Anatolia).

On Monday evening (3 January), the Diyarbakır 6th High Criminal Court released five defendants of the Hezbollah trial from the Diyarbakır D Type Prison upon the amendment of Article 102 CMK. Their releases were celebrated by a group of people who gathered in front of the prison. Two of the five defendants are supposed members of the organization's leadership.

The names of the defendants released pending trial are Edip Gümüş, Mehmet Varol, Mustafa İpek, Sinan Yakut and Şehmus Kınay. It was announced that defendants Cemal Tutar, Fuat Balca, Mahmut Demir, Kemal Gülşen and Abdülkerim Kaya were taken to the Military Branch on the grounds of military issues.

The released defendants are not allowed to leave the country. They have to report to the police or the gendarmerie on a daily basis.

Mass murderer suspects released

Gümüş and Tutar were caught in an operation on 17 January 2000 in Beykoz/Istanbul. Hezbollah executive Hüseyin Velioğlu was killed in the course of the operation. Gümüş stands accused of having killed 42 people; Tutar is alleged to have killed 73 people. (BIA, Erol Önderoğlu - Erhan Üstündağ, 5 January 2011)

Bitlis bones might shed light on unsolved murders

Investigators looking for the bodies of some people who went missing in the 1990s -- allegedly as a result of the activities of an illegal network inside the gendarmerie called JİTEM -- have found the remains of 12 human bodies in the Mutki district of Bitlis province.

JİTEM is thought to be responsible for most of Turkey's unsolved murders in the predominantly Kurdish East and Southeast.

The particular area that was excavated as part of the investigation was chosen based on information in an application the Bitlis Prosecutor's Office about six months ago, tipping off investigators as to the possible location of bodies. So far, bones as well as pieces of clothing that belonged to 12 different individuals have been found in the excavation that started on Wednesday at a foothill near the Mutki District Gendarmerie Command. The finds have been sent to the Council of Forensic Medicine (ATK) for forensic examination.

Investigators say the bodies might belong to civilians allegedly killed by JİTEM officers as well as members of the terrorist Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK). Gendarmerie and police teams are collaborating on the operation, for which tightened security measures have been taken in the area.

Troops have been deployed on every single hilltop in the district, which is surrounded by mountains. Officials did not allow journalists to photograph the scene during Wednesday’s excavation. Journalists who flocked to the region after the start of the excavation were kept under surveillance by the gendarmerie and plain clothes police officers.

The excavation is the result of an application to the prosecutor’s office filed two years ??Just checking, first we said it was the result of one filed 6 months ago, now 2 years, and then later 6 months again. So it’s really the result 2 applications, not one, right.   ago by the families of those who disappeared. The families alleged that some villagers accused of assisting the PKK were executed in 1993 and buried in the area where bones were found on Wednesday. Another claim of the families was that PKK terrorists captured dead or alive in clashes in Mutki’s Çaygeçit, Ballı, Kavakbaşı and Ersan River areas were often executed if not already dead and buried in a landfill in front of the gendarmerie command building. Mehmet Nuri Kızılkaya, the brother of PKK militant Alican Kızılkaya who was killed in clashes; Gülevi Eren, the brother of PKK militant Mehmet Eren; and Mahmut Çalgan, the father of PKK militant Cevdet Çalgan, applied to the prosecutor’s office about six months ago demanding the area be excavation. The families made it clear that PKK militants killed in clashes and possible new recruits to the PKK, mainly young people who’d left their homes to join the organization, were buried in the area near the Mutki Gendarmerie Command. The prosecutors were able to start the excavations this week after receiving the necessary permission.

The area falls under the jurisdiction of the gendarmerie, but police officers are also working on the excavation. Many residents say the Mutki landfill, inside the gendarmerie’s jurisdiction, has been used as a burial site for extra-judicial killings. A local store owner, E.K., who has had his business in the area for 30 years, says bodies were buried in this area three times, in the years 1993, 1996 and later in 1999. E.K. says the pits where the bodies are buried were dug by machines owned and operated by the municipality. Former municipal workers who testified to the Bitlis prosecutor as part of the investigation claim that O.G., also a former municipal worker who operated an excavating machine, personally participated in these operations by digging holes for the bodies.

Meanwhile, at a press conference the Bitlis Bar Association released a statement on the excavations on Wednesday. Enis Gül, the head of the association, said, “We will follow up on this and do all that we can if there have been violations of human rights in any of this.” He said results of the forensic tests will shed light on many of the questions regarding the investigation. (todayszaman.com,Ismail AVCI, 7 January 2011)

'Rainbow' LGBT Association Closed Down by Court Decision

The 12th Criminal Court of First Instance of Bursa (north-western Turkey) decided to close the Rainbow ('Gökkuşağı') Association down. Rainbow is the Association for the Development of Protection, Solidarity and Cultural Activities for Transvestites, Transsexuals, Gays and Lesbians (LGBT).

The Bursa Governorship had filed a criminal complaint about the LGBT organization because of alleged "prostitution". It was now learned that the Bursa court brought the case to an end after a two-year trial period with the decision to ban the association.

As reported by the Bursa Olay Newspaper on 3 January, Rainbow Association President Öykü Evren Özen said in the final hearing, "No illegal activities of any kind have been carried out within the association. I reject all charges". Özen was facing imprisonment of up to three years under charges of "opposing the Law on Associations" but was eventually acquitted.

Özen: "If the decision is upheld, we will found a new association"

In a press release subsequent to the hearing, Özen said that they were sorry about the decision and that they would file an appeal against it. He added that the association would remain open during the period of appeal. "If the decision should be upheld, we will open a new association. Our struggle will never cease", he indicated.

The association was raided by the police in 2007 upon the complaint of the governorship. 16 people were taken into custody. The association was not able to run a café because the official licence was denied. Lawyer Esra Yener told bianet that even if association members were engaged in sex work outside the association, it would be contrary to the law to associate their activities with the organization.

The Governorship had previously applied for the closure of the association, putting forward that it was "opposing the law and moral". However, Public Prosecutor Nazmi Güven decided against a prosecution of the association saying, "Homosexuality is not a crime. According to the European Convention on Human Rights, there is no need for a prosecution".

Several trials have been opened against LGBT associations such as LambdaIstanbul, the Black Pink Triangle and other organizations in various cities with the demand to close the organizations down. (BIA, Emir ÇELİK, 5 January 2011)

IHD Report: Turkey Fails in Human Rights

The Human Rights Association (IHD) issued the Human Rights report 2010 for Turkey and graded the country with “0″. IHD Istanbul Branch President Boğa said that a total of 480 people applied to the association during the past year because of rights violations.

“Injustice in legal procedures, violations of the right to a fair trial, deprivation from the right to access health services in prisons and detention houses,  the rejection of the right to education in the mother tongue, violence against women, impunity of murders based on hatred and discrimination, the refusal to acknowledge the right to conscientious objection, proceeding without considering the demands of the Alevis, the destruction of the environment, losses of economic and social rights, interventions against the right to assembly and association…”

This is the list given by the Istanbul Branch Manager of the Human Rights Foundation (IHD), Adülbaki Boğa, concerning the year 2010 in terms of human rights. Boğa assessed the past twelve months as a “lost year”.

Boğa said that the IHD Istanbul Branch received a total of 480 applications related to rights violations in 2010. “A total of 730 people were taken into police custody [in Istanbul] in 2010, 98 of whom were women and 632 of whom were men”, he indicated.

“14 children died last year”

“Peace did not come in 2010 either. 14 children who did not share in any war lost their lives. The number of children who died from shooting, explosives, torture in police custody, bombing of villages or being run over by a combat car rose to 376″.

Boğa pointed to lynch attempts against Kurds in Hatay/Dörtyol (south-east) and Bursa/İnegöl (north-west) as well as to racism against Roma in Manisa/Selendi (western Turkey) and said that the year 2010 saw an increase of hate speech. He emphasized that the 2007 amendments of the Police Duty and Authority Law (PVSK) in fact “institutionalized” police violence.

Key points of the report

* The deaths of 20 soldiers were registered as alleged ‘suicide’ in 2010, most of them were Kurds, Alevi and socialists.

* 103 critically ill prison inmates are still waiting for their release. In 2010, 182 detainees applied to us in writing by reasons of physical violence and maltreatment.

* 38 journalists were continuously detained in 2010.

* Eight women applied to the association on the grounds of rape and domestic violence.

* Compulsory religious education is still being continued despite an according decision by the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR). The status of Cem houses, Alevi places of worship and assembly, has not been recognized as places of worship.

* Discrimination of Non-Muslims was continued in laws and applications.

* The construction of about 2,000 Hydro-Electric Power Plants is being continued insistently.

* Oppression against socialist parties and publication organizations was being continued by bans and detentions regarding members of the Socialist Democracy Party (SDP), the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) and executives of the İHD amongst others.

What needs to be done

Boğa summarized the necessary measures to put an end to human rights violations in Turkey as follows:

“Obstacles before the requests of the Kurds to use their mother tongue should be removed. The Kurds’ right to self-determination should be respected”.

“Compulsory religious education should be lifted and cem houses should be recognized with the status of places of worship. Laws have to be enforced against racism, discrimination, hate speech and hate crimes”.

“A new Constitution has to be worked out that grants fundamental rights and freedoms and that is based on human rights”.”Law No. 2911 on Meetings and Demonstrations should be amended immediately”. “Punishments regarding women murders, violence against women, and murders of homosexual and transsexual individuals should be aggravated.” (BIANET, 3 January 2011)

IHD demands peaceful death for terminally ill inmates
 
The Human Rights Association (IHD) has presented a file listing the names and health conditions of 104 terminally ill inmates, including 15 who are close to death, to President Abdullah Gül, asking for his support in securing their release and requesting he grant them “the right to die peacefully.”
 
Raci Bilici from the IHD Diyarbakır branch presented the file to Gül after the president’s meeting with representatives of civil society organizations in Diyarbakır on Friday.

Gül, who was on a two-day visit in Diyarbakır last week, met with representatives of Diyarbakır’s leading NGOs over breakfast on Friday. Following the breakfast, the president briefly met with Bilici and pledged to “closely follow” the cases of the prison inmates. According to news reports, the IHD report stated: “We attach much importance to your visit [to Diyarbakır]. We wanted address current problems from the perspective of human rights. There are currently 104 terminally ill inmates in prisons, of whom 15 are close to death and should be released immediately. The Council of Forensic Medicine [ATK] stands as a major obstacle to their release. This institution should promptly be overhauled and its powers should be reviewed. We ask for your contribution in allowing these prisoners to die peacefully with their families around them.”

Bilici said he was pleased with the chance to have a face-to-face meeting with the president and added that Gül “sincerely pledged to closely follow the issue.” Dozens of terminally ill inmates have recently died in hospital detention wards and prisons and the ATK has come under fire for refusing to release them from prison. Güler Zere, who died of cancer last year, was one those the ATK refused to release. Despite having stage-four cancer, the most advanced stage, as noted in a medical report from a hospital in Adana, the ATK issued a report that sanctioned her continued imprisonment. Zere, who had served 14 years of her sentence for being a member of the far-left terrorist Revolutionary People’s Liberation Party/Front (DHKP/C), remained in prison despite calls from the public to release her and despite reports issued by the Turkish Physicians Union and the Cancer Information Council asserting that Zere required treatment that could only be provided outside of prison.

There were claims that as a result of the ATK report, which was based on a brief five-minute examination, Zere was deprived of adequate treatment in a hospital’s prisoner ward and this was tantamount to murder. Finally in November 2009, President Abdullah Gül, who has the right to grant amnesty to prisoners, pardoned Zere and she was released from prison. Zere died in May 2010 at a hospital. (TODAY’S ZAMAN, 3 January 2011)  

Pression sur les médias / Pressure on the Media

Author of new Book on Dink Murder Threatened

Columnist Adem Yavuz Arslan, Ankara correspondent for the Bugün ('Today') newspaper, was threatened by means of a parcel sent to his office less than two weeks after the release of his book on the assassination of Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink.

Arslan is the author of the book "An Armenian: The Hrant Dink Operation Codes" that deals with the murder of Dink, then Editor-in-Chief of the Armenian Agos newspaper, on 19 January 2007. The book revealed new facts about the murder.

On 26 January, a parcel was sent to the journalist's office which is located on the premises of the Kanaltürk television representation in Ankara. The parcel contained several bullets for an automatic Kalashnikov rifle and a white beret, it was announced.

Arslan said that he was being threatened on the phone ever since his book had been published less than two weeks ago. With this incident, the dimensions of the threat assumed increased proportions, he claimed. Hence, the author requested protection from the police.

One piece of information disclosed in the book was the statement that Non-Commissioned Officer Satılmış Şahin was just 500 meters away from triggerman suspect Ogün Samast on the day of the incident. It was said in the book that Şahin and Samast lived in the same neighbourhood.

The Turkish Journalists Association (TGC) called on the officials to find the source of the threats against Arslan. "We remind that everybody who wants more democracy in Turkey has to care for freedom of the press and for the right of the people to obtain truthful and unbiased news, the association declared.

State Auditing Board might become involved

In an announcement related to the Dink murder made by President Abdullah Gül, he said that in a meeting with the President of the State Auditing Board, Cemal Boyalı, he asked him whether the Dink murder was within the scope of responsibility of the board. According to Gül, Boyalı replied, "If there is one thing I could do, I would not hesitate indeed".

Gül continued, "I will not allow any faulty issues in the prosecution. On one hand it was rather obvious that he would be killed, on the other hand it would be very embarrassing to have faults in the prosecution". (BIA, Emir ÇELİK, 28 January 2011)

Journalist Eker Convicted of "Propaganda"

Journalist Berivan Eker, former Editor-in-Chief of the Kurdish women magazine Renge Heviya Jine ('The colour of women's hope), received a prison sentence of two years and six months on charges of "spreading propaganda for an illegal organization".

bianet talked to Eker's lawyer Meral Atasoy about the decision given by the 6th High Criminal Court of Diyarbakır, a Kurdish-majority city in south-eastern Turkey. Atasoy said that Eker was handed down two separate sentences on the grounds of "organizational propaganda". She explained that the punishment was set at the lower limit due to a mitigation applied for good conduct. Eker was both convicted and released from detention at the final hearing on Tuesday (25 January). She will have to go back to prison if the Court of Appeals upholds the decision.

Eker had been arrested in November 2010 upon an arrest warrant when she was on her way to consult her lawyer about the upcoming trial. She was incarcerated in the Diyarbakır E Type Prison for two months. At the Tuesday hearing, she did not accept the charges pressed against her and requested her acquittal.

Lawyer Atasoy claimed that her client did not act with the intention to commit a criminal offence. She stated that the magazine had no connections to any "illegal organization" and that the articles on subject did not contain any elements of crime.

The court board decreed to acquit Eker of charges of "committing a crime on behalf of an illegal organization without being a member of that organization". At the same time, the court ruled for a two-count sentence under allegations of "spreading propaganda for an illegal organization". (BIA, Emir ÇELİK, 28 January 2011)

La Turquie condamnée à Strasbourg pour atteinte à la liberté d'expression

La Cour européenne des droits de l'Homme (CEDH) a condamné mardi la Turquie pour avoir empêché une militante pro-kurde de s'adresser à la presse, en marge d'une manifestation de soutien au PKK (Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan).

La requérante, Mme Güler Mentes, avait été condamnée à 10 mois d'emprisonnement pour avoir organisé et participé en 2000 à une manifestation illégale de soutien au leader du PKK Abdullah Öcalan et pour s'être adressée à la presse.

Elle était alors membre du Parti de la démocratie du peuple (Hadep), une formation qui par la suite (en 2003) avait été dissoute par la Cour constitutionnelle turque pour ses liens supposés avec les rebelles du PKK.

Selon la Cour de sûreté de l'Etat qui l'a condamnée, sa déclaration à la presse en faveur d'Abdullah Öcalan "était de nature à inciter à la violence et au recours à d'autres méthodes terroristes".

La CEDH rappelle que dans le domaine de la liberté d'expression, "la marge d'appréciation dont jouissent les Etats contractants va de pair avec un contrôle européen (...) strict. Le besoin d'une éventuelle restriction doit donc se trouver établi de manière convaincante".

Mais en l'occurence "l'arrêt de condamnation ne contenait aucune information quant au contenu des propos sur la base desquels elle a été condamnée", note la cour de Strasbourg. "Ce constat suffit pour mettre en cause le respect du droit à la liberté d'expression de la requérante".

Cette atteinte à la liberté d'expression de la requérante "n'était pas nécessaire dans une société démocratique", conclut la CEDH.

Comme la requérante n'a pas présenté de demande d'indemnisation dans les délais, la cour européenne ne lui en a pas octroyé.

Mme Mentes avait déjà obtenu gain de cause en 2007 devant la CEDH sur le même dossier, mais sous un autre angle juridique: la Cour avait à l'époque estimé qu'elle n'avait pas bénéficié d'un procès équitable. (AFP, 25 jan 2011)

Journalist Saymaz' s Toll: 107-year Prison Threat

Two new trials were opened against Radikal newspaper reporter İsmail Saymaz on the grounds of his book "The postmodern Jihad" and his article entitled "The Sultanbeyli Courthouse". Saymaz has twelve cases pending already, one of them by reason of his news item about the arrest of İlhan Cihaner, Public Chief Prosecutor of Erzincan (north-eastern Anatolia). The journalist faces up to 97 years in jail for those twelve trials.

The additional case regarding the book was now launched at the Special Authority 2nd High Criminal Court of Erzurum (eastern Anatolia). Saymaz is tried over allegations of "targeting people on anti-terror duties", an offence that carries prison terms of up to three years. The first hearing of the case will be held on 26 April.

The book "The postmodern Jihad" was furthermore the reason for a compensation claim of TL 7,000 (€ 3,500) previously filed against the journalist by Prosecutor Osman Şanalı.

Saymaz is not the only author sued for his book on the procedures in Erzincan. Ali Dağlar from the Hürriyet newspaper is standing trial on the grounds of his book "Master 01"; Cumhuriyet newspaper writer İlhan Taşçı is in the dock for his book entitled "Justice in a Gown".

Furthermore, Saymaz will now also be tried because of alleged "defamation, insult and influencing the judiciary". The charges stem from the journalist's criticism of the "ethics" regarding the co-operation of Uğur Gökkoyun, Prosecutor at the Courthouse of Sultanbeyli (Asian side of Istanbul), and his wife, Judge Dilek Gökkoyun. Hence, Saymaz is facing another prison sentence of up to ten years.

Saymaz briefly commented the two new trials launched against him and drew attention to a common feature of both cases, saying that "both prosecutors involved have filed their complaints at the courthouses they are working at". (BIA, Emir CELIK, 26 January 2011)

Les locaux de la revue Yürüyüs ont été mis à sac sous prétexte de perquisition

La revue « Bağımsızlık, Demokrasi, Sosyalizm için Yürüyüş » (La Marche pour l’indépendance, la démocratie, le socialisme) a subi le 24 décembre 2010 un véritable déluge de terreur. Les forces de police lourdement armés et appuyés par un hélicoptère ont en effet pris d’assaut les locaux de la revue situés au centre d’Istanbul.

Dans les documents officiels, la soi-disant perquisition (en réalité il s’agissait d’un acte de pillage) menée le 24 décembre dernier aux éditions Ozan (Ozan Yayincilik) chargés des affaires techniques de la revue Yürüyüş a commencé à 2h45 de la nuit et s’est achevée à 16h. Elle aurait donc duré 13 heures et 15 minutes.

La société de rédaction et d’édition a subi une razzia par 200 policiers des forces spéciales, des escadrons d’intervention rapide et du département antiterroriste appuyés par un hélicoptère. Durant cette opération, des mesures de sécurité exceptionnelles ont été prises incluant la mobilisation des instances suivantes: la Société anonyme de distribution d’électricité du Bosphore (BEDAŞ), la Société anonyme de distribution de gaz d’Istanbul (İGDAŞ), la direction de la défense civile, l’Institut de l’assurance santé (SGK), les services anti-incendie ainsi que des ambulances.

On peut se demander ce que les enquêteurs ont trouvé en cet endroit si dangereux.

En substance, ils y ont découvert des étagères remplies de livres, des revues, des articles de presse, des appareils photo, des caméras, des cartes mémoire, des flashdisks, des ordinateurs servant à la préparation technique de journaux et de livres ainsi que des factures établies par la société… bref tout ce qu’il y a de plus commun à une entreprise d’édition. On n'y a pas trouvé la moindre bombe, le moindre missile, le moindre avion, la moindre arme à feu, le moindre matériau perforant, coupant ni abrasif. Il n’y en a jamais eu. Il ne peut y en avoir. S’agissant d’une société de rédaction et d’édition, toute trouvaille de ce type se situe d’ailleurs hors de toute probabilité.

A vrai dire, le secret de l’enquête diligentée par Ankara nous empêche de connaître les dessous de cette perquisition sauvage. La société Ozan Yayıncılık  appartenant à notre client servait à l’élaboration technique de la revue Yürüyüş. Manifestement, cette fonction a suffi pour faire de la société Ozan Yayıncılık une cible de choix.

D’après les rares actes officiels qui ont filtré, cette descente aurait eu pour but d’arrêter une seule personne. Pourtant, les dégâts occasionnés par la descente ont été étonnamment lourds.

La perquisition a été menée de manière arbitraire et illégale à plusieurs égards :

La maison d’éditions Ozan Yayıncılık a été mise sens dessus-dessous sans mandat de perquisition. Le seul document exhibé par la police mentionne l’adresse de la revue Yürüyüş et non pas celle de Ozan Yayıncılık.

Les policiers n’ont pas frappé à la porte. Ils les ont directement brisées.

Les avocats n’ont pas été informés de la perquisition.  Le maire et les membres de la municipalité qui se trouvaient sur place en qualité d'assistants de l'enquête comme le veut la loi, ont été tenus d’attendre dans le salon.

L’argent saisi n’a pas été enregistré sur base du numéro de série qu’il contient.

Près de 3000 livres ont été saisis. Malgré le fait que toutes les bibliothèques de la maison d’éditions ont été vidées, seule une maigre partie de ces livres a été reprise dans la liste des objets confisqués.

Alors que plusieurs milliers de numéros anciens et nouveaux de la revue Yürüyüs ont été confisqués, aucun de ces numéros ne figure dans la liste des objets saisis.

Après la copie des disques durs, ceux-ci auraient dû être restitués. Pourtant, tous les ordinateurs ont été saisis.

En confisquant les factures de la maison d’édition Ozan Yayıncılık, l’activité de la société a été complètement paralysée

Le mandat concerne une et une seule personne. Mais en procédant à l’éventrement et à la destruction de murs ainsi qu’à la confiscation de livres à propos desquels il n’y a aucune décision de saisie, les enquêteurs ont manifestement cru que la personne recherchée était planquée dans les murs ou entre les livres. Nous nous sentons donc le devoir de rappeler aux responsables que la seule manière de se libérer de cette paranoïa est de cesser de maltraiter la population.

Le 28 décembre 2010, date de leur comparution devant le juge, l’éditeur-responsable de la revue Yürüyüş arrêté à son lieu de travail, Halit GÜDENOĞLU, les responsables des travaux graphiques, informatiques et techniques Kaan ÜNSAL et Cihan GÜN, le directeur de rédaction de la Revue du Front des travailleurs des services publics Musa KURT, l’invitée des Editions Ozan Mme Naciye YAVUZ ont été placés en détention. La justice s’est ainsi rendue responsable d’une injustice supplémentaire par ces incarcérations.

Alors que la réalité est toute simple, le pouvoir et ses services de police tentent de faire passer ces événements pour une vaste opération antiterroriste.  Les armes utilisées, le nombre de policiers et la présence d’un hélicoptère témoignent du niveau de peur et de terreur caractérisant l’ordre dominant.

Ceci étant, nous nous réservons le droit de nous appuyer sur les mécanismes établissant la responsabilité pénale des fonctionnaires de l’Etat qui, dans le cadre de cette enquête, ont abusé de leur pouvoir et porté préjudice aux biens et aux personnes, ce en violation des droits les plus élémentaires conquis au travers des innombrables luttes que l’humanité a dû livrer aux quatre coins du monde.

BUREAU DU DROIT DU PEUPLE
Tel/Fax 0090 / (0)212 296 31 59
halkinhukuk@gmail.com
http://www.halkinhukuk.org

Orhan Pamuk closes book on Sri Lanka literary fair

Nobel-winning Turkish author Orhan Pamuk and fellow writer Kiran Desai have pulled out of Sri Lanka's main literary festival, Pamuk's publisher said Friday, following pressure from press freedom groups.

Reporters Without Borders and a Sri Lankan rights group had targeted foreign writers in a campaign that called on them to boycott the Galle Literary Festival because of restrictions on free speech in Sri Lanka.

The campaign said that attending the event later this month would "give legitimacy to the Sri Lankan government's suppression of free speech."

Pamuk and his partner, Desai, a Booker Prize-winning author, are attending the Jaipur Literary Festival in northern India and had planned to travel on to Sri Lanka for the Galle event, which starts Wednesday.

"They won't be attending the Galle festival," Hemali Sodhi from Pamuk's publisher in India, Penguin, told AFP by telephone. "They won't be commenting on this any further."

Pamuk declined to take questions from journalists while speaking at an event in Jaipur earlier in the day.

The Galle boycott campaign has been backed by Noam Chomsky, Arundhati Roy, Ken Loach, Antony Loewenstein and Tariq Ali.

A total of 17 journalists and media workers have been killed in Sri Lanka in the past decade, and many local reporters exercise self-censorship to avoid confrontations with the authorities, according to rights groups.

Sri Lanka, ruled by Mahinda Rajapakse since 2005, remains under a state of emergency, giving police wide powers to detain suspects and allowing the government to crack down on people perceived as dissidents.

Author of “Snow” and “The Black Book,” as well as other novels, Pamuk is a controversial figure in Turkey. In 2005, a prosecutor opened a criminal case against the writer for his comments in an interview with a Swiss newspaper. “One million Armenians and 30,000 Kurds were killed in these lands, and nobody but me dares talk about it,” Pamuk said in the interview.

In statements to the Turkish media, he denied he had ever used the word “genocide.” The case was later dropped on a technicality.

Armenia claims up to 1.5 million Armenians were systematically killed in 1915 under the rule of the Ottoman Empire. Turkey denies this, saying that any deaths were the result of civil strife that erupted when Armenians took up arms for independence in eastern Anatolia. (AFP, January 21, 2011)

PM Erdoğan Brings Writer Ahmet Altan to Trial

Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan filed a law suit with writer Ahmet Altan and Taraf newspaper. The Prime Minister had just recently opened a case against the Beyoğlu Troupe of Actors and before that against writers Ataol Behramoğlu and Oktay Ekşi. Erdoğan is now claiming TL 50,000 (€ 25,000) in compensation on charges of "attacking his personal rights". The litigation is based on the column entitled "Erdoğan and the hollow bullying" published on 15 January 2011.

Erdoğan's lawyers Fatih Şahin and Muammer Cemaloğlu prepared the trial petition. It is put forward that the column contained "extraordinary severe insults with the intention to attack Erdoğan's personal rights".

The petition claims that the expressions and criticism conveyed in journalist Altan's article exceeded the limit of freedom of expression. It reads, "Erdoğan was clearly accused of not being honest and betraying the people's trust".

The petition continues, "Considering the situation of the defendant, he could have written about this topic without using these harsh expressions that were used against my client and that will be perceived by the readers as an insult. He could have written a more efficient article that would have served the purpose of the press".

The petition seeks a monetary fine of TL 50,000 in compensation from Altan and the Taraf daily, including interest.

At the same time, Erodoğan's joint attorneys sent another petition to the Ankara Public Chief Prosecution demanding the litigation of Altan under allegations of "insult". The complaint will be forwarded to the Kadıköy (Istanbul) Public Chief Prosecution.

AKP and Erdoğan sue Behramoğlu

In another trial, PM Erdoğan and the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) are pressing charges against poet and writer Ataol Behramoğlu. This compensation claim stems from Behramoğlu's statements voice on television.

The writer is prosecuted over his utterances made as a guest of the program "Neural Zone" ('Tarafsız Bölge') broadcasted on the Turkish news channel CNN Türk on 12 January 2010. The trial will be continued before the Ankara 15th Civil Court of First Instance on 22 March.

The following statement is the bone of contention:

"I do not say that AKP will not hold the elections. Yet, in my opinion they did everything, visible and invisible, to prevent elections by illegal and anti-democratic means".

Young theatre actors also in the crosshairs of judiciary

Moreover, Erdoğan filed a case against journalist Oktay Ekşi on the grounds of his written criticism of the construction of hydroelectric power plants (HES). Ekşi is charged with "insult" and faces imprisonment of up to six years. The first hearing is scheduled for 15 February.

The trial opened by Erdoğan against 16 members of the Beyoğlu Troupe of Actors, most of them university students, will start this Friday (21 January). (BIA, Emir CELIK, 19 January 2011)

"RTÜK Draft Bill Opposes Constitution"

Communications lawyer Fikret İlkiz declared that the "Draft Law on Radio and Television Enterprises and Broadcasting Services" was contrary to the law and the public's right to information because it preserves the Prime Minister's authority to interrupt broadcasts under "extraordinary circumstances".

İlkiz pointed out that Article 25 on the "Suspension of Broadcasts" of Law No. 3984 on the Establishment of Radio and Television Enterprises and Their Broadcasts was preserved in the new draft bill. In an interview with bianet, the lawyer argued that the situation became even more complicated.

"The provision in the law is contrary to freedom of expression anyways. (...) So while important provisions should not be included again but removed from the draft, additions that are enable a wider interpretation will cause illegal applications", İlkiz explained.

The draft bill is currently being debated in the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TBMM). Article 7 entitled "Broadcasts under extraordinary circumstances" preserves "the authority of the Prime Minister or a minister designated by him to suspend a broadcast".

"Implementations may not interfere with broadcasts"

Lawyer İlkiz stressed that neither implementations nor the government can directly interfere with radio and television broadcasts. "The crucial point is not to prevent a broadcast but to design a regulation that improves broadcasts in terms of a positive responsibility of the government".

Communications expert İlkiz explained that only the judiciary will able to supervise broadcasts. In case of any kind of disruption of the public order or security, the Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTÜK) is responsible for supervising radio and television broadcasts. "Not even the supreme council can suspend a broadcast. Particularly in respect to the order of a democratic society, even RTÜK has to take a court decision regarding the potential necessity to suspend a broadcast".

Minister made use of censorship three times

So far, the Turkish public witnessed the authority of the Prime Minister and ministers designated by him to suspend broadcasts in three situations: the bombing of the HSBS Branch in Istanbul on 20 November 2003; the bombing of the Anafartalar building in the Ulus district of Ankara on 22 May 2007 and during the Dağlıca raid of the PKK on 21 October 2007.

In an announcement issued on 12 January, RTÜK declared that the controversial Article 7 on "Broadcasts under extraordinary circumstances" would be preserved. It was said that a "new authorization or an expansion of the authority was out of the question". (BIA, Erol Önderoğlu, 14 January 2011)

Freedom House report says Turkey ‘Partly Free'

Turkey’s has remained a “partly free” country according to a report released on Thursday by Washington-based Freedom House, a leading US human rights organization.
 
In its “Freedom in the World 2011” report, Freedom House graded countries on a scale of one to seven, ranging from the most free to least free, and gave Turkey three points both in terms of political rights and civil liberties, similar to previous years. Freedom House also included Turkey in the category of “partly free” countries. Upon a question on Turkey at a press conference for the release of the report, Freedom House Research Director Arch Puddington said there was “incredible political polarization” in Turkey.

Describing Turkey as a “partly free country with a high grade,” Puddington said Turkey’s current government had implemented a series of important reforms concerning the principle of rule of law, minority rights, relations with Kurds and administrative issues. Puddington said, on the other hand, several developments that took place in Turkey last year caused alarm bells to ring at Freedom House. The official said his organization was particularly concerned about the Turkish government’s attitude towards the press, noting that measures against the media, taken both by Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Turkish prosecutors, were considered “disturbing” by Freedom House.

Speaking to reporters after the press conference, Michael Posner, the US assistant secretary of state for democracy, human rights and labor, also said Turkey had recorded significant progress in certain areas in the last 10 years; however, there were still concerns about freedom of the press in the country. (TODAY’S ZAMAN, 15 January 2011)

Politicians Sue Journalists, Writers and Illustrators

Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan filed a criminal complaint against 16 members of the Beyoğlu Troupe of Actors. At the same time, Şahin Mengü, Member of Parliament of the Republican People's Party (CHP) lodged a complaint about the cartoon strip story "The young Mustafa" dealing with the life of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, founder of the Turkish Republic.

Prior to the complaint filed by PM Erdoğan, the Beyoğlu Troupe performed at the "Judas Tree Festival" organized by the Municipality of Çatalca in July 2010. After the performance, Selim Güçbilmez, District Chairman of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), went backstage.

As reported by the Left News ('Sol Haber') web site, Güçbilmez threatened the actors. Members of the troupe and their supporters were taken into custody without a legal basis. 25 people gave their statement to the Çatalca Prosecution upon the complaint. A trial was launched against 16 members of the troupe.

The program "From our country" touched on issues such as the death of shipyard workers, television series, privatization and freedom of expression. One of the characters in the play performed a song entitled "The Tayyip Blues". The lyrics of the song were taken as a reason for the criminal complaint.

Güçbilmez initially complained at the police. He will be heard as a witness in the trial that is to be opened on 21 January.

Oktay Ekşi facing six years in jail

Together with Environment Minister Veysel Eroğlu and Energy Minister Taner Yıldız, Erdoğan also lodged a complaint against Oktay Ekşi, former "chief writer" of the Hürriyet newspaper. Ekşi is alleged of "insulting a public official on the grounds of his duty".

The Bakırköy (Istanbul) Public Prosecutor, Piran Barut Emre, opened another case against Ekşi by reason of the journalist's critical writing about a hydroelectric power plant (HES). Ekşi is facing prison terms of up to two years. Prosecutor Emre demanded to apply a three-count sentence citing the three different complaints. The first hearing is scheduled for 15 February.

Mengü sues writer and illustrator of "Young Mustafa"

Mengü, CHP Member of Parliament for Manisa (western Turkey), filed a criminal complaint at the Ankara Public Chief Prosecution against Yalın Alpay and Barış Keşoğlu, writer and illustrator respectively of the comic book "The young Mustafa". Alpay and Keşoğlu stand accused of "insulting and cursing the memory of Atatürk".

The cartoon story about the life of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk was published in November 2010. The complaint also included a passage about a pasha trying to overthrow Atatürk:

"The drawings of Atatürk are entirely fictional and are not based on any official documents or data. Depicting Atatürk in an Ottoman palace being beaten with fists and sticks in a week and poor position is abasing and humiliating".

The petition also refers to the preface written by Alpay, saying that the book "became a product to take Atatürk to account and that it pursued to change the perception of Atatürk in a different way from how he was perceived until today. It was clearly revealed that the book was published with this motivation", it was put forward.

Alpay and Keşoğlu are facing punishment under Articles 1 and 2 of Law No. 5816 on Crimes against Atatürk on charges of "insulting and cursing the memory of Atatürk".  (BIA, Emir CELIK, 13 January 2011)

Une télévision sanctionnée pour atteinte à Soliman le magnifique

L'organisme officiel de contrôle de l'audiovisuel turc a donné jeudi un avertissement à la chaîne de télévision privée Show TV pour "atteinte à la vie privée" du sultan ottoman Soliman le Magnifique, qui régna de 1520 jusqu'à sa mort, en 1566.

La chaîne devra en outre présenter publiquement ses excuses pour avoir enfreint avec son feuilleton "Le siècle Magnifique" la disposition sur "la vie privée d'une personnalité historique", a précisé le Haut conseil turc de l'audiovisuel (RTÜK) dans un communiqué.

Le feuilleton qui a commencé à être diffusé en début d'année est une fiction autour de la vie du grand sultan ottoman et du quotidien de la cour impériale de la Sublime porte.

Selon le président du Haut Conseil, Davut Dursun, 75.000 personnes ont protesté auprès de son organisme depuis le premier épisode du feuilleton, le 5 janvier, indignées du fait que l'on présente les sultans en train de boire de l'alcool et de se comporter comme des coureurs de jupons.

Le RTÜK a la possibilité de censurer le feuilleton, dont le deuxième épisode devait être diffusé mercredi soir sur les écrans, si les producteurs ne tiennent pas compte des avertissements. (AFP, 12 jan 2011)

Turkey marks Journalists’ Day under shadow of record sentence

Turkey celebrated the 50th anniversary of Journalists’ Day yesterday in the wake of a record jail sentence handed down to a 24-year-old journalist.

Emine Demir, former editor of Kurdish language newspaper, Azadiya Welat, was sentenced to 138 years in prison for publishing news accounts on the activities of the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), which a Diyarbakır court deemed as propaganda for the terrorist organization.

Published in the city of Diyarbakır since 1994, the newspaper Azadiya Welat, or Independence Homeland, has been shut down for several times. Judges deemed its references to the PKK to be akin to supporting to the PKK. Demir’s 138-year sentence was based on a calculation of 18 months imprisonment for each of her 84 articles published in Azadiya Welat between 2008 and 2009. A warrant has been issued for her arrest.

Demir’s lawyer, Servet Özen, insists the articles were merely news reporting, not propaganda.

An alliance of journalist associations has called on the government to make the necessary legislative changes to ensure press freedoms and fair trials for journalists facing court cases as a result of their works published in newspapers.

The Journalists Freedom Platform, which comprises 25 professional journalism associations, released a statement yesterday on the occasion of the Journalists Day in Turkey. Journalists’ Day has been celebrated in Turkey since Law No. 212, which covers journalists’ occupational and economic rights, was passed on Jan. 10, 1961.

Chairman Ercan İpekçi, of the Turkish Journalists Union (TGS), said that the number of press members who are currently in prison, has reached 50 in Turkey and 4,000 others are under investigation.

He said Turkey’s current laws make it impossible to prevent cases being filed against journalists. He argues that Turkey needs judicial amendments to ensure that journalists can perform their jobs freely.

Press Advertising Agency General Director Mehmet Atalay also released a statement yesterday in which he warned press freedom in Turkey will even be worse than when the March 12, 1971 military intervention occurred if a legislative amendment is not made.

Noting that journalists are being tried and jailed based on some articles in the Turkish Penal Code and Counterterrorism Act, he said: “Today, we are now facing a picture where journalists face hundreds of years of jail sentences. This means we need amendments. When the cases against journalists in courts are concluded, we will be in a situation which is worse than that of March 12, 1972. We hope the necessary steps for the solution of this problem will be taken swiftly. (TODAY’S ZAMAN, 11 January 2011)      

Turkey celebrates Journalists Day amid calls for more freedom

Calls for increased and improved press freedom and freedom for jailed journalists were heard on Monday, when Working Journalists Day was marked. A statement released by a correspondents' association said media members didn't celebrate the day with enthusiasm because of the problems media members faced

The country marked Working Journalists Day on Monday with calls from politicians and association leaders for increased and improved press freedom and freedom for jailed journalists.

Parliament Speaker Mehmet Ali Şahin visited the Parliament Correspondents Association, headed by Daily News staffer Göksel Bozkurt, on Monday.

Şahin said the press played a crucial role in the development of democracy, but the rules of neutrality, objectivism and ethics shouldn’t be ignored by press members while fulfilling their duty.

Şahin also said he respected members of the media’s demand to expand their rights and freedom of the press and approached their requests positively.

In a separate written statement Monday, the association said the day shouldn’t turn into a “banned and silenced journalists’ day.”

The statement said members of the media didn’t celebrate the day with enthusiasm because of problems their colleagues face. Journalists lack union protection and sufficient social rights and face unemployment, the statement said.

Problems with freedom of the press and expression have likewise remained, the statement said, citing the more than 50 journalists in prison and the roughly 4,000 ongoing cases involving journalists.

Turkish Journalists Union head Ercan İpekçi, in a meeting to honor the day, said journalists had to defend their right to write honest news.

“Freedom of speech,” a cornerstone of democracy, is not only the right of journalists, but is part of the people’s right to access true information, said İpekçi.

İpekçi also expressed his concern over government pressure on media outlets and the dismissals of journalists who go against the government while practicing independent news.

President Abdullah Gül, in a written statement, also agreed that a free press is a significant part of a democratic society as a watchdog.

Keeping the press far from pressure ensures higher standards, increased public awareness and a smoother-running government.

Stating that journalists will receive the rights they deserve as democracy improves, the president added that journalists also directly contribute to the freedom, transparency and democratization of the country.

Echoing the president’s sentiments, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan also released a statement to honor the day, stating that free press exists with democracy. The media therefore needs to be sensitive to protecting democracy, Erdoğan said.

Opposition Republican People’s Party, or CHP, leader Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu stated in writing that Jan. 10 was a day for all the journalists who have been fired and even imprisoned for defending press freedom. (Hürriyet Daily News, January 10, 2011)

Turkish journalists demand colleagues be released pending trial

Problems with freedom of the press and expression have remained, a statement said, citing the more than 50 journalists in prison and the roughly 4,000 ongoing cases involving journalists.

Journalists should not be incarcerated while on trial, the Platform for Freedom for Journalists said Monday, calling for barriers to be lifted on freedom of expression, freedom of the press and journalists’ unionization rights.

“More than 50 journalists are being kept under arrest while being tried,” Ercan İpekçi, the chair of Turkey’s Journalists Union, said in his speech on behalf of all platform members. He added that an additional 30 journalists risked jail time after first being taken into custody and then arrested.

“More than 100 journalists risk going to jail,” İpekçi said, adding that more than 30 journalists had either appealed court decisions or had been granted a five-year postponement in the carrying out of the punishment levied.

Some 24 professional organizations of journalists, members of the platform, met Monday to mark “Working Journalists’ Day” at the Turkey’s Journalists Association’s Burhan Felek Conference Hall in Istanbul.

According to a written statement the platform sent the Hürriyet Daily News & Economic Review on Monday, more than 2,000 court cases potentially involving jail time or fines have been opened against journalists or media outlets and more than 4,000 investigations are ongoing.

Freedom of expression and media is a key democratic right not only for people working in the media sector, but also for the general public, which has the right to be informed and learn the truth, İpekçi said. He added that job security for media employees is closely related to the general public’s freedom of expression rights.

“The major duty of a journalist according to international codes is ‘respect for the truth and people’s right to learn the truth,’” İpekçi said in his speech. He also said journalists had to defend their rights to objective commenting and criticism, and to justly prepare and publish articles, while exercising their profession.

“Those who merit being journalists should, in accordance with existing legislation, refuse any intervention by the government or any other interest groups in professional issues,” İpekçi said. He added that protection against such phenomena guarantees an environment of free public debate and is crucial for the development of democracy in Turkey.

Interventions by the government in state-run media outlets the Turkish Radio and Television Corporation, or TRT, and the Anatolia news agency keeps these institutions from being able to practice free and independent reporting, İpekçi said, adding that platform members are concerned about this fact. (Hürriyet Daily News, January 10, 2011)

Author Dogan Akhanlı Expelled from Turkey

Writer Dogan Akhanlı was expelled from the country on 6 January when he was about to leave for Germany. Akhanlı had been arrested when he entered Turkey in August 2010 on the grounds of his alleged involvement in an armed robbery committed 20 years ago. He was released pending trial in December 2010.

Lawyer Haydar Erol confirmed Akhanlı's expulsion in an interview with bianet. He declared that his client was expelled based on the Ministry of the Interior's circular no. 180 issued in 2006.

Erol explained that the circular referred to "Foreigners who come to Turkey and are being convicted". The lawyer continued, "The circular was designed in a way that it comprises convicts as well as detained defendants. A person who was released is not guilty anyways on the grounds of the presumption of innocence. The regulation orders to expel a person immediately in the case of release. Circulars should be in line with the legal system and the law".

As reported by Erol to bianet, Akhanlı was expelled as follows:

Akhanlı was going to board the 10.50 pm plane from Istanbul/Sabiha Gökçen Airport to Cologne (Germany) on 5 January. He came to the airport together with his lawyer in order to avoid any problems. The author was stopped after the passport control and exposed to a monetary fine of TL 390.65 (€180) because he allegedly "exceeded the three-month residence permit for foreigners". Akhanlı objected, "What would you do if I did not have the money?" but his lawyer appeased him saying, "Don't worry, let's pay and we will be reimbursed later".

While he was still waiting for the plane, an inspector approached Akhanlı and told him that there was a mistake and hence there was no fine so he got his money back. The inspector asked the writer how he could go abroad while a case was still pending against him. Thereupon, Akhanlı showed him a copy of the decision given by the Istanbul 11th High Criminal Court on 8 December 2010. The court did not restrict Akhanlı from leaving the country.

"When they could not make anything out of the decision, they made us wait a long time. Something would be done but they did not know how to decide. They said they were waiting for instructions from somewhere. They were also delaying the plane" Erol described the situation at the airport.

Showing Akhanlı the Ministry's circular no. 180, they told him, "According to the circular, we have to expel you from the country. You cannot go abroad just as it pleases you, we are expelling you". The inspector apparently treated Akhanlı with a "rude attitude". "As far as I know, the inspector was going to punch Mr. Akhanlı", Erol said and added that the inspector was stopped because Akhanlı is a German citizen.

Akhanlı was kept at the airport police station till 9.00 am on Thursday morning (6 January). Then he was taken to a health centre in Pendik (east of Istanbul) and eventually procedures were settled at the Kumkapı (Istanbul) Foreigners Branch to expel Akhanlı from the country.

Five months after the author came to Turkey to see his critically ill father, he was expelled from the country via the Atatürk Airport in Istanbul. He was taken on the 12.25 pm plane to Cologne on 6 January.

Lawyer Erol announced that Akhanlı's lawyers in Germany were going to take legal measures against the treatment of the writer. (BIA, Erol ONDEROGLU, 11 January 2011)

"Organized" Intolerance against "Magnificent Century" Series

The new TV series "Magnificent Century" set in the reign of Sultan Suleyman the Magnificent in the 16th century created quite a stir in the Turkish media and public. The series was launched on Show TV in the beginning of January. It was criticized by the Turkish Radio and Television Corporation (TRT), the Anatolian Agency, the Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTÜK) and the responsible Deputy Prime Minister Bülent Arınç. The series furthermore took flak from nationalist and Islamic parties.

Members of the Felicity Party (SP) and the Anatolian Youth Association were accompanied by janissary musicians when they walked to the building of Show TV to express their protest against the series. Demonstrators destroyed advertisements of the series. Saying 'Allah is great', they also shouted slogans such as "Don't sleep, government; take care of our history" and "Break the hands of the ones who touch the Ottomans".

The group of protestors put up banners reading "Don't sleep, RTÜK; end this disgrace", "Our case is not about a prudish conqueror; to the contrary, our case is a case on Islam", "The children of Byzantium are disturbed by the Ottomans", "Love it or hate it" and "The laws could not protect the one who gave the laws".

A group affiliated with the Istanbul Provincial Presidency of the 'Alperen Ocakları' expressed their protest in a visit to the tomb of Suleyman the Magnificent in the garden of the Sultan Suleyman Mosque in Istanbul. The 'Alperen' group follows a synthesis between nationalism and Islamism.

RTÜK: Extraordinary high number of complaints

RTÜK President Davut Dursun indicated, "The total number of 65,000 to75,000 complaints were filed by viewers in 2009 and 2010 on average. Very rarely have we faced a comparable number of complaints as filed against the series now. 93 percent of the complaints that came in starting from the evening of 6 January were related to the series. Experts are now checking whether the series complies with the principles of broadcasting. If violations are determined, sanctions will be applied".

MHP: Our ancestry should be protected

Oktay Vural, Deputy Head of the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) parliamentary group, said, "I hope the necessary steps will be taken regarding the awakening of this kind of different opinions on our history and our ancestry as done by the series".

MHP Member of Parliament Alım Işık demanded, "This series blasphemes our history. If the channel itself does not stop the broadcast, RTÜK has to do it immediately".

Arınç: Words are not enough...

In an announcement made at parliament, Deputy PM Arınç said, "Sultan Suleyman who brought so many laws is known for his greatness in the world and during the Ottoman era. He is known as 'Suleyman the Magnificent'. It was aimed to show him in his harem, fond of drinking and even in certain scenes that I cannot express in words..."

"Taking into consideration the reactions of the viewers, the television channel might think about cancelling the series. Only a law considering the tainting of the memory of Atatürk is in effect. But it should also cover other kinds of humiliation and insult against important personalities of our history who are dear to us".

Okay: Children not conceived by pollination...

Prof. Erhan Afyoncu from the Marmara University Faculty of Arts and Science was the history advisor for the series. He said he did not see the point in the reactions of the viewers.

Scriptwriter Meral Okay indicated, "We are not shooting a documentary to be shown at school. The children of the sultan were not conceived by pollination. Since he did have a sex life and a family, we were inspired by historic facts and characters when we produced this series within the rules of television". (BIA, Erhan ÜSTÜNDAĞ, 11 January 2011)

15 years on, family of slain journalist seeks justice

The family of journalist Metin Göktepe, who was allegedly beaten to death by the police in 1996, demand the trial of not only the police officers who killed the journalist but also the politicians and senior security officials of the time for their involvement in the murder.

Jan. 8 marked the 15th anniversary of Göktepe’s murder. Despite the years that have passed since the murder, Göktepe’s family still seeks justice because all those involved in the murder have escaped punishment so far.

Göktepe, a correspondent for the left-wing Evrensel daily, was found dead in an open area in Eyüp, İstanbul. He had previously been taken into custody by police while he was trying to cover a new story about prisoners who had died in a state prison. Both Göktepe and his newspaper were highly critical of the police before his death, and there have been claims that he was intentionally killed by police.

The trial of those accused of his murder was transferred to Aydın first and later to Afyon. Eleven police officers allegedly beat him to death, and those who were suspended were sent back to their posts in 1996 at the order of the then-Interior Minister Meral Akşener. Six of the suspects were acquitted in 1998, and five were each sentenced to seven years in prison. One police officer who was acquitted before was later sentenced to seven years, six months in prison. Lawyers for Göktepe’s family complained that only six police officers were sentenced and were given short prison terms, saying those actually behind the murder were acquitted. The lawyers applied to the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR), and the case is being heard there.

On the 15th anniversary of Göktepe’s killing, Meryem Göktepe, Metin’s sister, demanded the trial of then Prime Minister Tansu Çiller, then interior ministers Teoman Ünüsan and Mehmet Ağar, then İstanbul Police Chief Orhan Taşanlar, Taşanlar’s assistant Kemal Bayrak, Eyüp Prosecutor Erol Canözkan and Eyüp Police Chief Mehmet Ali Akdemir. She said some of these figures even received a promotion instead of undergoing a trial. (Today's Zaman, EMİNE DOLMACI, 10 January 2011)

Sentenced for Comment at a Barber Shop

Businessman Ahmet Akyüz from Antalya was convicted because of having criticized the Constitutional Court's decision on the closure case of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP). Akyüz had commented the decision at the barber shop. A prosecutor who overheard the conversation filed a criminal complaint against the business man.

Akyüz said at the "Her şey" ('Everything') program hosted by Mirgün Cabas on the Turkish news channel NTV that he was convicted despite the fact that the two witnesses presented by the complaining prosecutor had stated that they "had not heard any insult" and that "he did not insult anybody". The Antalya 2nd Magistrate Court handed down a 442-day prison sentence to Akyüz, he told Cabas.

"The sentence for "insult of a public official" was converted into a monetary fine of TL 8,840 (€ 4,420) and suspended for a probation period of five years", Akyüz explained. "My future has been taken under a mortgage. The other day shop owners in Malatya argued with the municipal police. I left the scene because I was afraid to be implicated in the issue", he described his unease.

Akyüz commented a news report on television which he had watched at a barber shop on 30 July 2008. Public Prosecutor Ümit Yaşar Özdemir, who was sitting next to the businessman, criticized him for what he said.

Akyüz is running a food whole sale business in Malatya (south-eastern Turkey). Regarding the decision of the Constitutional Court, he had said, "Eleven individuals were going to destroy the near economical future. We made a narrow escape". However, Özdemir apparently understood "dishonourable" ('şerefsiz') instead of "individual" ('şahıs') which lead to a heated discussion.

After having been scathed, Akyüz asked Özdemir, "Who are you, Sir?" Özdemir replied, "I am a Public Prosecutor and you are going to apologize to me. You called the member of the state's Constitutional Court dishonourable".

Özdemir alleged Akyüz of insult and reported him to the Antalya Public Prosecution on Duty because the businessman had refused to apologize.

"All sorts of topics are being discussed in barber shops"

"He said, 'You insulted the members of the Constitutional Court, you will apologize'. I pointed out that I did not insult anybody and said, "Everybody is doing their job". The prosecutor claimed that I called the members 'dishonourable'. 'Dishonourable' and 'person' was actually not the point anymore at this stage. You can come to a point where your business goes down within six months; purchase and sales stopped; that is a bad situation when you deal with trade. I talked with this kind of feelings. Barber shops are places where any sort of topic is being discussed [...]" Akyüz said.

"Prosecutor are calling the shots"

"It was always said in the past that the police applied injustice. Now they took the authority out of the hands of the police and made them the choirboys; the prosecutors are calling the shots. A judge probably looks at the evidence when he gives a decision. If it had been like that, I should have been acquitted but I was convicted [...]". (BIA, Erol ÖNDEROĞLU, 7 January 2011)

Communiqué de RSF sur la condamnation à 138 ans de prison

Reporters sans frontières apprend avec effroi la condamnation surréaliste d’Emine Demir, ancienne rédactrice d’Azadiya Welat, seul quotidien en langue kurde de Turquie, à une peine de 138 ans de prison pour «  propagande en faveur des rebelles kurdes » et « appartenance à une organisation terroriste ».

La journaliste peut encore faire appel de la sentence. Son avocat, Servet Osen, a demandé l’acquittement de sa cliente au nom de la liberté d’expression. Il a souligné qu’Emine Demir n’était pas aux ordres du Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK) et que ses articles devaient être considérés comme des reportages, et non comme des actes de propagande. La cour a émis un mandat d’arrêt contre la journaliste qui ne s’est pas présentée à l’audience.

Emine Demir, âgée de 24 ans, est accusée d’avoir soutenu la cause du PKK, considéré comme une organisation terroriste par de nombreux Etats, dont la Turquie, l’Union européenne et les Etats-Unis. La rédactrice a été condamnée le 30 décembre 2010, en vertu de l’article 314 du code pénal turc et de l’article 7 alinéa 2 de la loi anti-terroriste (LAT), à un an et demi de prison par publication, pour 84 articles écrits entre 2008 et 2009. Reporters sans frontières réitère sa condamnation de l’usage abusif et insensé de la loi anti-terroriste par les autorités turques.

Le journal Azadiya Welat a déjà été suspendu huit fois par la justice turque. Au moins neuf journalistes du quotidien sont actuellement en prison, dont deux autres anciens rédacteurs en chef, qui ont été inculpés pour les mêmes motifs qu’Emine Demir. Le 13 mai 2010, Vedat Kursun a été condamné à une peine de 166 ans de prison. Le 9 février 2010, Ozan Kilinç avait été condamné par contumace à 21 ans de prison. Il a également été privé de ses droits civiques. Ainsi, les trois anciens rédacteurs en chef totalisent pas moins de 325 ans d’emprisonnement.

Ce véritable harcèlement judiciaire contre le seul journal en langue kurde du pays contraste avec les déclarations politiques en faveur de l’ouverture à la minorité kurde prononcées depuis 2009. La question kurde reste taboue et prétexte à la poursuite judiciaire de trop nombreux médias et journalistes en Turquie.

Ainsi, le rédacteur en chef du journal Hawar et responsable des Editions Aram, Bedri Adanir, encourt 50 ans de prison pour la publication d’articles au sujet du PKK et l’édition de livres rassemblant les plaidoiries réalisées dans le cadre du procès du leader du PKK, Abdullah Öcalan, devant la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme (CEDH). Le procès de Bedri Adanir, incarcéré depuis le 5 janvier 2010, se poursuivra le 3 mars 2011.

La journaliste Berivan Eker, ancienne rédactrice en chef du Renge Heviya Jine, est également exposée à une peine de 21 ans de prison. Elle a été arrêtée le 5 décembre 2010 et inculpée pour “appartenance au PKK” et “propagande de cette organisation”. Elle doit comparaître le 25 janvier 2011. La procureur estime qu’elle a commis un délit au nom de cette organisation même si elle n’en fait pas concrètement partie. Ce qui illustre, une fois de plus, l’instrumentalisation de la loi anti-terroriste, dont les textes en eux-mêmes sont déjà condamnables.

Cette partialité a d’ailleurs été avouée à demi-mot à travers la libération du journaliste Erdal Güler, ancien rédacteur en chef du quotidien Devrimci Demokrasi. Le 26 octobre 2010, la cour d’assises d’Istanbul a établi que la décision de sa condamnation prise en 2007 ne lui avait pas été annoncée conformément à la loi. Bien que cette libération soit largement motif de réjouissance, elle illustre les dissensions au sein de l’appareil judiciaire turc lorsque la loi est détournée au profit du politique.

Reporters sans frontières appelle la cour d’assises de Diyarbakir à annuler le mandat d’arrêt contre Emine Demir et la cour d’appel à rejeter la condamnation inique et démesurée de la journaliste. L’organisation demande à nouveau la modification de la loi anti-terroriste et la libération de Berivan Eker, Bedri Adanir, Vedat Kursun, Ozan Kilinç et de tous les autres journalistes emprisonnés en vertu de cette loi et pour leur activité journalistique. ( http://fr.rsf.org/spip.php ?page=article&id_article=39239 , http://fr.rsf.org/spip.php ?page=article&id_article=39239 , 7 janvier 2011)

Media Association condemns Kurdish editor’s sentence

The Media Association, a journalists’ and press freedoms group, has released a statement condemning a 138-year jail sentence that a court has given to the managing editor of a Kurdish daily.

Emine Demir, the former editor of the Kurdish language daily Azadiye Welat, was sentenced to 138 years in prison in late December on charges of disseminating the cause of the terrorist Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) and committing crimes in the name of the terrorist group. The decision was handed down by the Diyarbakır 5th High Criminal Court.

In its statement of condemnation yesterday, the Media Associations said: “Unfortunately, incidents such as these clearly show the extent of the threat journalists have to face when covering stories or making comments. This has also once again demonstrated very clearly that we have a long way to go in terms of amendments to laws, legislation and judicial discretion to ensure freedom of the press.” The court handed Demir a prison sentence of 138 years under Article 314 of the Turkish Penal Code (TCK), for disseminating the cause of the PKK and committing crimes in its name. Demir was sentenced to 84 consecutive sentences of one-and-a-half years -- the term stipulated in the criminal code for aiding a terrorist organization without being a member -- over news stories published in 84 issues of Azadiye Welat and 12 years for the other offense. (todayszaman.com, FATİH VURAL, 7 January 2011)

Supreme Court Quashed Verdict for Acquittal of Kurdish Singer

The Court of Appeals 9th Chamber quashed the Malatya High Criminal Court's verdict for the acquittal of Kurdish singer Ferhat Tunç. Thereupon, Tunç presented his defence against the reversal of judgement at the Istanbul High Criminal Court on 28 December 2010. He stated, "I believe that the previous decision for my acquittal given by the local court was appropriate and right. Therefore, I request not to follow the Court of Appeals' decision to quash the verdict but to uphold the previous decision. I reiterate my defence previously presented".

The artist's lawyer Ercan Kanar announced to present the actual speech of defence before the High Criminal Court of Malatya (south-eastern Turkey). "The previous decision regarding my client given by the Malatya 3rd High Criminal Court was appropriate according to the procedures and the law", Kanar declared.

Kanar described the decision of the Court of Appeals as "contrary to the law and doctrine" and requested to hold on to the decision of the local court.

Tunç was tried and later on acquitted of charges of "spreading propaganda for the [illegal] Maoist Communist Party" (MKP) on the grounds of a concert at the 2nd Nazımiye Düzgün Baba Festival on 12 August 2006. The file was forwarded to the Court of Appeals 9th Chamber upon the objection of the prosecutor. The Supreme Court quashed the previous verdict and decided to re-try the case.

The Chief Prosecutor had alleged Tunç of "making propaganda for an illegal terrorist organization" by referring to the "memory of the 17'ers" (17 people who died in a military operation against the MKP in 2004). The investigation document mentioned concert visitors chanting slogans such as "Dersim [former name of the Tunceli province] is proud of you" which was evaluated as an alleged "act of supporting crime".

"I knew most of the killed MKP members from my childhood"

In his statement given to the Istanbul Prosecution during the investigation, Tunç had stated that his speech at the concert was to be seen in the context of his thoughts on the Turkish peoples to live in peace.  "I knew most of the MKP members killed in the Mercan Valley in 2004 from my childhood. Nobody can expect me to remain indifferent and silent on this issue. I made a song about this massacre against unarmed, defenceless people, a song that condemns this incident and fully expresses humane feelings. Taking this song as the starting point, it is unacceptable to try to accuse me of assisting and accommodating an illegal organization", Tunç had claimed.

"We wanted to sing songs of peace"

During the actual concert, Tunç said, "We have to overcome and destroy the fears imposed on us. There are armed conflicts in our country, people die - we have to take a stance against that and get rid of our fears. We want to sing songs of peace freely on our ground without fear and worries. Therefore, the clashes have to be brought to an end and all of us have to do whatever we can. Let us altogether say no to war". Tunç's speech was followed by his performance of a song called "No to war".  (BIA, Erol ÖNDEROĞLU, 3 January 2011)

Kurdish Question / Question kurde

Protestation de Willy Kuijpers concernant la persécution des élus kurdes

Réagissant à la persécution de plusieurs bourgmestres et élus dans le Kurdistan de Turquie, le bourgmestre de Herent Willy Kuijpers a envoyé le 27 décembre 2010 une lettre de protestation  à l'ambassadeur de Turquie Murat N. Ersavci.

Après avoir précisé que plusieurs familles en provenance de Turquie habitent dans sa commune, M. Kuijpers dit: "J’ai plusieurs fois eu l'occasion de visiter votre pays et je dispose directement et indirectement de beaucoup d’informations sur votre société. Comme vous le savez, les conditions de négociations d'adhésion de la Turquie à l'Union européenne sont bien définies par le Conseil du 3 octobre 2005. Le respect de la Convention européenne pour les droits de l’homme en est une partie importante."

M. Kuijpers rappelle dans sa lettre que la liberté d'expression et les droits des peuples de Turquie sont violés par des juges et procureurs de la république et les citoyens de Turquie subissent toujours une discrimination relative aux droits sociaux et juridiques.

"De cette constatation, je me permets de dire que la condamnation et l’incarcération de 28 bourgmestres et 19 mandataires, élus librement et démocratiquement, est totalement inadmissible," dit le bourgmestre de Herent. Il demande à l'ambassadeur turc de transmettre sa lettre de protestation au parlement et au gouvernement turcs.

55.000 kurdes sanctionnés pour le boycott

Plus de 55 000 électeurs kurdes de la ville de Yuksekova, au Kurdistan de Turquie, ont été sanctionnés par la Commission électorale à une amende de 22 TL (10 euros) pour chacun. Le 12 septembre dernier, 98 % des électeurs avaient suivi les consignes du BDP, principal parti kurde, et avaient boycotté le référendum sur la Constitution.

La Commission Electorale de Yuksekova, district de Hakkari, près de la frontière irakienne, a sanctionné 55 055 personnes, soit 98 % des électeurs, pour une somme total de 1.211.210  TL d’amende pour  «  non-respect de l'obligation de voter » lors du referendum sur la Constitution imposée par le gouvernement AKP, Parti pour la justice et le développement. Seuls 1 534 électeurs s’étaient rendus aux urnes dans cette ville.

PUNITION COLLECTIVE

Yuksekova, l’un des fiefs du BDP, Parti pour la paix et la démocratie, est la seule ville où la procédure de punition électorale a été mise en vigueur. Aucune procédure n’a été menée contre les électeurs des autres districts comme Semdinli et Cukurca dans la même province de Hakkari, ce qui laisse penser à une punition collective de la population de Yuksekova par le gouvernement turc.

11 164 000 électeurs n’étaient pas rendus aux urnes en Turquie et plus 50% des électeurs avaient boycotté le référendum dans les villes où le BDP était arrivé en tête aux dernières élections de 2009. Le BDP était le seul parti qui avait appelé au boycott pour protester contre le refus de l’Etat de reconnaître les Kurdes.

Considéré comme « Constitution du peuple » par le premier ministre Recep Tayyip Erdogan, le texte ne répondait à aucune des exigences kurdes, notamment la reconnaissance de l’identité kurde, l’enseignement de la langue maternelle et la réforme du seuil électoral de 10%, ce fameux barrage pour empêcher les kurdes.

UNE VILLE DANS LA LIGNE DE MIRRE

La province de Hakkari est dans la ligne de mire du gouvernement depuis le boycott massif  avec 93%. « Nous mènerons un travail particulier pour Sirnak et Hakkari » avait déclaré le 16 septembre le premier ministre turc, quatre jours après le référendum et le Ministre de l’intérieure Besir Atalay avait parlé d’une « vaste stratégie », lors de sa visite dans ces deux villes à la suite de la déclaration d’Erdogan.

LA SANCTION NE POURRA JAMAIS METTRE A GENOU

Selahattin Demirtas, le co-président du BDP a appelé les électeurs de Yuksekova à saisir la Cour européenne des Droits de l'Homme (CEDH), dénonçant un « scandale ». Il a affirmé que le boycott est un droit démocratique comme « oui » et « non ».

Rappelant que l’AKP avait distribué des « macaronis » dans les villes où il espérait des votes, mais des punitions pour des régions suivant les consignes de boycott, Demirtas a souligné qu’une amende de 22 TL ne pourra jamais mettre à genou les habitants de Yuksekova.  « La sanction de 55 000 personnes pour avoir uniquement utilisé ce droit (de boycott) est une grande injustice » a-t-il dit.  (Maxime Azadi,  26.01.2011)

L’espace des libertés progresse en Tunisie… et régresse en Turquie

par Amitiés kurdes de Bretagne

"L’espace des libertés progresse" avait déclaré sans rire le président Sarkozy lors de sa visite en Tunisie en avril 2008, à l’invitation de l’ex-président Ben Ali : on peut donc se demander pourquoi, au même moment, la secrétaire d’Etat aux Droits de l’Homme Rama Yade n’avait pas été autorisée à rencontrer l’association des femmes tunisiennes !

La complaisance dont ont fait preuve dirigeants français, ambassadeurs et hommes d’affaires, "qui sont nombreux à avoir des résidences secondaires en Tunisie" comme le rappelle le New York Times, est aujourd’hui dénoncée unanimement par les médias qui, jusqu’alors - ne l’oublions pas - avaient été bien timorés pour relayer les appels au secours des défenseurs des Droits de l’Homme et des victimes de la répression d’une dictature insupportable et "univoque" (n’en déplaise au Ministre de la Culture !).

Aujourd’hui donc, la presse, dont le retournement est aussi spectaculaire qu’opportuniste, court derrière cette révolution tunisienne et loue cette population éduquée, exaspérée par les injustices et l’oppression, qu’elle semble découvrir.

Pourtant 900 000 touristes français passent chaque année leurs vacances en Tunisie, 600 000 tunisiens et franco tunisiens vivent en France, 25 000 expatriés français travaillent en Tunisie et la Tunisie fait partie des pays de la francophonie !

Cette révolte n’est pas le fruit du hasard, c’est la victoire de la rue contre un parti au pouvoir, répressif, affairiste et corrompu, c’est la victoire d’internet face à la presse "politiquement correcte" et discréditée ; c’est la victoire d’une jeunesse qui entend aujourd’hui à ne pas se faire voler sa victoire.

L’onde de choc tunisienne va-t-elle se propager jusqu’en Turquie ?

Pour l’instant ni nos dirigeants, ni la presse, ne semblent tirer des enseignements de ce qu’il faut bien appeler un fiasco diplomatique et médiatique :

en règle générale, les gouvernements français ont défendu la stabilité politique pour protéger les citoyens français, les entreprises et leurs intérêts économiques, écrit Steven Erlanger, correspondant à Paris du New York Times, ils ne formulent que très peu de critiques publiques à l’égard des dictateurs.

Bien au contraire, pouvons-nous ajouter ! La déclaration de la Ministre des Affaires Etrangères proposant à Ben Ali l’aide de la France en matière de répression ne nous surprend pas quand on sait que justice et police françaises collaborent avec les services secrets turcs au nom de la lutte anti-terroriste. En Turquie, comme en Tunisie hier, les adversaires du pouvoir sont considérés comme des "terroristes" ; l’un des premiers gestes du nouveau gouvernement tunisien aura été de libérer les 1 800 détenus politiques, alors qu’en Turquie se poursuit, dans l’indifférence générale de la presse française et de la classe politique, le procès de toute une élite kurde accusée de séparatisme et d’atteinte à la sûreté de l’Etat : depuis avril 2009, la Turquie a procédé à plus de 2 000 interpellations et incarcérations de cadres et élus politiques et associatifs, y compris parmi les membre des associations de défense des Droits de l’Homme ; 43 journalistes sont également détenus [1] ; des enfants et des jeunes le sont aussi pour avoir jeté des pierres sur des véhicules blindés [2]. 151 personnalités, dont 40 femmes, sont actuellement jugées par la VIème Haute Cour criminelle de Diyarbakir. Les peines requises vont de 15 ans à la prison à vie.

(André Métayer, http://akbdrk.free.fr, 23 janvier 2011)

[1] 43 journalistes - dont dix rédacteurs en chef - et écrivains ont passé le nouvel an en prison, 655 personnes dont 197 journalistes ont été jugés au cours des neuf premiers mois de 2010, 12 journaux suspendus et 7 000 sites internet bloqués (contre 3 700 en 2009) - source : Reporters sans Frontières.

[2] Plus de 2 500 mineurs étaient détenus fin 2009 en Turquie selon Thomas Hammarberg, Commissaire aux Droits de l’Homme du Conseil de l’Europe.

Bones unearthed in Mutki belong to PKK members

Fragments of bones and skulls uncovered during excavations in a large trash dump in the Mutki district of Bitlis province have been found to belong to members of the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK).

The bones and skulls were found to belong to 17 PKK members who were killed in four separate armed clashes in 1999. The fragments were buried under the supervision of prosecutors, municipal officials and doctors.

Six documents were prepared regarding the burials. Three documents regarded the permission to bury the fragments and three were official reports recording the burials. One half of the documents were drawn up by the Mutki Municipality, while the other half was prepared by the Mutki Public Prosecutor’s Office. The documents bear the signatures of a chief public prosecutor, an official of the court, two doctors who were assigned as experts, two witnesses and Mutki Mayor Sait Birlik. Inspections of the site, located near a gendarmerie command post, began on Jan. 6. (todayszaman.com, 24 January 2011)

Turkish police remove quadrilingual BDP sign in Midyat

Police have removed a quadrilingual sign from the local offices of the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party, or BDP, in Midyat following a court decision, Doğan news agency, or DHA, reported Saturday.

Law enforcement officers moved to take down the sign, which was written in Turkish, Kurdish, Syriac, and the Arabic Qultu dialect of the local Mhallami community, after the local criminal court of peace in the southeastern province of Mardin ruled that it violated the Political Parties Law.

“The pressure will not deter us,” BDP village head Filiz Işık and party sympathizers shouted as the sign was brought down.

“On one hand, it is said that speaking Kurdish is now free, but on the other, this incident is the biggest proof showing the lack of tolerance for Kurdish,” said Feyzi Belke, a BDP spokesman.

The party hung the sign Dec. 12 as part of its move to promote greater bilingualism in Southeast Anatolia. (Doğan news agency, January 23, 2011)

Nizamettin Toguç a été remis en liberté par la cour italienne

La Cour d'appel de Venise a décidé de remettre en liberté Nizamettin Toguç, président de la Confédération européenne des association kurdes (KON-KURD), tout en rejetant la demande d'extradition de la Turquie.

De nationalité néerlandaise, Nizamettin Toguç avait été placé en garde à vue le 18 juillet en Italie suivant les mandats d'arrêt des tribunaux de Diyarbakır et Ankara.

Toğuç, arrêté par la suite, avait été transféré à la prison de Padoue.

Plus tard, la Cour d'appel de Venise avait arrêté qu'il serait suffisant de tenir Toguç sous observation à condition qu'il déclare son adresse et qu'il signe un document chaque jour au commissariat suivant les lois portant sur l'ordre public.

Depuis le 13 août 2010, date à laquelle la Cour d'appel de Venise avait annoncé son verdict, Toguç résidait chez une famille kurde près de Padoue.

Il est attendu que Nizamettin Toguç retourne aux Pays-Bas d'ici quelques jours. (TRT, 21 janvier 2011)

Exhumation de quatre corps dans une enquête sur des Kurdes disparus

Les ossements de quatre nouvelles personnes ont été découverts jeudi dans l'est de la Turquie dans une fosse commune mise au jour début janvier dans le cadre d'une enquête sur le sort de Kurdes portés disparus depuis de nombreuses années, a rapporté l'agence de presse Anatolie.

La découverte de ces ossements porte à 13 le nombre de corps retrouvés dans les environs de Mukti, une ville de la province de Bitlis, peuplée en majorité de Kurdes.

"Les recherches ont lieu sur la base du témoignage d'un employé de la mairie de Mukti. D'après sa déposition, nous nous attendons à trouver huit corps. Mais pour l'heure nous n'avons atteint les ossements que de quatre personnes", a déclaré le président du barrau de Bitlis Atik Yüksel, présent sur les lieux en qualité d'observateur.

"Il est fort probable que l'un des corps soit celui d'une femme. On peut le supposer au vu de ses vêtements", a poursuivi cette source, citée par Anatolie.

Saisi par des familles de disparus, le procureur de Mutki a ordonné début janvier le lancement de recherches dans un terrain vague servant de décharge publique à la sortie du bourg, conduisant à la découverte d'ossements appartenant à neuf corps.

Des fouilles similaires avaient abouti à l'exhumation au printemps 2009 d'ossements humains et de vêtements dans la province de Sirnak, voisine de celle de Bitlis.

Elles ont conduit à l'ouverture en septembre du procès de sept prévenus, dont un colonel de gendarmerie, accusés d'avoir participé aux exécutions sommaires de 20 personnes dans les années 1990, quand la rébellion kurde battait son plein dans l'est et le sud-est de la Turquie. (AFP, 20 jan 2011)

"No Microphone for Defence in Kurdish"

The 17th hearing of the trial regarding the Democratic Confederation of Kurdistan (KCK) Turkish Assembly was held on Tuesday (18 January). Again, the request for a defence in Kurdish as the mother tongue of the 151 defendants was dismissed. The defendants who attempted to speak in Kurdish were silenced by the court by shutting off the microphones, saying that "the defendants made their defence in a language supposed to be Kurdish".

Defence lawyer Meral Danış Beştaş criticized the rejection of the demand for a defence in Kurdish in an interview with bianet: "There is no prosecution, the court is continuing formally".

"No microphone if you talk in Kurdish"

"Unfortunately, the request for presenting the defence speeches in Kurdish was again rejected today. It was not permitted to speak in Kurdish. They did not provide microphones by arguing, 'There is no microphone if you speak Kurdish'".

"From now onwards, we cannot call this a prosecution any longer. [The defendants] were left by depriving them of the right to a defence", Beştaş indicated.

"The procedures are blocked at this point. A process that is not in line with the rules of procedure cannot be called a prosecution. The court ignores national and international rules of law. The most sacred right to a defence in the mother tongue is being ignored. The politicians use the judiciary to do what they can actually not do. The court has to recognize that right as soon as possible".

"A language that is supposed to be Kurdish"

Diyarbakır Bar Association President Mehmet Emin Aktar argued, "Nothing new came out of the Tuesday hearing. The Court President did not issue permission for a defence in Kurdish, saying that 'the defendants spoke in a language supposed to be Kurdish'". He said that the court's resistance against the Kurdish language was meaningless.

Regarding the possibilities of releases on 28 January, Aktar indicated, "If defendants will be released in the coming hearing, this will be perceived as acquittals because in Turkey everybody thinks of detention as a punishment. It is a difficult issue since the court looks at it that way as well. We are expecting releases at every hearing of course".

21 months behind bars

The group of defendants includes executives of the Human Rights Association (İHD), lawyers, academics, members of non-governmental organizations and unions, executives of local TV stations, and newspaper workers. They are alleged of "disrupting the unity of the state and the territorial integrity", "membership and administration of a terrorist organization" and "assisting and accommodating a terrorist organization".

The lengthy indictment comprises a total of 7,578 pages and seeks prison terms between 15 years and aggravated life sentences for the defendants. A part of the 104 detained defendants have been imprisoned for 21 months. (BIA, Ayça SÖYLEMEZ, 19 January 2011)

No Decision on Release of "KCK" Defendants

The Friday hearing of the KCK trial in the Kurdish-majority city of Diyarbakır did not yield new results. 151 defendants, 104 of whom are detained, are tried before the Diyarbakır 6th High Criminal Court on the grounds of their alleged affiliation to the Democratic Confederation of Kurdistan (KCK), the urban arm of the militant Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK).

At the hearing on 14 January, the court did not decide on the request for the release of the detained defendants pending trial. Members of the Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) and rights advocators who came to Diyarbakır to observe the trial had expected a "courageous decision" for the Friday hearing. The trial was postponed to 18 January.

The hearing was attended by 100 detained defendants, among them the Mayor of Sur (Diyarbakır), Abdullah Demirbaş, and four un-detained defendants.

The defence lawyers submitted a petition to lift the ban to leave the country that was imposed to Mayor Demirtaş and the Diyarbakır Metropolitan Mayor, Osman Baydemir.

Lawyer Yurttaş: 'We respect Kurdish' - an empty phrase?

Joint attorney for the defence, Sedat Yurttaş, emphasized that it was not the lawyers who should be heard in this case. He criticized that the ones who should be heard were the defendants but that this was obstructed because of their request to present their defence in their mother tongue (Kurdish).

Yurttaş said that the hearing turned into a tragic comedy. "The decision previously taken by the court obstructed the course of the prosecution. Even the courts established as a result of the fascist approach of 12 September [referring to the military coup in 1980] issued permission for a defence in Kurdish. In a few years you will look back and your will take it easy", he argued.

Yurttaş pointed to Friday's headlines that quoted Court President Menderes Yılmaz as saying "We respect Kurdish" and claimed that this should not remain an empty phrase.

Defence lawyer Mesut Beştaş put forward that the court was actually lacking jurisdiction for the defendants. He demanded to return the file to the Diyarbakır Public Chief Prosecution:

"All defendants were fulfilling their duty for the Democratic Society Party (DTP). They had no connections to any other organization after the closure of the DTP by the Constitutional Court, they were said to be focussed. This court cannot try an issue that has not been tried by the high court".

The group of defendants includes executives of the Human Rights Association (İHD), lawyers, academics, members of non-governmental organizations and unions, executives of local TV stations, and newspaper workers. They are alleged of "disrupting the unity of the state and the territorial integrity", "membership and administration of a terrorist organization" and "assisting and accommodating a terrorist organization".

The lengthy indictment comprises a total of 7,578 pages and seeks prison terms between 15 years and aggravated life sentences for the defendants. A part of the 104 detained defendants have been imprisoned for 21 months.  (BIA,  Erol ÖNDEROĞLU, 18 January 2011)

Affrontements entre militants kurdes et police à Istanbul

La police turque a utilisé des grenades lacrymogènes et des canons à eau pour disperser des dizaines de jeunes manifestants kurdes qui lançaient des cocktails molotov et des pierres, dimanche à l'issue d'une manifestation à Istanbul, a constaté un photographe de l'AFP.

Les violences ont commencé après une manifestation rassemblant environ 2.000 personnes, sur l'avenue Istiklal, la plus grande rue piétonnière d'Istanbul. Celle-ci était organisée pour protester contre le procès en cours d'environ 150 activistes kurdes, dont de nombreux élus, accusés de liens avec la rébellion armée kurde.

Environ 200 jeunes, le visage caché par un foulard, ont commencé à lancer des pierres, notamment sur des autobus, débordant les manifestants qui tentaient de leur barrer la route.

Les policiers anti-émeutes ont tiré des grenades lacrymogènes et utilisé des canons à eau. Ils les ont poursuivis dans les rues adjacentes, tandis qu'un hélicoptère survolait la scène. Un véhicule de pompier a été incendié. (AFP, 18 jan 2011)

Diyarbakir Trial: Static Procedures - Dynamic Protest

The 15th hearing of the so-called KCK trial started at the Diyarbakır 6th High Criminal Court on Thursday (13 January). 151 Defendants, 104 of whom are detained, stand accused of their alleged affiliation to the Democratic Confederation of Kurdistan (KCK), the urban arm of the outlawed armed Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK). The court once more dismissed the defendants' request to present their defence speeches in Kurdish as their mother tongue. Court President Menderes Yılmaz registered for the record that the defendants wanted to answer the questions in a language "supposed to be Kurdish". Yılmaz pointed to the last hearing when Kurdish was registered as an "unknown language" and said that this did not refer to the Kurdish language in general but to the court board not knowing the language.

Starting the interrogation, Judge Yılmaz announced that the previous decision would not be revoked. Hence, the court refused permission to present the defence in "a language that is supposed to be Kurdish".

As in the previous hearing, the defendants started to answer the questions in Kurdish. The judge declared that the interrogation would not be continued that way.

Interrupting answers in Kurdish

Lawyer Selçuk Kozağaçlı spoke on behalf of all joint attorneys of the defence. He stated that the court could not continue the trial without having completed the phase of interrogation. He claimed that the court should assist the defendants to present their defence in their mother tongue. Otherwise, a severe violation of rights would be constituted, Kozağaçlı concluded.

The lawyer said that after an interrogation that was not made in Kurdish, the lawyers of every single defendant would have to be asked whether they have anything to say. This, according to Kozağaçlı, was the opinion of all joint attorneys of the defence.

However, the court insisted on the decision. Judge Yılmaz asked each defendant for his/her defence. When the defendants answered in Kurdish, he interrupted them and went on to the next defendant.

Before the pronouncement of any interim orders, the defence lawyers requested the release of the detained defendants pending trial. The demand was not evaluated at the Thursday hearing. The case was adjourned to today (14 January). Among the defence lawyers are Yusuf Alataş, Öztürk Türkdoğan, Ergin Cinmen, Diyarbakır Baro başkanı Mehmet Emin Aktar, Şiar Rişvanoğlu and Meral Danış Beştaş.

Adjourned to the following day

The defence lawyers criticized the court's decision on the language of the defence and said that this prevented them from fulfilling their duty. They demanded to change that situation and give an end to such a "disgrace".

The group of defendants includes executives of the Human Rights Association (İHD), lawyers, academics, members of non-governmental organizations and unions, executives of local TV stations, and newspaper workers. They are alleged of "disrupting the unity of the state and the territorial integrity", "membership and administration of a terrorist organization" and "assisting and accommodating a terrorist organization".

The lengthy indictment comprises a total of 7,578 pages and seeks prison terms between 15 years and aggravated life sentences for the defendants. A part of the 104 detained defendants have been imprisoned for 21 months.

The Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) and the Initiative for Freedom organized several protest actions in the meantime to end the detention of the detained defendants of the KCK trial.

Criticism on Turkish KCK trial and on AKP

About 8,000 people gathered in front of the Diyarbakır Station Square during the Thursday hearing. The meeting then turned into a protest march joined by more than 10,000 people. BDP deputies Gültan Kışanak and Selahattin Demirtaş and Co-Chairs of the Democratic Society Congress (DTK), Ahmet Türk and Aysel Tuğluk, joined the demonstration. Kurdish politician Türk addressed the crowd in Kurdish and criticized the policies of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the KCK trial. He emphasized the demand for a democratic autonomy.

Also left-wing Member of the German Parliament Andrej Hunko attended the protest. The demonstrators remained in front of the courthouse also after the members of parliament had returned to the courtroom. The police used tear gas to disperse the crowd.

After the protestors had lit fireworks, the police intervened with tear gas. The protestors tried to escape into the building of the Gazi municipality, a district of Diyarbakır in the pre-dominantly Kurdish region of south-eastern Turkey. People were injured by the dense crowd and by broken windows.

The police first stopped the crowd but gave permission for the protest march after the hearing.

The tension rose when the police tried to set up a barricade in front of the courthouse. Demonstrators threw stones to the windows and also used Molotov cocktails.

People also clashed with the police during protests against the trial in the south-eastern cities of Hakkari and Yüksekova.

Trial observers

The KCK trial was attended by observers from Turkey and abroad, among them Istanbul Bar Association President Ümit Kocasakal and one of his predecessors, Turgut Kazan, the Mersin Bar Association President Hulki Özel, Radikal newspaper writer Dilek Kurban, Education and Science Workers' Union (Eğitim-Sen) Leader Zübeyde Kılıç, Municipal and Local Authority Trade Union (Tüm Bel-Sen) Leader Vicdan Baykara, writers Temel Demirer and Sibel Özbudun, members of parliament of the BDP, journalist Ertuğrul Kürkçü, International PEN official Eugene Schoulgin, spokesman of the Initiative against Thought Crimes Şanar Yurdatapan, lawyer of the Labour Party Kamil Tekin Sürek, Deputy Chair of the Freedom and Solidarity Party Sema Solaklı, Co-Chair of the Human Rights Association Hüsnü Öndül, Yavuz Önen as the first president of the Turkish Human Rights Foundation and representatives of the Peace Parliament. (BIA, Erol Önderoğlu - Ertuğrul Kürkçü, 14 January 2011)

Ouverture de la 15ème audience dans un climat de haute tension

C’est dans un climat de haute tension que s’est ouverte la 15ème audience du procès de Diyarbakir, considéré comme un test majeur par les militants de la cause kurde, alors que la justice du gouvernement islamo conservateur vient de remettre en liberté des responsables du mouvement radical islamiste du Hezbollah turc.

A l’arrivée des camions grillagés renfermant les personnalités kurdes détenues, certaines depuis près de deux ans, la foule nombreuse, massée depuis de longues heures, a laissé exploser sa ferveur et sa colère.

Les présumés coupables extraits des prisons de Diyarbakir ont pénétrés dans le prétoire du palais de justice en chantant et en faisant le signe de la victoire, ovationnés par des centaines de manifestants.

Les personnalités kurdes et étrangères venues apporter leur soutien avaient été refoulées préalablement et mises à l’écart par la police.

Des heurts violents ont opposés une foule révoltée aux unités de la police anti-émeute qui a procédé à de nombreuses arrestations.

Des manifestations de solidarité avec les personnes poursuivies ont rassemblé des foules importantes, provoquant - outre à Diyarbakir - affrontements, interpellations et gardes à vue à Batman, Yüksekova, Hakkari, Cizre et Şırnak. On déplore aussi des blessés.

Dans la salle d’audience, l’ambiance était également tendue, la Cour refusant aux prévenus le droit d’assurer leur défense en kurde :

Vous persistez à nier l’existence d’une langue parlée par des millions de personnes mais vous ne changerez pas le cours de l’Histoire et, quant à nous, nous continuerons à plaider en kurde,

a déclaré l’un des avocats de la défense.

Accusés "d’appartenance à une organisation terroriste", "atteinte à l’unité de l’Etat" ou "diffusion de propagande terroriste", les présumés coupables, parmi lesquels se trouve Osman Baydemir, maire de Diyarbakir, encourent des peines, requises par le Procureur, allant de cinq ans de détention à la prison à vie.

Daniel Delaveau, maire de Rennes, avait, lors de son déplacement à Diyarbakir le 25 octobre dernier, tenu à apporter son soutien à son homologue Osman Baydemir.

André Métayer, http://akbdrk.free.fr, 14 janvier 2011

Les Kurdes s’interrogent : le Hezbollah revient-il dans le jeu politique?

Apparemment tout est clair et limpide : la disposition nouvelle relative à la procédure pénale, entrée en vigueur au 1er janvier 2010, stipule qu’une personne inculpée et incarcérée pour appartenance à une "organisation criminelle" ne peut être détenue, sans jugement, au delà d’une période de dix ans. Dès les lundi 3 et mardi 4 janvier, dix-huit membres du Hezbollah turc incarcérés depuis 2000, dont Haci Inan, un des chefs de la branche militaire, étaient remis en liberté.

Rappelons que le Hezbollah turc [1] a laissé des traces de sang derrière lui au Kurdistan de Turquie. Il fut, au cours des années 90, le bras armé des forces occultes gouvernementales chargé des sales besognes : enlèvements, disparitions, assassinats à "auteurs inconnus" ; on lui impute près de 3 000 meurtres de civils kurdes dont ceux de journalistes et d’hommes d’affaires ; les découvertes des "puits de la mort" [2] et de nouveaux charniers en 2009 ont ravivé les plaies.

D’aucuns s’étonnent donc de la rapidité avec laquelle la nouvelle disposition du code pénal a été appliquée dans un pays si souvent critiqué pour la lenteur de sa justice et la longueur excessive de ses placements en détention. On ne peut aussi que s’interroger sur les mobiles qui ont amené la Haute Cour de Justice d’Ankara à tergiverser durant dix ans et à se déclarer in fine dans l’incapacité à juger ces prévenus, alors que se déroule à Diyarbakir le procès de 151 Kurdes, cadres et élus politiques et associatifs, défenseurs des droits de l’homme et membres, pour la plupart, d’un parti politique légal.

Gultan Kisanak, Députée kurde co-présidente du BDP (Parti pour la Paix et de Démocratie qui a succédé au DTP), critique un système qui libère "des assassins de centaines de Kurdes" au moment où des journalistes sont condamnés à des "300 années de prison". Elle dénonce une manœuvre politicienne et met en garde le pouvoir :

la participation du Hezbollah islamiste à la vie politique sera un désastre qui conduira le pays à la catastrophe... le système juridique est instrumentalisé par l’AKP, notre peuple ne le tolérera pas… l’AKP se doit de faire les réformes constitutionnelles nécessaires, supprimer les lois liberticides et transformer le système judiciaire actuel en un véritable mécanisme de justice.

Abdullah Öcalan, de sa prison d’Imrali, demande le bannissement des hommes du Hezbollah et dénonce pour sa part une connivence entre l’armée et l’AKP conduisant à la reprise des opérations militaires et à la politique répressive contre les Kurdes.

Des voix turques manifestent aussi leurs préoccupations et se disent inquiètes du retour en politique de ce mouvement islamiste violent.
André Métayer, http://akbdrk.free.fr, 14 janvier 2011

Kurdish intellectuals write to US President Obama

Kurdish writers, journalists and intellectuals sent a letter to Barack Obama, the President of the United States of America, to inform about Kurdish question and draw his attention on the question. The letter was signed by Medeni Ferho Journalist / Writer; Dr. Bengi Haco, analyst; Derwesh M. Ferho, President Institu Kurd of Bruxel, Tariq Hemo, Journalist; Dr. Xalid Isa, Analyst - historiographer; Nazîf Mayi, Teacher /-writer; Rojan Hazim, Writer; Hosheng Biroka, Analyst – Writer; Faysal Dagli, Journalist; Rukiye Ozmen, Writer; Faruk Sakik, Journalist; Diyar Bohti, Journalist - writer; Jir Dilovan, Writer; Newaf Xelîl, Poet; Mirhem Yigit, Writer; Hosheng Ose, Poet; Dana Celal, Writer / Journalist; Fevzi Ozmen, Writer / Advisor; Aziz Ogur, Journalist; Fergin Melik Aykoç, Teacher / Writer; Mehmed Drews, Journalist; Kaksar Oramar, Journalist; Semdîn Craftsman, Ejder Sêxo, Journalist; Feqir Ehmed, Poet; Saman Nurî, Journalist; Y. Serhad Bucak, Journalist.

The text of the letter reads as follows:

“Dear Mr President, a great wave of peace and democracy has been surrounding the whole world upon your election to the Presidency of the United States of America. There are people, who wished to benefit from this wave of peace and democracy. One of them, the Kurdish people has been struggling for more than a century for an honorable life in liberty in accordance with their own culture and identity. Kurdish people, whose identity and existence have been denied, even most of whom are obliged to live without an identity in their own land, are still face to face with an enormous genocide in the early 21st century.

Matching the destiny of their land, there have been many attempts to exterminate Kurdish people through the policy of denial of existence and identity, as well as the use of chemical weapons. This severe geographic and social extermination and denial are also prevalent in the areas of faith, culture, language and literature. As well as being the most populous people without a state, Kurdish people are also the most populous people without literature and education in mother tongue. It is unacceptable for a people to be devoid of language, literature and education in mother tongue considering the fact that it has created works that match epic Greek legends, English romanticism, and American and French philosophy.

We believe that, as a representative of all American Presidents of the past, you are utterly aware of the importance of identity, literature and education in mother tongue in such a manner that proves that the world is not a totality of material values and that “the world does not belong to those who cry and laugh separately, but to those who laugh together”. As you know, identity, education in mother tongue and creating value through mother tongue are also important for the culture of the family called the world.

Amongst the mosaic of Mesopotamian people, Kurdish people have always preferred live in peace and mutual respect throughout their history. In this sense, Kurdish people wishes recognition and an honorable life under constitutional reassurance in the countries where they live as part of the democratic world family without making a primary issue out of the issue of land within the global world system of the 21st century.

We, the writers, journalists and intellectuals, who have been exiled and not allowed to exist in our own land, could find no solutions other than informing you of the situation. In fact, our endeavor here is the expression of a scream of Kurdish writers as well as an appeal to the conscience of the world.

We, the undersigned Kurdish writers in exile, as the speakers of Kurdish people, who are subject to suppression and extermination, wish to exist in such a way as to incorporate our language in literature and schools by adding value to the world culture and literature through our identity. This can only be possible through a permanent peace and democratic resolution in Turkey and Kurdistan. Such a peaceful and democratic resolution in Kurdistan would make a positive impact in the whole world not only in the Middle East as well as being a lesson for the powers relying on nuclear weapons and radical beliefs.

We would like to offer our respect in anticipation of being heard for the sake of living in liberty with our identity in our own land, and for our children to be able to read the books written in our mother tongue." (ANF, 12 January 2011)

13 janvier 2011: reprise du procès de Diyarbakir

par Amitiés kurdes de Bretagne

Nombre de journalistes et éditorialistes de la presse paraissant en Turquie, nombre d’observateurs étrangers voient dans le Premier ministre Recep Tayyip Erdogan l’homme providentiel qui va sortir la Turquie de son isolement et lui donner un rayonnement mondial. Ils louent sa diplomatie qui a pris pied en Amérique du Sud, notamment au Brésil, en Afrique, en particulier au Congo et au Cameroun et même en Chine, sans oublier le Japon, concurrent d’EDF, GDF-Suez et Areva pour la construction d’usines nucléaires en Turquie : ce réformateur va faire de la Turquie une puissance régionale incontournable établissant des relations positives tant avec ses voisins (Syrie, Iran, Irak) qu’avec la Russie et les pays du Golfe, sans pour autant s’éloigner de ses alliés traditionnels (États-Unis, pays européens) réunis au sein de l’Otan. Même la brouille avec Israël n’empêche pas la coopération militaire et la livraison des drones Heron made in Israël engagés dans la lutte contre le PKK.

L’épine dans le pied d’Erdogan

Pour autant tous s’accordent pour souligner que la question kurde est la question que R. T. Erdogan doit régler s’il veut réaliser ses ambitions nationales et internationales.

Or, comme le pointe diplomatiquement la Commission européenne dans son rapport annuel d’évaluation, les réformes conduites par Ankara ne sont pas à la hauteur des enjeux : la révision constitutionnelle qui a affecté la hiérarchie judiciaire est pour le moins ambigüe, "l’ouverture kurde" n’a pas débouché sur des résultats probants et certaines situations en matière de droits et de libertés demeurent particulièrement choquantes. Reporters sans frontières (RSF) dénonce les atteintes à la liberté d’expression bâillonnée par 15 articles du Code pénal turc, définis comme un "carcan législatif". L’année 2010 a été de ce point de vue désastreuse : 43 journalistes - dont dix rédacteurs en chef - et écrivains ont passé le nouvel an en prison, 655 personnes dont 197 journalistes ont été jugés au cours des neuf premiers mois de 2010, 12 journaux suspendus et 7 000 sites internet bloqués (contre 3 700 en 2009). RSF révèle encore que la Turquie occupe en 2010 la peu enviable 138ème place sur 178 au classement mondial des nations relatif à la liberté de la presse et qu’elle figure pour la première fois sur la liste des pays sous surveillance concernant "les Ennemis d’Internet".

Le procès de Diyarbakir : appel du BDP

Le test majeur va être la poursuite du procès de Diyarbakir qui doit reprendre ses audiences le 13 janvier prochain devant la VIème Haute Cour criminelle. Eyyup Doru, représentant en Europe le parti pro-kurde BDP (Parti pour la Paix et la démocratie), lance un nouvel appel à la solidarité internationale à l’approche de la réouverture du procès concernant 151 cadres et élus, politiques et associatifs, accusés de "terrorisme". Le procès, aussi retentissant soit-il, n’est que l’écume de la vague répressive : " plus de 2000 Kurdes de la société civile, politique et syndicale sont incarcérés sans jugement en Turquie, certains depuis de longs mois" déclare-t-il. Difficile dans ce cas de parler "d’ouverture démocratique" si on ajoute la dissolution du parti pro kurde DTP, prononcée par la cour constitutionnelle en décembre 2009 et les menaces réelles et sérieuses qui pèsent maintenant sur son successeur, le BDP.

Appel du DÖKH (Mouvement démocratique des Femmes libres) : notre corps, notre identité, notre terre nous appartiennent, nous luttons pour défendre nos droits et notre liberté

Les responsables et les militantes des mouvements de femmes sont également visées, comme le rappelle le Mouvement démocratique des Femmes libres (DÖKH) : "nous vivons dans un monde militariste, machiste et sexiste, dans un système en faillite qui bafoue le droit et la justice : ce qui est normal en démocratie est considéré, ici, comme illégal et puni comme un crime ; c’est ainsi que nos amies qui s’engagent dans une politique démocratique et qui luttent contre les discriminations sont incarcérées et traduites devant les tribunaux".

DÖKH publie la liste de ses membres qui vont se retrouver le 13 janvier au banc des accusées devant la VI° Haute Cour criminelle de Diyarbakir

PROCES devant la VI° Haute Cour criminelle de Diyarbakir

Liste des femmes inculpées

DTP (Parti pour une Société démocratique) dissout et remplacé par le BDP (Parti pour la Paix et la Démocratie)

DÖKH (Mouvement démocratique des Femmes libres)

27 sont en détention : Herdem KIZILKAYA (membre fondatrice du DTP, porte parole du DÖKH), Selma IRMAK (vice/Présidente du DTP), Esma GÜLER (DTP), Pero DÜNDAR(DTP), Zahide BESİ (DTP), Pergüzar KAYGUSUZ (membre du Conseil Exécutif du DTP), Zöhre BOZACI (membre de la Commission Centrale "Elections" du DTP et membre de la Commission "Ecologie et Autorités locales" du DTP), Leyla DENİZ (membre de la Commission Centrale "Elections" du DTP), Nihayet TAŞDEMİR (porte parole de la Commission Centrale "Elections" du DTP, membre du DÖKH) Sevi Demir (membre de la Commission Centrale "Elections" du DTP), Pınar IŞIK (membre de l’Assemblée des Femmes du DTP), Besime KONCA (membre de l’Assemblée des Femmes du DTP), Hacire ÖZDEMİR (membre de l’Assemblée des Femmes du DTP), Sara AKTAŞ (porte parole du DÖKH), Zeynep BOĞA (porte parole du DÖKH), Fikriye AKTAŞ (porte parole du DÖKH), Takibe TURGAY (membre du DÖKH), Fadile BAYRAM (membre du DÖKH), Meside ŞAHİN (membre du Bureau exécutif de TEV-DER, membre du DÖKH), Çimen IŞIK (membre de l’Assemblée du DTP, membre de la Commission "Ecologie et Autorités locales" du DTP), Diyaret TAŞDEMİR (conseillère du maire métropolitain de Diyarbakir), Roza ERDEDE (membre du Bureau exécutif de l’Association de défense des droits humains -IHD, affiliée à la FIDH -section de Diyarbakır-, salariée du GABB (Union des Municipalités de l’Anatolie du Sud-est), Elif KAYA (membre du Bureau exécutif du Centre Culturel de Mésopotamie –MKM-), Olcay KANLIBAŞ (membre du Bureau exécutif des syndicats des Personnels de Santé -SES/KESK-), Heval ERDEMLİ (conseillère municipale de Yenişehir, arrondissement de Diyarbakir, salariée de la municipalité de Kayapınar arrondissement de Diyarbakir, Leyla GÜVEN : maire de Viranşehir –Urfa-), Gülcihan ŞİMŞEK (ancien maire de Bostaniçi –Van-).

13 ont été laissées en liberté sous contrôle : Yuksel BARAN (maire de Bağlar, arrondissement de Diyarbakir ), Bedriye AYDIN (maire adjointe de Kayapınar arrondissement de Diyarbakir), Yurdusev ÖZSÖKMENLER (ancien maire de Bağlar, arrondissement de Diyarbakir), Özlem YASAK (chargée de projet à la mairie de Bağlar, arrondissement de Diyarbakir), Rojda BALKAŞ (vice-maire de Bağlar, arrondissement de Diyarbakir), Nadire NERGİZ (conseillère municipale de Batman), Songül Erol ABDİL (ancien maire de Tunceli), Nuran ATLI (ancien maire de Mazıdağı -Mardin), Şükran AYDIN (ancien maire de Mazıdağı -Mardin), Nesrin DENİZ (membre de l’Assemblée des Femmes du DTP), Seda AKBAŞ CAN (membre du DÖKH), Müzeyyen GÜNEŞ (membre du Bureau exécutif de TUHAD-FED -association d’aide aux détenus et à leur famille-, membre de DÖKH), Beyhan SAKİN (membre du syndicat des Personnels de Santé -SES/KESK-).

André Métayer, http://akbdrk.free.fr, 10 janvier 2011

KNK: Erdogan guilty of crimes against humanity

Kurdish National Congress (KNK) has written to the Presidency of the European Union, the Presidency of the European Commission and the Secretary-General of the United Nations to highlight what amounts to crimes committed by the Turkish government and state officials in relation to the ban of Kurdish education and teaching which constitutes an existential matter for the Kurdish people living in Turkey.

According to the letter, which includes several documents, "the inclusion of Kurdish in education is being refused in order to subject the language to assimilation. This process of assimilation has been conducted systematically since the creation of the Republic."

The excerpts presented as evidences by the KNK have been gathered from state reports, statements by the Armed Forces and speeches delivered by the Prime Minister. "The carefully planned process of assimilation - reads the letter - will continue as long as Kurdish is banned from general education and is denied assurance through legal and constitutional measures and subsequently resulting in the tragic extinction of a language and the doom of a people."

Underlining that "assimilation is clearly a crime against humanity", the KNK stressed in its letter that "during a press conference in Germany along German chancellor Angela Merkel, Turkey's Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan uttered the words "assimilation is a crime against humanity" regarding the need for protecting the language of Turks in Germany. However, these words obviously do not apply when it comes to Turkey where the Prime Minister himself as well as the entire government commit assimilation against the Kurdish language."

The letter concludes with an expectation of solidarity and support "for the Kurdish people in relation to solving the issue of Kurdish teaching and education, which is a core right, and against these crimes against humanity by the Turkish State and government." (ANF, January 7, 2011)

Découverte d'une fosse commune pendant une enquête sur des Kurdes disparus

La justice turque a découvert mercredi dans l'est de la Turquie une fosse commune contenant les ossements d'au moins 12 personnes à l'occasion d'une enquête sur le sort de Kurdes portés disparus depuis de nombreuses années, a rapporté l'agence de presse Anatolie.

Saisi par des familles de disparus, le procureur de Mutki, une ville de la province de Bitlis, peuplée en majorité de Kurdes, a ordonné mercredi le lancement de recherches dans un terrain vague servant de décharge publique à la sortie du bourg, selon l'agence.

"Dans la première zone où des excavations ont été effectuées, les corps de neuf personnes ont été dégagés sans qu'il n'y ait de confusion. Les ossements ont été mis en sécurité", a déclaré le président du barreau de Bitlis, Enis Gül, présent sur les lieux en qualité d'observateur.

"Les os de trois autres personnes sont mélangés parce qu'elles ont été enterrées ensemble", a poursuivi l'avocat, cité par Anatolie.

Des fouilles similaires ont abouti à l'exhumation au printemps 2009 d'ossements humains et de vêtements dans la province de Sirnak, voisine de celle de Bitlis.

Elles ont conduit à l'ouverture en septembre du procès de sept prévenus, dont un colonel de gendarmerie, accusés d'avoir participé aux exécutions sommaires de 20 personnes dans les années 1990, quand la rébellion kurde battait son plein dans l'est et le sud-est de la Turquie. (AFP, 5 jan 2011)

Cengiz Candar: Polls, Kurdish issue, constitution will occupy agenda

Cengiz Çandar – The new year will be full of key events in Turkey as there will be general elections in June followed by a debate regarding the making of a new constitution and solving the Kurdish issue, a veteran journalist has said. Writer and journalist Cengiz Çandar told Today’s Zaman for Monday Talk that the Turkish domestic political arena will be occupied by those important issues as the political parties have already started to use election rhetoric, which carries risks.

“The signs in the last days of 2010 indicate a fierce fight. Especially the debate concerning the acceptability of bilingualism and Kurdish autonomy in Turkey,” he said, adding that civil initiatives are gaining more power in the country. In the area of foreign policy, he expects issues regarding Iran and Israel to be at the forefront. Answering our questions, he elaborated on domestic and foreign policy issues that are expected to keep the nation busy.

What domestic political issues do you expect to occupy the agenda as we enter 2011?

No doubt, elections come first. The first half of the year we will be occupied with the election campaign, and the formation of the government will probably not occur earlier than August. Then we will see preparations for a new constitution, which will be followed by the course of the Kurdish issue in connection with both the elections and the making of a new constitution.

‘The first half of the year we will be occupied with the election campaigns, and the formation of the government will probably not be before August. Then we will see preparations for a new constitution. Then comes the course that the Kurdish issue will follow in connection with both elections and the making of a new constitution’

If we first talk about the elections, do you think we will see fierce fights during the process, as currently political leaders’ speeches seem to be signaling an unyielding stance? Yes, the signs in the last days of 2010 indicate a fierce fight. In particular the debate regarding whether or not bilingualism (Turkish and Kurdish) and Kurdish autonomy can be accepted in Turkey is a discussion that is occupying the arena. Unfortunately, the debate is not on a healthy course as it is being victimized by electoral campaigns. Meanwhile, the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) announced a cease-fire until the end of the election, but they will have a re-evaluation of that decision in March. If common sense does not prevail in that period of time and if harsh polemics do not end, we can see a derailment.

Do you mean that arms could replace words?

Yes, an armed conflict could flare up. A few clashes are enough to occupy the agenda as we saw after the referendum when a suicide bomber struck in Taksim Square — even though he was the only victim, it engrossed everybody. As we have seen before and after the referendum took place on Sept. 12, the political atmosphere was poisoned by attacks. If armed conflict comes to the fore between March and June when the elections are held, a few attacks are enough to challenge the elections process.

‘Turkey’s history full of Kurdish uprisings’

Is it possible to talk about a new constitution in such an environment?

It would be hard to make a new constitution in an environment like that, especially when we talk about a new constitution because we want to change not only its wording but its evil essence. The new constitution should be pro-freedom and stress individual rights and freedoms instead of being centralist, statist and pro-censorship. And we are considering those matters at length as the Kurdish issue has reached a certain maturity. The most important part of the new constitution will be to include Kurds in the new and pro-freedom judicial system in a way that they want to be included. So there are demands from Kurds. How is the preamble of the constitution going to be formulated? How is the language concerning the definition of citizenship going to be worded? The 1982 constitution made education in a mother tongue impossible. Now, the entire Kurdish community of Turkey demands education in their mother tongue. Therefore, the atmosphere in the first half of 2011 will determine how the atmosphere will be in the last half of the year after the election in terms of constructive dialogue.

Do you ever wish that elections were not near as it creates an environment of conflict and issues cannot be discussed in healthier way?

‘Turkey’s Iran policy has been better understood’

Iran? What do you expect?

Turkey’s foreign policy vis-à-vis Iran is better understood in the Western world. Iran and the five permanent members of the UN Security Council plus Germany have agreed to continue talks on cooperating in areas of common interest. Iran and the P5+1 group have agreed to hold the next round of talks in İstanbul in late January. The situation is much better than it was six months ago when Turkey voted against the imposition of another round of sanctions against Iran over its nuclear program that the West suspects is aimed at developing atomic weapons.

‘Axis shift debate lost strength’

Do you think the debate concerning an “axis shift” in Turkey’s direction will continue in 2011?

The argument, which was started before 2010 by Jewish lobby groups in the United States, has lost its strength since the NATO summit in Lisbon. There were two reasons for this. The Sept. 12 referendum in Turkey showed that the current government is still popular in Turkey. Circles that expected the axis shift debate to weaken the government saw that the government in Turkey is strong. Secondly, the NATO summit in Lisbon consolidated Turkey’s role in the international security system. Therefore, the rationality of the axis shift debate has not been consolidated. Indeed, Turkey’s axis has shifted even though it has not been pronounced because Turkey still is a member of NATO, and its European Union candidacy has been nominally continuing.

Why do you think it has not been pronounced since its rationality has been explained?

For practical reasons: I am one of the people who used to say that there has not been a shift of axis because I don’t approve of the goals of people who present this argument. They distort facts. They say Turkey is on board with Iran. On the contrary, every step that Turkey takes in the Middle East naturally restricts Iran. Turkey does what the West wants to do but cannot. Turkey doesn’t follow exactly the same course as Western countries on the issue of Iran, but that doesn’t mean that Turkey is on board with Iran. But of course, if you look at the situation from an Atlanticist viewpoint, Turkey is no longer a client state.

‘No excitement about EU membership’

Any type of debate around Turkey’s European Union membership seems to be nonexistent.There is no excitement about it anymore. Even if the Cyprus problem is solved, there is a philosophical argument by some EU member states that Turkey should not be a member of the union. France blocked a number of negotiation chapters and plans to have a public referendum when the time comes for Turkey’s membership. Austria is of the same opinion as well. They have tried to obstruct Turkey’s membership by putting new conditions in place that other candidates didn’t have to face. As Turkey has been economically growing and gaining more self-confidence, the issue of EU membership usually stays out of the debate.

There have always been supporters of the view that the EU membership issue is an anchor that Turkey should not leave.

It’s now a drifting anchor. The problem doesn’t just stem from Turkey; the EU is not stable, there are new demands of Turkey, new benchmarks, as I said. Where is pacta sunt servanda? That anchor is there, but it is drifting.

No, I don’t because in Turkey nothing is discussed if there is no conflict. The Kurdish issue has always been Turkey’s number one problem. Since the 1938 Dersim events — also the year Atatürk died — until the start of the armed struggle by the PKK in 1984, the issue was dormant. Nothing has been done to address the problem; on the contrary, the problem has gotten even worse. There have been several Kurdish uprisings in the history of the Turkish Republic, including the 1925 Sheikh Said rebellion. All of those rebellions were put down, and the rebel leaders were killed. But the current Kurdish uprising has a leader, they have their armed men in the Kandil Mountains, and they are spread throughout a wide area. In addition, there is a Kurdish diaspora. Therefore, Turkey faces a big problem in regards to how the Kurdish rebellion will be solved. The issue is more than “terror events.”

It’s a long-lasting, burning issue…

It’s an important issue, and when issues like autonomy and bilingual education, which are burning issues, are being discussed, there is an environment of conflict.

‘Kılıçdaroğlu doesn’t have much time to change course’

When we talk about the political actors in the debate we see the pro-Kurdish party BDP [Peace and Democracy Party], the ruling AK Party [Justice and Development Party], which has started to take a nationalist stance, and the main opposition CHP [Republican People’s Party], which has a leader from Dersim. Although he has not yet offered any meaningful solutions to the Kurdish problem and has been criticized for not doing so, do you think he can change the course of the debate for the better?

There are only six months to the election, and Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu has been the leader of the party for about six months. During his referendum campaign, he made 140 speeches, and in those speeches he has not even uttered the word “Kurd.” Everybody has made their calculations prior to elections. We see that the prime minister has adopted a nationalist stance on the issue because as he tries to obtain votes from nationalists who would vote for the MHP [Nationalist Movement Party], he aims to have a majority of seats in Parliament in order to make the new constitution without having headaches. At the same time, he demonizes the BDP. In this picture, the CHP does not have much space unless it comes up with brand new ideas. Still, we can’t exactly guess how political dynamics will develop in Turkey. Kılıçdaroğlu took over the party first from Deniz Baykal and then from Önder Sav. Kılıçdaroğlu’s choices for the party administration show that he is making changes in the party, and those changes are good. On the other hand, he took over the CHP, which carries major baggage as it was the first, single party in the country for a long time and then became an integral part of the tutelage system in Turkey. Therefore, it is not easy for Kılıçdaroğlu to come up with new ideas. There is a big question mark about it.

‘Civil disobedience good for Turkey’

It seems like we have talked a great deal about conflict and clashes of ideas. There should probably also be reasons to have some hope in 2011. Do you agree?

There is hope, and I’m not pessimistic at all. As long as we acknowledge that there is a risk of conflict, we can overcome it. Turkey has started to get rid of the tutelage system that has held the country captive. We now discuss everything that has been insufficiently debated in the past. New discussions naturally bear conflict. Regarding the discussions of autonomy, the interior minister has said that the debate makes the nation nervous. However, some part of the nation becomes more relaxed by having this discussion. Turkey has the intellectual capacity to have those debates. There is nothing wrong with that. Civil disobedience is good for Turkey. If there is civil disobedience, armed struggle becomes meaningless. A clash of words is better than armed clashes. In addition, we have already seen signs in 2010 that civil initiatives are becoming stronger in Turkey. On April 24 of last year, Muslim Turks commemorated the killings of Armenians in Turkey. This was a significant development. We have a number of reasons to be hopeful this year.

‘There can be a potentially explosive situation in Iraq’

Now, in the area of foreign policy, what issues do you expect to occupy the agenda in 2011?

Relations regarding Iran and Israel. There is also one issue, not at the forefront like Iran and Israel, and that is Iraq. The United States is going to withdraw its remaining combat troops from the country soon. There won’t be any uniformed Americans left in Iraq. We have to watch developments in Iraq with regard to how Iraq’s fragmented structure will be affected by this development. Iraq’s main actor is the Kurds. Turkey’s policies also affect Iraq. Iraq does not look too bad right now, but it could become a trouble spot in 2011. In addition, Lebanon is waiting for a decision from the international tribunal soon. There could be a potentially explosive situation that would have repercussions for the whole Middle East, where Turkey has an active foreign policy.

When it comes to relations with Israel, what can we expect?

Turkey doesn’t have much elbow room in that regard. For the start of normalization of relations Turkey has two preconditions: apology and compensation. Apology is the most important, the minimum, requirement. Turkey cannot move toward normalized relations with Israel in that area — even an inch — at least until the end of the elections. The Israeli government is not apparently planning to issue an apology, and the Turkish government does not plan to have normalized relations with Israel, not just for pragmatic reasons but also for philosophical reasons.

This is an area that probably would have an influence in the area of relations with the United States. Another issue that will not progress in that regard is probably approval of protocols signed by Turkey and Armenia in October 2009, right?

During election time, no government would bring out issues that opposition parties could make use of. There are already enough controversial issues. (Today's Zaman, YONCA POYRAZ DOĞAN, 3 January 2011)

Minorités / Minorities

Another Obstacle Prevents Progress in Hrant Dink Case

In the scope of the Hrant Dink trial in Trabzon, the Public Chief Prosecution of Trabzon reversed the decision of the Rize High Criminal Court (cities on the eastern Black Sea coast) to launch a new investigation about Reşat Altay, the then Provincial Chief of the Trabzon Police. The court in Rize decided to investigate Altay because of alleged negligence prior to the murder of Turkish-Armenian journalist Dink in 2007. The Trabzon court quashed the decision though because of "procedural" deficiencies.

The Chief Prosecution announced to have accepted the appeal related to the decision against a prosecution. However, according to the law, the court would have to follow certain procedures in order to launch an investigation at the Rize High Criminal Court or another court as long as the decision for lack of jurisdiction has not been revoked, it was declared.

A trial against the suspects at the Rize court can only be opened if the Rize High Criminal Court fully annulled the decision for lack of jurisdiction. Should the court insist on the decision though, the ongoing discrepancies would have to be resolved otherwise.

Difficulties for launch of investigation

The Trabzon Public Chief Prosecution had launched an investigation about the Trabzon Provincial Chief of Police in relation to the murder of journalist Dink, General Publications Director of the Armenian Agos newspaper at the time. As a result of the investigation, the Trabzon court decided to drop procedures.

The joint attorneys of the Dink family appealed against the decision at the Rize High Criminal Court. However, the appeal was dismissed and the decision was finalized.

Besides, a trial was opened against officials of the Trabzon Gendarmerie Command at the Trabzon 2nd Magistrate Criminal Court and another case was launched against Colonel Ali Öz, the then Provincial Gendarmerie Commander, on charges of neglect of duty.

The Dink family lawyers sent another petition to the Rize High Criminal Court since that was the closest high criminal court to Trabzon. In the petition, the lawyers alleged that the facts had not been sufficiently investigated for the decision of the Trabzon Public Prosecution to drop procedures against the officials of the Trabzon Police Directorate and the Provincial Gendarmerie Command.

The petition demanded to revoke the decision against the prosecution. Thereupon, the Trabzon Public Prosecutor announced that there were no new facts or evidence to be added. Since the investigation on the same matter would not be repeated, it was decided that there was no reason for a prosecution.

Rize court requested investigation

Upon the latest appeal by the Dink family lawyers filed to the Rize High Criminal Court against the decision of lack of jurisdiction, it was decreed that facts and evidence might exist that would justify the opening of a public case.

In the decision it was decreed to apply for the detailed statements of Reşat Altay and Levent Yarımel, who was mentioned in the statement of witness Emin Arslan, and for the detailed statement of Arslan that was included in the appeal and the attachments.

In the meantime, the Parliamentarian Commission on Human Rights had communicated the commission's disagreement with the decision of the Trabzon Prosecutor to drop procedures. It was announced that the investigation would have to be broadened and a decision was to be given according to the results to be obtained. It was decided to accept the appeal against the decision to drop procedures made by the Trabzon Public Prosecution. (BIA, 26 January 2011)

Thousands of people gathered in Istanbul to commemorate Hrant Dink 

Thousands of people gathered Wednesday to commemorate slain journalist Hrant Dink in front of the Istanbul office building where he was assassinated four years ago, an event that united a diverse and colorful coalition.

Crowds have gathered on the same spot each year since Jan. 19, 2007, when the Armenian-Turkish newspaper editor was shot in the back by confessed triggerman Ogün Samast. Thousands of people came together that day as photographers were still taking shots of his body, lying in the street covered with newspapers.

Four years later, they united under the same slogan – “We are all Hrant, We are all Armenians” – as at the original gathering, and with the same demands for the justice they say has been denied.

“We know the ones who did it, the ones who made them do it and the ones who covered it up are in the state,” journalist Bülent Aydın said to the crowd assembled on a sunny winter day in Istanbul’s Osmanbey district. “Let the ones who said ‘kill’ be put to trial.”

Though last year’s commemoration drew limited participation due to snow, a larger crowd joined this year’s event, with one group gathering at Taksim Square and another in the Şişli district. Both marched to Osmanbey and the office of the weekly newspaper Agos, founded by Dink and published in Armenian and Turkish. By 2 p.m. the street was closed to traffic. Flowers and pictures in a heart-shaped wreath were laid at the spot where Dink was shot. At 3 p.m., the time of the assassination, the crowd was called to silence and a recording was played of Dink’s voice talking about the Armenians of Anatolia. Many in the crowd could not back hold their tears.

During the commemoration ceremony, people handed out banners reading, “There has been no Hrant/prosecutor/state/Parliament for four years.” Relatives of slain intellectuals, journalists, artists and other victims of hate campaigns such as the one Dink had been subjected to before his death came to show their support. “We have gathered here for the fourth time, as a big family. We are relatives now,” Nükhet İpekçi, the daughter of assassinated journalist Abdi İpekçi, told the crowd. “As our sister Rakel [Dink, Hrant’s widow] said, they made us relatives in suffering.”

Prior to dissembling, the crowd was asked to show up at the next hearing of the murder case in February and to join the torch-lit march from Taksim Square to Tünel Square at 7 p.m. Police with tear gas and riot shields were on high alert during the afternoon event, but the commemoration ended without incident.

Dink was a Turkish citizen of Armenian origin who had been working to reestablish ties between Turks and Armenians which have been troubled since the alleged killing or deporting of hundreds of thousands of Armenians during the last years of the Ottoman Empire. His assassination in 2007 hit the country hard and has brought together people from different backgrounds to demand that all those involved in his murder be brought to justice.

The Dink family has made a new plea for police and gendarmerie officials who were left outside the scope of the investigation to be questioned in light of the recent European Court of Human Rights decision finding Turkey guilty of not protecting Dink and his freedom of speech, and not properly investigating civil servants suspected of either neglect or direct involvement in the murder.

“The state needs to put itself on trial and it does not. It is that simple,” Ümit Kıvanç, a journalist, director and member of the “Friends of Hrant Dink Platform” told the Hürriyet Daily News & Economic Review.

“[Every demand] is being denied. Nobody who needs to be questioned has been. There are people who are still on duty. This [murder] has gone into the record as done by the state,” Kıvanç said, adding that even an ordinary citizen is able to explain how the murder process developed but that does not matter to the court or to the state. “They do not care,” he said. (Hürriyet Daily News, ÖZGÜR ÖĞRET, January 19, 2011)

Le Monde: Justice pour le journaliste Hrant Dink

Il y a quatre ans, le 19 janvier 2007, le journaliste turco-arménien Hrant Dink était assassiné à Istanbul, au pied de l'immeuble abritant la revue Agos ("Le Sillon"), dont il fut le fondateur.

Homme de paix et de dialogue, Hrant Dink était un combattant de la liberté : celle de penser, de lire et d'écrire sur l'histoire commune des peuples turc et arménien, tragiquement interrompue par le génocide de 1915. Il incarnait un espoir pour des milliers de Turcs et d'Arméniens désireux d'appréhender leur avenir ensemble, dans le souci de la vérité et le respect de l'autre.

En ouvrant la voie d'un dialogue et d'un avenir possibles entre ces peuples, en défendant ses valeurs jusqu'au sacrifice de sa vie, Hrant Dink est devenu une conscience universelle qui appartient à l'humanité. L'émotion internationale provoquée par cette brutale disparition et la douleur exprimée par les milliers de citoyens turcs venus assister à ses funérailles nourrissaient l'espoir que, Dink mort, ses idées lui survivraient.

Le déroulement du procès de ses assassins et de leurs complices présumés, ouvert depuis juillet 2007, n'est pourtant pas de nature à entretenir cet espoir et à répondre à l'exigence de justice, qui dépasse le cercle de sa famille et de ses amis pour s'étendre à la société civile turque et à l'opinion internationale.

Manquements

Qui sont les commanditaires de cet assassinat ? Pourquoi les autorités informées de sa préparation ne l'ont pas empêché et n'ont pas cherché à protéger Hrant Dink ? Existe-t-il des complicités au sein de l'appareil d'Etat ? Dans un arrêt rendu le 14 septembre 2010 condamnant la Turquie, la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme présidée par Mme Françoise Tulkens, la juge belge, a sérieusement remis en cause la crédibilité des poursuites engagées à ce jour, soulignant notamment le fait "qu'aucune des trois autorités (police et gendarmerie de Trabzon et police d'Istanbul) informées de la planification de l'assassinat et de son exécution imminente n'a réagi afin de l'empêcher". De l'ineffectivité des enquêtes pénales, la Cour européenne relève l'inertie des officiers de gendarmerie et la contrainte imposée aux sous-officiers de faire de fausses déclarations et dénonce "un manquement manifeste au devoir de prendre des mesures en vue de recueillir des preuves concernant les faits en cause" et "une action concertée pour nuire à la capacité de l'enquête d'établir la responsabilité des personnes concernées".

S'agissant des manquements imputés à la police de Trabzon, la Cour s'étonne que, "globalement, l'enquête du parquet se résumait plutôt à une défense des policiers, sans apporter d'éléments sur la question de leur inactivité face aux auteurs présumés de l'assassinat". Quant à ceux imputés à la police d'Istanbul, la Cour constate "qu'aucune poursuite pénale n'a non plus été déclenchée, en dépit des conclusions des inspecteurs du ministère de l'intérieur, selon lesquelles les responsables de la police n'avaient pas pris les mesures exigées par la situation".

Ce serait l'honneur des magistrats de la 14e chambre de la cour d'assises d'Istanbul et de la Turquie de tirer les enseignements de l'arrêt rendu par la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme et de prendre les mesures nécessaires afin que justice soit rendue à Hrant Dink.

Jean Castelain, avocat, bâtonnier de Paris ; Jean-Yves Leborgne, avocat, vice-bâtonnier de Paris ; Christian Charrière Bournazel, avocat, ancien bâtonnier de Paris ; Bernard-Henri Levy, philosophe ; Michel Onfray, philosophe ; Alain Fienkelkraut, philosophe ; Léon Lef Forster, avocat ; Robert Guediguian, réalisateur ; Christiane Féral-Schuhl, avocate, dauphine de l'Ordre de Paris ; Mario Stasi, avocat, ancien bâtonnier de Paris ; Ariane Ascaride, comédienne ; Serge Avedikian, cinéaste, comédien ; Vincent Nioré, avocat ; Valérie Toranian, journaliste ; Alexandre Couyoumdjian, avocat ; Reporters Sans Frontières

Autres signataires :

Michel Marian, maître de conférences à Sciences-Po Paris ; Jean-Luc Gaineton, avocat, ancien bâtonnier de Clermont-Ferrand ; Louis Carzou, écrivain ; Jean Pierre Buyle, bâtonnier du Barreau de Bruxelles ; Yves Ochinsky, avocat, ancien bâtonnier de Bruxelles, président de l'Institut des droits de l'homme du barreau de Bruxelles ; Georges-Albert Dal, président de la Commission consultative des barreaux européens, ancien bâtonnier ; Robert De Baerdemaeker, Président de l'Ordre des barreaux francophones et germanophone, ancien bâtonnier de Bruxelles ; Guy Haarscher, professeur à l'Université libre de Bruxelles ; Edouard Jakhian, avocat, ancien bâtonnier de Bruxelles ; Michel Van Doosselaere, avocat, ancien bâtonnier de Bruxelles ; Xavier Magnée, avocat, ancien bâtonnier de Bruxelles ; Pierre Legros, avocat, ancien bâtonnier de Bruxelles ; Marc Wagemans, avocat, ancien bâtonnier de Bruxelles ; Pierre Lambert, président d'honneur de l'Institut des droits de l'homme du barreau de Bruxelles, ancien membre du conseil de l'ordre de Bruxelles ; Maurice Krings, avocat, membre du conseil de l'ordre de Bruxelles ;  Marc Dal, avocat, membre du conseil de l'ordre de Bruxelles ; Jean-Marc Picard, avocat, membre du conseil de l'ordre de Bruxelles ; Eric Carlier, avocat, ancien membre du Conseil de l'ordre de Bruxelles ; Claude Katz, avocat, ancien membre du Conseil de l'ordre de Bruxelles ; Nadine Kalamian, avocat, ancien membre du Conseil de l'ordre de Bruxelles ; Marina Blitz avocat, ancien membre du Conseil de l'ordre de Bruxelles ; Patrick Van Damne, avocat, ancien membre du Conseil de l'ordre de Bruxelles ;  Alain Vergauwen, avocat, ancien membre du Conseil de l'ordre de Bruxelles ; Michel Mahmourian, avocat (Bruxelles) ; Guy Wolf, avocat (Liège) ; Grégoire Jakhian, avocat (Bruxelles) ; Armand Broder, avocat (Bruxelles) ; Stéphane Mirdikian avocat (Anvers) ; Fabien Tchékémian, avocat (Bruxelles) ; Eric David, professeur émérite de l'université libre de Bruxelles ; Yvon Martinet, avocat, vice-dauphin de l'Ordre de Paris ; Didier Bruère Dawson, avocat ; Bertand Lavril, avocat ; Bernard Dartevelle, avocat ; Joe Verhoeven, professeur à l'université Panthéon-Assas (Paris 2) ; Jean-Philippe Scheriber, professeur à l'université libre de Bruxelles ; Emmanuel Pierrat, avocat, écrivain ; Virginie Dusen, avocate ; Kami Haeri, avocat ; Anne Martinet, magistrat ; Philippe Raxhon, historien (Belgique) ; Jean Paul Marthoz, journaliste et essayiste (Belgique) ; Anne-Marie Van Impe, journaliste et professeure (Belgique) ; Josy Dubie, sénateur honoraire (Belgique) ; François Roelants du Vivier, sénateur honoraire (Belgique) ; Méliné Nazarian, avocat au barreau de Bruxelles ; Pierre-Yves Le Priol, journaliste ; Pascale Taelman, avocate, présidente du SAF ; Kee Yoon Kim, avocate ; Zoë Royaux, avocate ; Antoine Agoudjian, photographe ; Marie-Alix Canu-Bernard, avocate ; Olivier Guilbaud, avocat ; Achren Verdian, journaliste ; Emmanuel Ravannas, avocat ; Georges Teboul, avocat ; Anahid Papazian, avocate ; Emmanuelle Hauser Phelizon, avocat ; Elise Arfi, avocate ; Françoise Pouget-Courbière, avocate ; Maryane Bine-Fischer, avocate ; Alexandre Aslanian, avocat ; Laurent Marville, avocat ; Matthieu Brochier, avocat ; Dominique Der Merguerian, avocate ; Christina Galstian, artiste ; Philippe Grûndler, avocat ; Bertrand Horiot, avocat ; Aram Gazarian, chirurgien ; Reza Zia-Ebrahimi, journaliste ; Nicolas Putman, avocat ; Gérard Tcholakian, avocat ; Nicolas Jeandel, journaliste; Guillaume Debonnet, avocat ; Virginie Bianchi, avocate ; Pierre Henry, directeur général de France terre d'asile ; Rose-Marie Le Priol, avocate ; Sylvie Papasian, avocate ; Philippe Sukiasyan, enseignant ; Leslie Mankikian, avocate ; Association française des avocats et juristes arméniens (AFAJA) ; Syndicat des avocats de France (SAF) ;  Clause Edelman, coordinateur Turquie à Amnesty international ; Ahmet Kaya, Centre culturel kurde de Paris ; Association des journalistes et professionnel des médias d'origine arménienne (PAJNEL) ; Association ELENA France (Avocats liés au Conseil européen pour les réfugiés et éxilés) ; Gilles Piquois, avocat ; Sevan Karian, avocat ; Thierry Jacqmin, avocat ; Christine Martineau, avocate ; Benoit Dietsch, avocat ; Béatrice de Vareilles-Sommières, avocate ; Jean Viguen Manoukian, avocat ; Anne Le Tallec, avocate ;  Valérie Paulhac, avocate ; Naïra Zoroyan, avocate ; Vanessa Koszszanski, avocate ; Mamadou Samba Diallo, avocat ; David Noumssi, avocat ; Mathieu Oudin, avocat ; Isabelle Gaspar, avocat ; Michel Meyer, avocat ; Claire Boullery, avocate ; Bernard Mankikian, médecin anesthésiste-réanimateur ; Cécile Ostier, avocate ; Sylvain Saligari, avocat ; Souhila Nador, avocate ; Henri Guilmoto, avocat ; Lou Sarfati, avocate ; Marine Thisse, avocate ; Thomas Wendling, avocat ; Abdellah Bessaa, avocat ; Ryme Gasmi, avocat ; Seve Aydin-Izouli, avocat ; Dominique Monget-Saraïl, avocat ; Myriam Thomas, avocat ; Charlotte Sinoh, avocat ; Olivier Chemin, avocat ; Ferielle Kati, avocat ; Marie Paule De Clerck, avocate ; Emmanuel Cerf, avocat ; Abdullah Akagunuz, avocat ; Thomas Broche, avocat ; Aude Rimailho, avocat ; Marianne Lagrue, avocate, élue du Conseil national des barreaux de France ; Fabienne Baladine, avocate ; Erika Koenig, avocate ; Martin Pradel, avocat ; Anne Landois, scénariste ; Aimé Francis Bondoumbou, consultant, Frédérique Chartier, avocat : Kévork Apkaryan, anesthésiste ; Céline Apkaryan, juriste Nicolas Granon, enseignant ; Corinne Hovnanian, avocate . (Le Monde, 19 janvier 2011)

4 ans: les assassins de Hrant Dink  restent toujours impunis!

Une colombe de la paix est tombée martyre il y a quatre ans dans les rues d’Istanbul… Le journaliste arménien Hrant Dink a été assassiné lâchement le 19 janvier 2007 par des forces occultes de l'état profond turc.

"Qui que soit le tireur, nous sommes sûrs que derrière ce crime se trouvent l’ultranationalisme et le militarisme turcs, coupables impunis des génocides contre les peuples arméniens et assyriens" disions-nous dans un communiqué publié juste après l'assassinat.

En effet, pendant le procès du meurtrier mineur de Dink, il est clairement apparu que les services publics turcs étaient au courant du plan de cet assassinat et qu’ils couvraient les instigateurs.

Le 25 octobre 2010, les avocats de la famille Dink ont demandé à ce qu’une reconstitution des faits soit organisée, en présence du tireur Ogün Samast, sur les lieux de l’assassinat, dans le quartier de Sisli (Istanbul). Non seulement la 14e chambre de la cour pénale d’Istanbul a rejeté cette demande, mais elle a également décidé que Ogün Samast, âgé de 17 ans au moment des faits, serait désormais jugé par un tribunal pour enfants. Son dossier a donc été transféré à la cour pénale pour mineurs à Istanbul. Le procès du tireur ne reprendra que le 2 février 2011.

Or ce tireur qui a déjà avoué avec fierté son crime odieux devait être condamné depuis long temps. Pourquoi ce retard? Selon la loi sur les procédures pénales (CMK), un mineur ne peut être détenu plus de cinq ans s’il n’a toujours pas été reconnu coupable et que sa peine n’a pas été confirmée dans ces délais. Ogün Samast pourrait donc, en vertu de cette loi, être libéré en janvier 2012.

Le transfert du dossier d’Ogün Samast constitue un énième contretemps dans le procès qui doit déterminer les responsables de la mort du journaliste. Le 6 janvier 2011, l’avocate de Hrant Dink, Fethiye Cetin, a publié un rapport dénonçant les trop faibles avancées du procès. Selon elle, il ne fait aucun doute que les forces de police et la gendarmerie de Trabzon ainsi que la police d’Istanbul et les renseignements généraux ont tout fait pour dissimuler les pièces à convictions. Pièces  qui pourraient établir leur éventuelle implication dans cette affaire.

Elle a ainsi déclaré à Reporters sans frontières : “Le meurtre n’est pas l’affaire de trois ou cinq jeunes qui sont passés à l’acte, poussés par des sentiments nationalistes. On ne peut pas non plus parler de quelques fonctionnaires qui se sont infiltrés au sein de l’Etat pour éliminer Hrant Dink. L’Etat est impliqué à tous les niveaux, à commencer par l’état-major de l’armée, la justice, le gouvernement, les forces de l’ordre, les médias, les forces paramilitaires. Tous les acteurs politiques ont joué un rôle dans son meurtre, pour le dissimuler ou pour empêcher que les véritables responsables ne soient identifiés.”

Rappelons que le 14 septembre dernier, la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme a condamné la Turquie à verser 133.595 euros de dommages intérêts (y compris les frais et dépens) pour avoir manqué de protéger la vie de Hrant Dink, directeur de la publication de l’hebdomadaire Agos. La CEDH avait conclu à l’unanimité à la violation de l’article 2 (droit à la vie), 10 (droit à la liberté d’expression) et 13 (droit à un recours effectif).

A la veille de l'anniversaire de l'assassinat de Hrant Dink, le 9 janvier 2011, les forces progressistes et démocratiques sont choquées par la déclaration du premier ministre Tayyip Erdogan ordonnant publiquement la destruction d'un monument érigé à la frontière avec l'Arménie et dédié à la réconciliation entre les deux pays.

Cette prise de position scandaleuse du gouvernement d'Ankara suscite l'indignation tant en Turquie que dans les communautés arméniennes du monde.

Toutefois rappelons à cette occasion qu'en Belgique plusieurs négationnistes d'origine turque, élus sur les listes PS, MR et CDH, réclament depuis des années la destruction du "Khatchkar", monument dédié au génocide des Arméniens situé au square Michaux à Ixelles. Malgré cela, ils continuent à représenter ces partis politiques dans les instances régionales et communales.

C'est devant ce monument que l'Association des Arméniens Démocrates de Belgique organise un recueillement le mercredi 19 janvier 2011 à 19 heures à l'occasion du 4e anniversaire de l'assassinat de Hrant Dink. (Information: okmen_keni@hotmail.com)

D'ailleurs, se déroule actuellement à Berlin la semaine Hrant Dink organisée par une initiative berlinoise en coopération avec la Fondation internationale Hrant Dink à Istanbul et le Forum culturel Allemagne-Turquie à Cologne. (Voir: http://www.info-turk.be/389.htm#Berlin)

Dink Family Demand New Investigation

The family of slain journalist Hrant Dink submitted a petition to launch an investigation about officers of the Police and the Gendarmerie in Trabzon (eastern Black Sea coast) and Istanbul. The request comes four years after Dink, then Editor-in-Chief of the Armenian Agos newspaper, was assassinated in front of his office in Istanbul on 19 January 2007.

After the conviction of Turkey by the European Court of Human Rights regarding the murder of the Turkish-Armenian journalist, the Dink family requested to have a special authority prosecutor appointed for the investigation.

The petition was submitted by Dink's widow Rakel Dink, their grown up children Delal, Arat and Sera Dink and the journalist's brother, Hosrof Dink. They demand the investigation into the activities prior to the murder of 28 people from the Trabzon Gendarmerie, the Istanbul Police Directorate Anti-Terror Branch and the Trabzon Police Directorate Anti-Terror Branch; among them the former Governor of Istanbul, Muammer Güler, the former Istanbul Chief of Police, Celalettin Cerrah, the former Istanbul Chief of Security, İbrahim Pala, Ramazan Akyürek as the former Head of the Intelligence Department and the former Trabzon Chief of Police, Muhittin Zenit as a former officer of the Trabzon Police Intelligence Department and Colonel Ali Öz, the former Trabzon Gendarmerie Regiment Commander.

The ECHR had reached the opinion that the official authorities had information about an impending attack against Dink. Turkey was convicted by the Strasbourg court by reason of failure to prevent the murder although the Trabzon Police, the Trabzon Gendarmerie and the Istanbul Police had information about an imminent attempt on Dink's life.

According to the ECHR's decision, the official authorities should have assumed responsibility for the protection of Dink but did not take the necessary precautions to prevent the murder.

With their petition, the Dink family requested that domestic law abide by the decision of the ECHR. The petition read, "The suspects who assisted the perpetrators before the murder committed further crimes with the aim to conceal their role in the murder after it happened and to conceal the real perpetrators".

"The ECHR decision conveys the responsibility to launch a new investigation. The violation of an individual's right to life cannot merely be measured in compensation", the petition continued.

"If the suspects had evaluated the knowledge they obtained and had taken precautions, they would have prevented the murder of Hrant Dink. They did not. False documents were prepared, illegal statements were put forward, information and documents were concealed from the authorities during the investigation, subordinates were forced to give false statements and duties were neglected intentionally; all this was part of realising the action of killing a person as a result of an "organization". The crimes committed by the Tarbzon Gendarmerie officers have to be scrutinized in the scope of a new and complete investigation", it was requested in the petition. (BIA, Ayça SOYLEMEZ, 18 January 2011)

Journalist Şener Reveals Crucial Information on Dink Murder

Journalist Nedim Şener publishes his new book "Red Friday: Who broke Dink's pen" this week. This is his second publication on the background of the murder of the Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink. As reported by the Armenian Agos newspaper, a document included in the book provides evidence for the state's responsibility in the murder of Dink.

Dink, founder and Editor-in-Chief of the Agos newspaper, was gunned down in front of his office in Istanbul on 19 January 2007.

In 2008, Fethiye Çetin, joint attorney of the Dink family, requested the court trying the Hrant Dink murder case to investigate whether Dink had been threatened before he was killed.

The court sent an according writ to the Istanbul Police Directorate. The response signed by Ali Fuat, Head of the Police Intelligence Department, read, "No information could be received regarding threats against Fırat (Hrant) Dink in the days before he was killed". The reply of Selim Kutkan, Head of the Anti-Terror Branch (TEM), was in line with that. Apparently, the Istanbul Police did not find an according document in their archives.

A document included in Şener's latest publication apparently proves that the writings sent to court by the Intelligence Department and the Anti-Terror Branch distorted the truth. A document signed by Deputy Chief of Police Hakan Aydın Türkeli dated 2 March 2004 stated that Hrant Dink received death threats from the Islamist ultra-national Ülkücü group and from other individuals via the phone. Türkeli said that therefore security measures should be taken in front of Dink's house and the Agos office. Hence, the state knew about the threats against Hrant Dink. Şener's book provides evidence that the statement of the Istanbul Police saying that they "had no information about threats against Hrant Dink" was wrong.

Police: 'No information about threats'

The document signed by Deputy Chief of Police Türkeli in March 2004 officially states that Dink was threatened by unidentified persons who called him in the Agos newspaper office. The document requests precautions for Dink's home and office.

The court trying the Hrant Dink murder case sent a writ to the Police directorate on 1 May 2008. The court requested information on whether Dink had been threatened in the days before his death and if yes, how often. The court demanded an answer before the hearing on 7July 2008.

The answers from the Head of the Intelligence Department, Ali Fuat Yılmazer, and from TEM Branch Manager Kutkan were received on 24 June and 9 July 2008 respectively. Both writings stated that had no information about any threats in this context.

Lawyer Çetin: 'Dink received dozens of threats'

Şener's book also mentions a petition submitted to court by Fethiye Çetin, joint attorney of the Dink family. In 2008, she requested to investigate whether Dink had been threatened before he was killed. On 17 June 2008, she gave her statement to the Istanbul Anti-Terror Branch.

According to the book, she confirmed the threats against her client, "I was the legal advisor of Hrant Dink since February 2004. I know from that time onwards that Hrant Dink was threatened via the phone and e-mails and by protest groups that gathered in front of the Agos newspaper. He told me dozens of times that he was threatened that way. He only forwarded one of the threats to me in order to inform the prosecution about it. That threat reached him in a letter".

"The threat targeted himself, his son and Agos newspaper employee Serkis Seropyan. Since it was also against his family and the person who wrote it could be identified via the sender, he asked me to start legal procedures by applying to the prosecution. I officially applied in 2005 (...). Our referring petition is included in the file at the Istanbul 14th High Criminal Court. (BIA,  Erol ÖNDEROĞLU, 17 January 2011)

Living languages center founded in Diyarbakır

After the establishment of a living languages institute at Mardin Artuklu University in late 2009, the second such institute has been opened at Dicle University. The center, which will begin operations after final approval by the Higher Education Board (YÖK), will provide elective Kurdish, Syriac, Zaza and Arabic courses. The center will also open language courses to local residents.

Dicle University Secretary-General Professor Sabri Eyigün told the Anatolia news agency that Turkey and the southeastern region is very rich with respect to languages, indicating that it is the duty of universities to research these languages and provide data on them for the public. He added that YÖK is currently checking whether the university has completed necessary preparations regarding the center. “I expect that the board will approve the establishment of the center soon and that it will begin operating,” he said.

Noting that the university decided to establish a living languages center in the first phase, Eyigün said they considered opening a living languages department after training sufficient number of academics to be employed at the department. Stating that there is a lack of Kurdologists in Turkey, he said the center aims to train more experts in Syriac and Kurdish. Speaking Kurdish was banned in Turkey until 1991. ( TODAY’S ZAMAN, 19 January 2011)

L'Arménie dénonce le projet turc de détruire une statue de l'amitié

Les autorités arméniennes ont dénoncé vendredi l'initiative de la Turquie de détruire un monument érigé à la frontière avec l'Arménie et dédié à la réconciliation entre les deux pays.

Cette initiative "pourrait créer un nouvel obstacle au rapprochement entre l'Arménie et la Turquie", a déclaré le ministre arménien des Affaires étrangères, Edouard Nalbandian, lors d'une conférence de presse à Erevan.

Lors d'une visite dimanche dans la ville de Kars (est), le Premier ministre turc Recep Tayyip Erdogan avait qualifié la statue de "monstruosité" et demandé aux autorités locales de la démolir rapidement et de construire "un beau parc" à la place, selon les médias locaux.

La statue en béton, haute de 30 m et qui représente deux silhouettes face à face, est encore inachevée. Elle a été commandée par l'ex-maire de la ville pour symboliser la Turquie et l'Arménie, engagées depuis 2009 dans un difficile processus de réconciliation.

Le ministre turc de la Culture, Ertugrul Günay, a cependant affirmé que les propos de M. Erdogan avaient été mal interprétés et que les autorités turques n'avaient pas d'intention de démolir ce monument.

Répondant aux questions de journalistes à Istanbul, le ministre turc des Affaires étrangères Ahmet Davutoglu a assuré que les appréciations de M. Erdogan n'avaient pas de portée politique.

"Les remarques faites en Turquie n'ont absolument aucun rapport avec les relations turco-arméniennes. Les évaluations de notre Premier ministre étaient totalement d'ordre architectural, esthétique, elles n'avaient aucune dimension politique", a affirmé M. Davutoglu, cité par l'agence de presse Anatolie.

La Turquie et l'Arménie, divisées par la question des massacres d'Arméniens sous l'Empire ottoman (1915-1917), qu'Erevan entend voir reconnaître comme un génocide, ont signé en octobre 2009 deux protocoles prévoyant des relations diplomatiques et la réouverture de leur frontière commune. Mais le processus s'est enlisé dans des accusations mutuelles.

Erevan a gelé la ratification des accords car la Turquie insiste sur une résolution du conflit opposant l'Arménie et l'Azerbaïdjan autour du territoire azerbaïdjanais du Nagorny-Karabakh, de facto contrôlée par les Arméniens depuis un conflit armé et un cessez-le-feu en 1994. (AFP, 14 jan 2011)

Berlin: Semaine Hrant Dink du 13 au19 janvier 2011

A quelques jours du 4e anniversaire de l’assassinat à Istanbul de Hrant Dink, le Collectif VAN vous propose la traduction d’une annonce en allemand parue sur le site Hrant Dink Forum Berlin:

Hrant Dink, journaliste arménien et éditeur d’Istanbul, a été assassiné le 19 janvier 2007.

Dink croyait en la force de guérison du dialogue. Cependant, c’est exactement ce que les fascistes turcs voulaient empêcher, et ils ont organisé son meurtre. Mais ce fut un mauvais calcul. 100 000 personnes sont venues assister à ses funérailles, et plusieurs dizaines de milliers ont signé une déclaration dans laquelle ils s'excusaient auprès des Arméniens.

Pendant le procès du meurtrier mineur de Dink, il est apparu clairement que les services publics turcs étaient au courant du plan de cet assassinat - et qu’ils couvraient les instigateurs.

Un dialogue est indésirable du point de vue des responsables turcs. Jusqu'à aujourd'hui. Leur réticence se fait ressentir jusqu’en Allemagne : ici aussi, les Turcs prêts au dialogue se trouvent soumis à la pression.

Ainsi, quatre femmes et hommes d'origine turque ont créé "L’initiative berlinoise pour la fondation d'un Forum Hrant Dink". Son but : la première semaine berlinoise Hrant Dink doit initier un dialogue entre Turcs et Arméniens, dans l'espoir de pouvoir en tirer la force nécessaire pour fonder le Forum Hrant Dink.

Cette initiative se fait en coopération avec la Fondation internationale Hrant Dink à Istanbul et le Forum culturel Allemagne-Turquie à Cologne.

Programme :

"Hrant"

13 janvier 2011, 19h00

Tuba Çandar lira des extraits de sa nouvelle biographie qui porte le nom du journaliste Hrant Dink. L’auteur y décrit ses batailles et ses défaites. Une discussion suivra la lecture.

Adresse : Ballhaus Naunynstrasse - Naunynstr. 27, Berlin-Kreuzberg

"Souvenirs d’un passé commun"

14 janvier 2011, 18h30

Discussion avec les représentants de la paroisse arménienne, de l’association culturelle arménienne, de la fédération des Araméens d’Allemagne ainsi que de la communauté hellénique de Berlin.

Après 90 ans de silence, il y a-t-il encore des souvenirs communs ? Dans quelles mesures les cicatrices que l’on croit si différentes sont-elles similaires ? Un pays, une histoire et pourtant, autant de questions non posées sur le génocide qui a eu lieu à la fin de l'Empire ottoman.

Présentatrice : Adrienne Woltersdorf

Adresse : Abgeordnetenhaus von Berlin - Salle 311
Niederkirchnerstr. 5, Berlin-Mitte

"L’art empêché"

15 janvier 2011, 15h00

Une action artistique de et avec Mehmet Aksoy. Aksoy est le créateur du "monument de l'humanité" à Kars. La démolition menace son œuvre dédiée à la paix et à la compréhension entre les peuples, située à la frontière turco-arménienne.

Adresse : Kreuzberg Museum für Stadtentwicklung und Sozialgeschichte
Adalbertstraße 95A, Berlin-Kreuzberg

"De la semence des mots"

15 janvier 2011, 19h00

Lecture et discussion avec le correspondant de longue date en Turquie, Günter Seufert et l'artiste Tuncay Gary.

Dans son livre, De la semence des mots (Von der Saat der Worte), Günter Seufert a traduit des textes choisis de Hrant Dink et il nous offre ainsi une introduction au rêve de Dink, l’entente entre les peuples.

Présentateur : Daniel Bax, Journal Taz
Adresse : Tucholsky Buchhandlung Berlin
Tucholskystr. 47, Berlin-Mitte

"Les justices de mon père"

16 janvier 2011, 18h00

(D, 2003) – Un film de Karnik Gregorian

Au moyen de cinq plats qui symbolisent à chaque fois une période de la vie, le metteur en scène arménien Gregorian raconte de façon magistrale l'histoire dramatique de son père qui a perdu presque toute sa famille dans les massacres de 1938 en Anatolie et qui a ensuite été chassé du pays.

Adresse : Deutsch-Mesopotamisches Zentrum Friedrichstraße 246, Berlin-Kreuzberg

"Quand les histoires allemande, juive et arménienne se croisent"

18 janvier2011, 13.00-15h00

"Tour de la ville, en coopération avec Aktion Sühnezeichen Friedensdienste.

Dogan Akhanli nous emmène dans les lieux de recueillements berlinois. Akhanli, critique et militant des droits de l'homme, a été récemment libéré de prison en Turquie : le motif de sa détention était politique.

Point de rencontre : Hardenbergstr. 22-24, Berlin-Charlottenburg
À partir de 19h00 discussion avec Doğan Akhanli
Adresse: Narr-Bar - Böckhstr. 24, Berlin-Kreuzberg

Manifestation commémorative et de protestation à l'occasion du 4ème anniversaire du meurtre de Hrant Dink

19 janvier 2011, 18h00

Adresse : Kottbusser Tor, Adalbert- Ecke Reichenbergerstr. Berlin-Kreuzberg

©Traduction de l’allemand C.Gardon pour le Collectif VAN - 12 janvier 2011 - 07:20 - www.collectifvan.org

"Hate Crimes and Hate Speech" highlights use of speech by media

The Hrant Dink Foundation’s “Media Watch on Hate Speech” project, which brought together journalists, legal experts and civil society representatives for working meetings, seminars and workshops, highlighted hate speech and its widespread use by the Turkish media in a recently released report.

“Hate Crimes and Hate Speech,” published by the foundation, is a report that compiles the presentations of participants in the foundations’ workshops and seminars. The introduction by Rakel Dink, the wife of slain Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink, states that they wanted to show what discrimination, racism, hate and anger can lead to and how such actions can make people targets and destroy lives. “During one of the panels, when I remembered the provoking, hateful articles in the newspapers prior to my husband’s murder, when I thought about the times when those horrible threats were uttered, I also thought in pain and sorrow how my dear Çutag buried his fears and anxieties, trying to lead a normal life, how he tried to show as little as possible to those closest to him, even to me,” she states.

The foundation systematically scanned newspapers and articles that used hostile language The studyexamined 24 newspapers with high circulations, leaving aside their supplements. The most targeted groups were Turkish citizens of Kurdish and Armenian origin. Greeks, Christians in general and Jews were also often the subjects of news stories or columns that contained hate speech.

The study focused on negative language, defamation/insults, animosity/warlike discourse, exaggeration/ascribing/distorting and stereotyping when reading and examining articles. Three-quarters of the hate speech identified by the researchers was found in columns; the rest was found in news articles. The study examined newspapers published from August through November of last year. While hate speech easily found its way onto the pages of the H.O. Tercüman, Ortadoğu, Vakit, Yeniçağ, Sözcü and Türkiye dailies -- considered nationalist and conservative and somewhat marginal due the their limited circulation -- it was also found in the mainstream Hürriyet and Star dailies, although less so in the latter. (TODAY’S ZAMAN, 13 January 2011)

Erdogan ne veut pas d'une statue dédiée à l'amitié turco-arménienne

Le Premier ministre turc Recep Tayyip Erdogan a ordonné la destruction d'un monument érigé à la frontière avec l'Arménie et dédié à l'amitié entre les deux pays, une décision qui provoque la controverse, rapportent lundi les médias.

Lors d'une visite dimanche dans la ville de Kars (est), il a qualifié la statue de "monstruosité" et exhorté le maire local, qui est membre de son Parti de la justice et du développement (AKP, issu de la mouvance islamiste), de la démolir rapidement et de construire "un beau parc" à la place, précisent les journaux.

M. Erdogan a avancé des arguments esthétiques pour expliquer sa décision: "Ils ont érigé une monstruosité ici, c'est impensable au milieu de telles oeuvres d'arts" de la région, notamment des monuments islamiques datant du 10ème siècle, a-t-il souligné.

La statue en béton, haute de 30 m, est encore inachevée. Elle représente deux figures, mais en fait un seul être humain, déchiré en deux. Elle a été commandée en 2006 par l'ex-maire de la ville, lui aussi du parti au pouvoir d'Erdogan, pour mettre l'accent sur l'amitié entre la Turquie et l'Arménie, qui sont engagées depuis 2009 dans un difficile processus de réconciliation.

L'opposition pro-laïque a dénoncé les critiques de M. Erdogan.

Ercan Karakas, un ancien ministre de la Culture, a qualifié de "honte" le fait qu'un Premier ministre puisse attaquer un oeuvre d'art tournée vers l'amitié avec les Arméniens. "La sculpture n'est ni étrange ni laide," a-t-il commenté.

Le célèbre sculpteur Mehmet Aksoy a défendu son oeuvre sur la chaîne NTV et indiqué que si elle était démolie, le gouvernement islamo-conservateur serait mis au ban de la communauté internationale.

Cela constituera une "répétition de ce qu'ont fait les talibans en Afghanistan, en détruisant les statues de Bouddha" en 2001, dans la vallée de Bamiyan, a-t-il dit.

Lundi, le ministre de la Culture, Ertugrul Günay, a tenté d'atténuer la controverse, déclarant devant la presse qu"une solution serait recherchée avec les autorités locales et l'artiste.

L'Arménie et la Turquie sont en profond désaccord sur le caractère génocidaire ou pas des massacres d'Arméniens perpétrés sous l'empire ottoman, de 1915 à 1917.

Ils ont signé en 2009 des accords de réconciliation mais le processus est enlisé dans des accusations mutuelles.

Les éditorialistes s'interrogent sur la raison de cette sortie de M. Erdogan, qui est connu pour la virulence de ces déclarations publiques.

S'agit-il d'une manoeuvre électoraliste pour s'attirer les voix des nationalistes qui s'opposent à la réconciliation avec l'Arménie avant le scrutin parlementaire de cet été, se demandait notamment Ali Bayramoglu sur la chaîne d'information NTV. Sa réaction s'explique-t-elle par un souci de se conformer à l'Islam, qui interdit la représentation de l'image humaine, ou s'agit-il plus simplement de trancher dans un conflit entre élus locaux, s'interrogeait encore cet universitaire.

Pour Tarhan Erdem, du journal libéral Radikal, "un Premier ministre peut apprécier ou pas une sculpture (...) mais il n'a pas le droit d'ordonner sa démolition. Elle appartient au peuple, c'est lui qui décide". (AFP, 10 jan 2011)

Le patriarche oecuménique orthodoxe appelle Ankara à rouvrir un séminaire

Le patriarche oecuménique de Constantinople (l'actuelle Istanbul) Bartholomée Ier, chef spirituel de l'Eglise orthodoxe, a appelé lundi la Turquie à rouvrir une importante école de théologie fermée quarante ans plus tôt.

Bartholomée Ier a remercié le gouvernement, issu de la mouvance islamiste, pour ses récents efforts en faveur des minorités non musulmanes de Turquie, mais a souligné qu'il attendait d'avantage.

"Nous attendons de nouveaux pas. Bien sûr, nous attendons la réouverture de notre séminaire (...) Nous espérons que le gouvernement fera la preuve de sa bonne volonté sur cette question", a-t-il déclaré dans une allocution retransmise par les télévisions après avoir rencontré le vice-Premier ministre Bülent Arinç au patriarcat.

"Le gouvernement considère comme un devoir de satisfaire les demandes fondées de nos citoyens qui ont vécu sur ce sol depuis des siècles (...) Nous allons essayer de répondre (à ces demandes) selon les lois et, si nécessaire, en cherchant de nouveaux arrangements", a affirmé M. Arinç.

La dernière visite d'un homme d'Etat du niveau de M. Arinç au patriarcat remontait à 1952, selon l'agence Anatolie.

L'institut de théologie de Halki, situé sur une île près d'Istanbul, a été le principal centre d'éducation religieuse orthodoxe en Turquie pendant plus d'un siècle, avant d'être fermé par les autorités turques en 1971, en vertu d'une loi plaçant les universités sous le contrôle de l'Etat.

Sans lui, l'Eglise ne peut former son clergé, ce qui complique notamment la succession de Bartholomée Ier.

L'Union européenne, dont la Turquie souhaite devenir membre, demande depuis longtemps la réouverture de ce séminaire.

Des responsables turcs se sont dits favorables à la réouverture du séminaire mais ont indiqué que des problèmes procéduraux y faisaient obstacles, l'établissement ne correspondant à aucune catégorie du système d'enseignement turc.

En geste de bonne volonté à l'égard de sa minorité orthodoxe, Ankara a autorisé plusieurs prêtres étrangers à prendre la nationalité turc et a récemment restitué au patriarcat un orphelinat centenaire saisi en 1997. (AFP, 3 jan 2011)

Politique intérieure/Interior Politics

New year marks start of election campaign for political parties

President Abdullah Gül paid a two-day visit to the predominantly Kurdish city of Diyarbakır last week. The president chatted with locals as he toured the city.
The first month of the new year will also be the beginning of the election schedule. The nomination of deputy candidates is gaining momentum.
 
Most current deputies are trying to win the favor of their respective party leaders and constituents in order to guarantee their position. Leaders and party organizations, however, are interested in creating excitement among constituents during the campaign period by presenting new names.

All party administrations are giving priority to communicating warm massages to their constituents. Leaders are contemplating ways to appeal to new constituents while keeping the support of current constituents.

While the opposition’s style has forced the governing Justice and Development Party (AK Party) to determine new policies, the AK Party’s new initiatives have influenced the style of the entire opposition, particularly the Republican People’s Party (CHP), the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) and the Peace and Democracy Party (BDP). The CHP is giving the impression that, in contrast to the neo-nationalist, secular and ideological discourse it used during the 2007 general elections, it is going to adopt a promise-filled populist policy.

While the MHP suggests it will continue with its “the nation is being divided, the land is being sold” national discourse, the BDP has made it very clear that instead of becoming a Turkey party, it will try to maintain its strength in the region by using an ethnic nationalist discourse.

A positive atmosphere to solve the country’s chronic problems, including the Kurdish problem and terrorism, implies a shrinkage, a loss of votes and defeat in elections for the MHP and the BDP. The possibility of losing the advantages of being a party with a group in Parliament is a nightmare for leaders and executives in both parties.

The exposure of several plans involving suicide bomb attacks and terrorist attacks in advance and the lack of sensational solder funerals like those before 2007 will enable voters to be more rational in the 2011 June elections and to put emotion and ethnic identity aside.

AK Party executives want an election campaign period that is based on rationality. This is why it is developing projects to encourage people to act rationally.

In contrast, the leader of the CHP, which seeks to increase votes by using “emotional rhetoric” that appeals to low-income families, isn’t even uttering the words “Kurdish” or “Alevi” for the sake of not conducting politics over ethnicity or religion. Both the MHP and BDP administrations prefer to use harsh discourse and unusual demands to justify their positions.

Although Prime Minister Erdoğan’s stance in the bilingualism debate might have pleased the BDP slightly, it prevented the MHP from taking advantage of the situation. AK Party executives are developing projects that are based on “practices and solutions instead of tension.”

Some of the projects have the potential of influencing CHP, MHP and BDP constituents as well.

With approaches aimed at eliminating the foundation for military coups, the government aspires to win the support of all coup victims in Turkey. AK Party lawyers are determined to not disclose too much information about their strategy. Examples of legal restorations in other countries that have experienced military coups were researched before preparing the “Post-Coup Legal Restoration” project. Financial losses caused by the coup will be compensated for and the state will give a “certificate” of apology to all victims. The reinstatement of rights will be granted to those who were tortured. The nation has been longing for an election campaign that is free from the shadow of violence. If this longing is fulfilled, the campaign period will be very colorful.

Opposition’s economy threat to be disregarded

Another important development that would have required credit rating agencies to improve Turkey’s credit rating was going to take place. One of the most important events of the year was going happen at the very beginning of 2011. One of the few agreements made between the governing party and the opposition parties in 2010 was to change basic laws.

We are talking about the Trade Law, the Debt Law and the Civil Procedures Law. Global investors are more interested in the amendment of these laws than the grades of credit rating agencies. That is because the laws currently do not meet the needs and cause a substantial waste of resources and time.

The long-awaited compromise between parties on basic laws, which does not have a political aspect and is solely related to the economy, was not broken. However, the CHP and MHP spokespersons, followed by that of the BDP, threatened to break the agreement.

The CHP and the MHP oppose the addition of an article related to the Ergenekon process into the “sack law,” a term used to describe a package of amendments to various laws. Taking their demand into consideration, AK Party executives retreated. The BDP has threatened to withdraw its support from the amendments unless the government takes action on providing Treasury funding to political parties and reduces the election threshold. AK Party executives who spoke with Cafe Capital stress that they will not take the BDP’s demands and threats seriously. When asked what would happen if the BDP blocks the basic laws, they said: “A party that conducts politics for Turkey cannot prevent the amendment of basic laws after a compromise has been ensured. If they do, we will bring the law back to the commission and explain the situation to the nation.”

AK Party executives, excited and eager to amend the basic laws, are also very determined not to disturb political stability.

President Abdullah Gül’s Diyarbakır visit no ordinary trip

In contrast to previous presidents, President Abdullah Gül not only visits other countries to help with Turkey’s foreign policy and foreign trade objectives, but also visits various parts of Turkey. It is known that he aims to visit all 81 provinces. All these visits have symbolic value. His visit to Tunceli and his humble attitude at the cemevi there have made him very popular with the Alevi population.

His visit to Diyarbakır occurred in the midst of the “dual language, autonomy” tension. Gül’s sincere attitude toward democratic rights and his determined stance against illegal activities and rhetoric that make it difficult to find a solution found great appreciation. While Gül’s “good things are going to happen” remark kick started the Kurdish initiative, he has helped 2010 be remembered as a positive year in addressing the Kurdish problem and encouraged people to enter the new year with new hopes for a solution. The end of the year is also an opportunity for both leaders and the people to reflect on the time that has passed.

Reflecting on one of the most critical problems in the country as a leader, Gül asked the people to do some reflecting as well. Asking people to put their hands on their hearts, Gül asked, “Did nothing positive happen at all?” His question was in fact an expression of anger at the display of a harsh attitude that made it seem as though nothing positive had happened.

Politics is the art of solving problems. But sometimes problems become the end instead of the means that politics is supposed to solve. This is partially why the Kurdish problem has become so complex and hence why Gül’s sincere attitude was important. His neutral stance and his kind and sincere attitude as well as his call for moderation were all effective in the support he received.

The visit, which marked the end of the period in which concerns of separation were increasing due to the “dual language, autonomy” debates, fulfilled a mission beyond making ordinary visits to different parts of the country. (TODAY’S ZAMAN,  ALİ ASLAN KILIÇ, 3 January 2011)  

Forces armées/Armed Forces

Military high administrative court rejects YAŞ victims’ appeals                

The Military High Administrative Court (AYİM) recently rejected appeals filed by ex-officers who were dismissed from the military following Supreme Military Council (YAŞ) decisions despite a recent constitutional amendment that opened YAŞ rulings to further judicial review, which was not possible previously.

Hundreds of officers known to be practicing Muslims were dismissed in the late 1990s by YAŞ during its twice yearly meetings to decide on dismissals and promotions following the Feb. 28, 1997 unarmed military intervention that overthrew a coalition government led by an Islamist party. Most officers were dismissed on the grounds of ambiguous accusations such as “lack of discipline.” At the time none of the officers could file appeals against YAŞ decisions as it was considered the final verdict in legal terms. On Sept. 12 of last year a national referendum resulted in the adoption of a constitutional amendment package that included opening YAŞ rulings to judicial appeal. If appeals by dismissed officers are found to be valid by the military court, they may have their health care and retirement entitlements reinstated.

Recently, former Col. Yümrü Dike and former navy NCO Ahmet Türkan appealed their dismissals. However, the 1st Chamber of AYİM overturned their appeals, saying the two men had been expelled from the military “before the constitutional amendments were adopted.”

However, an appeal filed by an NCO dismissed in 1997 by the Ankara 2nd Regional Administrative Court -- a civilian court -- was accepted. The court demanded testimony from the Ministry of Defense elaborating on the rationale behind the dismissal. The court ruled for the reinstatement of social security and retirement benefits, emphasizing in its decision that the legal basis for the process that had been applied in the case of the litigating NCO no longer existed after the constitutional amendment. The decision was sent to the Defense Ministry on Dec. 28, 2010.

Col. Celal Işıklar, an AYİM 1st Chamber judge, ruled to reject the appeals by Dike and Türkan. In its statement about the ruling, the court cited a very interesting reason. As the new law states that the officers had to apply within the first 60 days of their dismissal -- which was not possible at the time -- the applicants had failed to meet the time limit, therefore their appeals could not be accepted. However, the same court also rejected other applicants who filed timely appeals, basing its reasoning on the non-existence of legislation complying with the constitutional amendments. With this ruling, AYİM has closed the doors to all YAŞ victims. These individuals who have been waiting for the restoration of their reputations as well as social welfare benefits now have to wait for the government to pass laws that will harmonize the current legislation with the newly adopted changes.

A former AYİM member, retired judge Col. Veysi Savaş, commented that this was an extremely erroneous decision. “While it is obvious that the day of filing an appeal starts with the end of the no-appeal situation for YAŞ decisions, this is a shameful decision in the name of law. This is only proof of AYİM making its rulings on the basis of orders from military superiors.”

Retired Col. Durmuş Türemen, a lawyer, said: “AYİM obviously attempted to make its decision here appear as if it was in line with the law, exploiting the legal gap that has occurred as a result of the failure to pass the necessary laws to harmonize with the constitutional amendments. The only thing that can solve these is the harmonization laws that will be passed in this field.”

The officers dismissed during the Feb. 28 process were expelled from the military for praying five times a day and other behavior that confirmed their piousness, including wearing silver wedding bands as the wearing of gold is forbidden for men in Islam. They were suspected of “religious fundamentalism” because of their religious inclinations. Their dismissals not only meant losing their jobs, but also their social security entitlements.

Retired judge Maj. Yusuf Çağlayan said AYİM should have waited for the new laws harmonizing the current legislation with the constitutional changes. In fact, some of the applicants later petitioned the court asking for a suspension of the decision on their case until after the new laws were passed, but the court ignored these petitions and punished the YAŞ victims once again. Çağlayan said: “This ruling is in contrast with earlier rulings from the same court in the past rejecting appeals on the grounds that YAŞ decisions were closed to further judicial review. The court has placed itself at odds with itself with this new decision.” (TODAY’S ZAMAN, 27 January 2011)

Conscientious Objector's Relatives Also Persecuted

Five people are facing trial over charges of "alienating the public from the military service" on the grounds of their support for conscientious objector Enver Aydemir when they attended the hearing of Aydemir in 2010.

The defendants include Aydemir's father Ahmet Aydemir as well as his lawyer Davut Erkan. They are tired under Article 318 of the Turkish Criminal Law (TCK).

In the indictment, Public Prosecutor Hasan Ali Aydın based the charges of "propaganda and attending an event that alienated the public from military service" on the slogans shouted during a press release made at Aydemir's hearing on 21 January 2010.

Some of these slogans were "Conscientious objectors for peace", "Nobody is born as a soldier" or "Release Enver Aydemir".

Aydemir's father and lawyer Erkan are tried together with writer Fatih Tezcan, director Mehmet Atak and conscientious objector Halil Savda. The first hearing is scheduled for 12 April.

A further 19 people stood trial for organizing an event in Ankara to show solidarity for Aydemir. The prosecutor had pled for their acquittal. Nevertheless, Volkan Sevinç was handed down a 1.5 year prison sentence; Gökçe Otlu Sevimli, Halil Savda and Zarife Ferda Çakmak were each sentenced to imprisonment of six months each.

Conscientious objector İnan Suver still in prison

Aydemir, conscientious objector for religious reasons, was released in June 2010 after three years of torture, oppression and punishments. Kurdish conscientious objector İnan Suver is still detained at the Kütahya Gediz Prison.

Turkey is one of three countries among 28 NATO member states and 47 members of the Council of Europe that do not recognize the right to conscientious objection. According to the Turkish Pacifists website, there are about 300 conscientious objectors in Turkey. In a press release issued in Istanbul on 24 January, it was announced that another 63 people refused to do their military service.

Policemen exempt from military service, conscientious objectors on trial

The discussion on a "New Constitution" does not touch upon a regulation for "conscientious objection". A regulation regarding the exemption of police officers from military service will be enforced in the coming week though.

Minister of the Interior Beşir Atalay announced, "There are currently about 38,000 police officers who are not doing their military service. Another 2,500 police officers are doing their military service right now. Those ones will be discharged as soon as the law has been enforced. After that, police officers will entirely be exempt from military service". (BIA, 25 January 2011)

Three commands cooperated to stage Sledgehammer coup

The 1st Army Command, the Air Forces War Academy Command and the Naval Forces Command cooperated to stage the planned Sledgehammer coup, according to CDs and documents labeled “confidential” found hidden at the Gölcük Naval Command in early December by police.

The CDs and documents have made their way into folders of evidence related to the Sledgehammer case. The folders were distributed to the lawyers of Sledgehammer suspects on Wednesday. The CDs and documents were found to include copies of the Sledgehammer plan, as well as the Oraj (Thunderstorm), Suga, Sakal (Beard) and Çarşaf (Chador) plans -- all subplots in the Sledgehammer plan.

Sledgehammer mentions a systematic plan by the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) to create chaos in society by bombing mosques and attacking popular museums with Molotov cocktails. The desired result was to increase pressure on the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government following the government’s apparent failure to provide security to its citizens. The attacks were to eventually lead to a military coup.

According to the documents, the heads of the three commands in 2003 -- Gen. Çetin Doğan of 1st Army Command, Gen. İbrahim Fırtına of the War Academy Command and Adm. Özden Örnek of the Naval Forces Command -- worked in close cooperation to stage the coup. They set up “special teams” for the planned coup from their staff and trained them for the post-coup period.

Doğan is believed to be the mastermind behind the coup plan and is currently the prime suspect in the Sledgehammer case. He was arrested last year but was released due to reasons of health. There are 195 suspects in the case, all of whom are active duty and retired members of the military. Prosecutors are demanding up to 20 years in prison for each suspect on charges of a failed attempt to destroy Parliament and government.

In a confidential document prepared on Feb. 21, 2003, Örnek ordered his staff to prepare a team to replace employees in top positions at government offices after the staging of the coup. The team would also be responsible for determining which members of the military would be expelled from the TSK after the coup.

On Örnek’s orders, Col. Cem Gürdeniz prepared separate lists of naval officers who would play an important role both before and after the coup.

In addition, Fırtına sent a directive to senior officers at the War Academies Command in February 2003, ordering them to prepare plans for providing food and clothing first to military members and then to civilians in the country after the Sledgehammer coup is staged.

Parliament would be forced to declare martial law

Documents seized from the Gölcük command also suggest that the junta planned to put pressure on Parliament to persuade deputies to declare martial law in Turkey.

The plan belonged to the War Academy Command and was drawn up in 2003. It is believed to be part of the Sledgehammer coup plan.

According to the plan Parliament would be forced to accept the fact that the trend of reactionaryism is on the rise, which presents a threat Atatürk’s principles and Turkey’s secular order. “Heavy responsibility falls on the armed forces for the protection of the republic, established by Atatürk. The War Academy Command will be fulfilling its responsibilities,” the plan read.

The document also said the command needed the support of Parliament for a declaration of martial law and that deputies would be forced to declare it.

In the meantime, a separate document suggested that now-jailed Col. Cemal Temizöz categorized many civil servants, teachers and ordinary citizens according to their ideological and religious tendencies when he was serving in Tekirdağ.

Temizöz was arrested last year on charges of conspiracy to commit murder and membership in an armed organization. He was the commander of the gendarmerie in Cizre between 1993 and 1995. At that time there were 55 unsolved murders in the area, and the people of the region strongly believed that all of them were organized by Temizöz. The prosecution is demanding nine consecutive life sentences for the colonel.

The same document also shows that the colonel prepared a list of people “to-be-arrested” in Tekirdağ following the execution of the planned coup. (Today's Zaman, January 22, 2011)

L’entreprise militaire OYAK possède plus de 20 milliards de LT

La colossale entreprise turque dirigée par l’armée est sur le point de perdre son statut de privilégiée. Dorénavant, elle devra entrer en compétition avec d’autres entreprises sur un pied d’égalité. Un changement rendu possible grâce à de récentes évolutions administratives et législatives pour réformer l’économie turque.
                                                                                                              
Malgré tous les efforts de son lobby, le centre d’assistance aux forces armées turques (OYAK) n’a pas réussi à convaincre le gouvernement d’annuler la décision de l’autorité publique de passation de marché (KIK) qui tend à supprimer les privilèges de l’entreprise militaire.

La structure de l’OYAK est unique en son genre dans le monde. Alors qu’en Iran, les Gardiens de la révolution ont plus de cinquante entreprises qui se chargent de l’énergie et des transports, l’OYAK a plus de soixante entreprises travaillant dans des domaines très divers comme les cadres de lits ou les mines. Contrairement aux Gardiens de la révolution, l’OYAK agit dans tous les domaines de l’économie et contrôle plus de 20 milliards de livres turques de capitaux investissant dans des pays comme la Roumanie, Chypres, l’Espagne ou les Pays Bas. En Egypte, au Pakistan, en Syrie et dans plusieurs autres pays, les armées sont connues pour posséder des entreprises mais aucune d’entre elles n’est aussi omniprésente qu’OYAK.

Le rapport de la fondation des études économiques et sociales (TESEV) a révélé qu’OYAK, pur produit du coup militaire de 1980, bénéficiait d’un statut privilégié depuis 49 ans.

Afin de remédier au manque de transparence des dépenses militaires, le gouvernement a amendé la loi sur la Cour des comptes pour qu’elle puisse superviser une partie de ces dépenses. Cela perturbe OYAK qui jusqu’à présent était contrôlée par des organismes indépendants et publiait les résultats sur son site web.

Mais en raison d’une modification tardive de la loi par le gouvernement, une partie importante des dépenses militaires a de nouveau été exclue de la juridiction de la Cour des comptes. Ce qui n’a pas manqué de susciter une grande vague de critiques dans l’opinion publique. (Today's Zaman, Ercan Yavuz, January 20, 2011)

Intellectuals, including Dink, among ‘targets’ of junta

Confidential documents seized from the Gölcük Naval Command that detail the Sledgehammer coup plan suggest that the junta hoped to kill many leading intellectuals in Turkey, including slain Armenian-Turkish journalist Hrant Dink.

Among other “targets” of the junta were Greek Orthodox Patriarch Bartholomew I, Sabah columnist Nazlı Ilıcak, Star columnist Professor Mehmet Altan, Milliyet columnist Taha Akyol, Bugün columnist Toktamış Ateş and former Yeni Şafak columnist Fehmi Koru. The names were included in a Sledgehammer document titled “Operation Teams and Tasks.” The document bears the signature of Maj. Hanifi Yıldırım. All targets were to be killed due to their expected opposition to the planned coup.

Coup plotters planned to assassinate opponents of the planned coup using professional gendarmes under separate action plans. One of the plans, titled Orak (Grass Hook), centered on killing Armenian members of the Turkish press. Among them were Dink, Zaman columnist Etyen Mahçupyan and Taraf columnist Sevan Nişanyan. Dink was gunned down on Jan. 19, 2007 in broad daylight in front of the headquarters of the bilingual Armenian weekly Agos, where he was editor-in-chief.

Non-Muslim religious figures and businessmen were to be killed under the Sakal (Beard) Plan. The targets were Bartholomew I, Armenian Patriarch Mesrob Mutafyan and former Vatican representative George Marovic. Rightist intellectuals to stand against the planned coup, including Ilıcak, Koru, sociologist Ali Bulaç and Bugün columnist Ahmet Taşgetiren, were also to be killed under the Yumruk (Fist) plan. The Kürek (Spade) plan detailed the killing of left-wing figures such as Ateş, Milliyet columnist Hasan Cemal and Hürriyet columnist Cüneyt Ülsever. Anti-coup liberals Altan, Akyol, Yeni Şafak columnist Ali Bayramoğlu and Sabah columnist Mehmet Barlas were also to be assassinated in accordance with the Testere (Saw) plan. Six commanders would control non-Muslims during martial law

Other Sledgehammer documents suggest that the junta planned to appoint six senior military officers to control non-Muslims and their activities in Turkey after the staging of the planned coup.

The plan was devised by Capt. Cenk Hatunoğlu. It was titled Oraj Air Operation Plan, Issues Regarding the Control of Non-Muslims and the Patriarch. According to the plan, non-Muslims and the Greek Orthodox patriarch would be controlled in accordance with the Martial Law Command to be established after the coup. Six senior military officers would be responsible for controlling all the activities of non-Muslims and the patriarch.

The plan dates back to Feb. 3, 2003 and was updated on Feb. 16, 2003. (Today's Zaman, January 20, 2011)

Defense giants compete in Turkish tender for long-range missiles

An armed Patriot air defense missile launcher is seen in this photo at Tatoi military air base in Athens.
Behemoths of the defense industry, including Italian, Russian, French, Chinese, US and Israeli companies, are vying for the $4 billion dollar tender by which Turkey will acquire long-range missile defense systems; however, due to problems in bilateral relations, French and Israeli companies do not seem likely to win the contract.
 
Turkey is planning to purchase four long-range missile defense systems capable of destroying missile threats before entering Turkish airspace. As Russian and Chinese companies did not file a bid for the Turkish Long Range Air and Missile Defense System (T-LORAMIDS) tender, the dateline for bid submission was extended until Dec. 1, 2009. However, at the end of 2010, the tender has still not been completed and it will be held within the first three months of 2011.

Turkey decided to acquire long-range missile defense systems in 2008, but the project was postponed due to NATO’s missile defense system project.

Turkish officials thought that the country would not need another defense system if NATO installed its system in Turkey. However, during the Lisbon Summit, NATO decided only to install radar systems in Turkey so Turkey sped up its efforts to establish its own missile defense system.

Italian company weakened by French

Americans plan to offer Patriots, the Russians S-400s, the Chinese FD-2000s and the French-Italian joint venture Eurosam SAMP/Ts for the tendered long-range missile defense system. Eurosam’s Italian partner MBDA promises to do technology transfers with Turkey if they win the contract.

The Italian company even assures Turkey that it will be able produce and sell missiles under its license terms, thanks to this technology transfer. They also claim that their missile defense system can be easily integrated with NATO’s defense systems.

The newly developed system that Eurosam is offering to sell is also used by the UK, Italy and France. Under this system, all missiles can be launched within 10 minutes after a target is determined. Eurosam consists of the French Thales and the Italian and French MBDA companies. However, Turkey has adopted a principled stance to prevent French companies from winning tenders in Turkey. The Undersecretariat for Defense Industries (SSM) is cool to the Italian company’s attractive offer because of its French partner.

Italian company trying hard

The Italians are aware that their French partner will make it hard for them to win the tender so they have made an additional offer. They say that they will lend their support for Turkey’s full membership in the Organization for Joint Armament Cooperation (OCCAR), where Turkey currently enjoys observer status.

OCCAR is considered the most influential organization in weapons procurement and sales. Some countries, including Germany, long ago stopped selling heavy weapons to Turkey, citing the country’s counterterrorism efforts. Turkey believes that its membership in this organization will help to lift this embargo.

Russian Rosoboronexport, which manufactures the S-300 missiles currently possessed by Greece and Greek Cyprus, is planning to offer S-400s, which are more advanced forms of S-300s, to Turkey. Turkey, however, has security concerns about these systems as they are also possessed by Greece and Greek Cypriots. Moreover, the Russian company has not made any promises regarding joint production.

In addition, the Italian company claims that the Russian S-400 system and the Chinese FD-2000 system are not compatible with NATO standards.

The disadvantage of PAC-3

The Patriot PAC-3 system, produced by the US firm Raytheon, is the latest US offering for a medium and long-range guided air defense system. PAC-3s are considered the improved versions of the Patriots -- used during the Gulf War -- and PAC-2s.

In this system, a 73-kilogram cluster and explosive warhead hits and destroys the targeted missile. Turkey is attracted by the fact that this system can be integrated with the Airborne Warning and Control System (AWACS) aircraft. However, the US administration is not keen on the idea of technology transfer with Patriots, and this certainly makes it difficult for Turkey to make a decision.

Although it was scheduled for December, the long-range missile defense system tender, it seems, will be postponed to early 2011 due to the array of attractive proposals as well as intensive lobbying efforts from the countries involved. Thus, the tender will likely conclude within the first three months of 2011.

Turkey is planning to install the defense systems in four different regions and may add two additional systems if need be. However, it is said that Turkey wants these two systems to be produced jointly. Of the four systems to be installed in the Turkish territories by 2012, Ankara and İstanbul will each have one, while the locations for the remaining two systems remain confidential. There are speculations that one may be installed in eastern Anatolia while the other may be placed in a coastal city in the Mediterranean region.

No chance for Israel

Turkish-Israeli relations, strained to a great extent when Israel killed eight Turkish citizens and one Turkish-American in a raid on a Gaza-bound aid flotilla, are making things hard for Israeli companies. The Israeli weapons companies will have to just sit and watch the $4 billion contract, as they are aware that they cannot bid for the tender.

Accordingly, it is the Israeli weapons manufacturing companies that most desire the quick recovery of Turkish-Israeli relations. In the event of such a recovery, experts note, Israel’s ARROW 3 missiles may stand a good chance of winning the contract.

South African Denel, too, shows interest in the long-range missile defense system. However, this company does not have much chance in the tender. Thus, a competition is expected between US, Russian, Chinese and Italian firms, while the Italian firm, in making good offers to Turkey, seems to have a slightly better chance. (TODAY’S ZAMAN, ERCAN YAVUZ, 2 January 2011)  

376 killed in clashes in 2010

According to People's Defense Force's (HPG) statistics 376 soldiers and guerrillas lost their lives in clashes in 2010.

The statistics released by the HPG today shows at least 283 Turkish soldiers were killed in 195 different military operations in Kurdistan. 93 Kurdish guerrillas also lost their lives.

HPG said Kurdish guerrillas maintained their ceasefire position and always maneuvered to avoid any clashes with the Turkish army. "Turkish army intensified its operations after declaration of ceasefire" HPG statement said.

HPG also said there were no unprovoked attacks by the Kurdish guerrillas against Turkish forces. "Our attacks were only retaliatory attacks" HPG added.

The statement warned Turkish army for any attacks against guerrillas saying that HPG forces will not hesitate to respond militarily. (ANF, 30 December 2010)

Affaires religieuses/Religious Affairs

Arrestation d'un Saoudien militant présumé d'Al-Qaïda

Un Saoudien, visé par un mandat d'arrêt international pour ses liens supposés avec le réseau Al-Qaïda, a été arrêté à Adana dans le sud de la Turquie, a annoncé vendredi l'agence Anatolie citant la police.

Le suspect, désigné par les initiales W.B., a été arrêté en compagnie d'un Turc au cours d'une opération lancée sur la foi d'une information prévenant qu'un militant d'Al-Qaïda se trouvait à Adana et qu'il préparait une action violente dont la nature n'a pas été précisée.

Le Saoudien, qui était en possession d'un faux passeport, était sous le coup d'un mandat d'arrêt international pour des accusations de terrorisme portées contre lui dans son pays.

Un tribunal d'Adana a ordonné que le Saoudien soit placé en détention, et que le Turc soit libéré.

La police turque traque régulièrement les partisans présumés d'Al-Qaïda depuis une série d'attentats suicide au camion piégé qui avaient fait un total de 63 morts, dont le consul britannique, à Istanbul en novembre 2003. Les attentats avaient visé deux synagogues, puis le consulat et une banque britanniques.

Une cellule turque d'Al-Qaïda a été considérée comme responsable des attentats. Sept hommes ont été emprisonnés à vie en 2007 pour ces attentats, dont un Syrien qui les avait conçus et financés. (AFP, 21 jan 2011)

Perquisition dans les réseaux islamistes après la disparition de suspects

La police turque a arrêté au moins 18 personnes lors de perquisitions samedi d'associations proches d'un groupe islamiste radical, le Hezbollah turc, après la disparition de plusieurs de ses membres poursuivis pour meurtre, a annoncé l'agence Anatolie.

Dix-sept personnes suspectées de liens avec le groupe ont été arrêtées dans les provinces d'Adana et de Mersin (sud), a déclaré le gouverneur d'Adana Ilhan Atis, cité par Anatolie.

Une autre personne a été arrêtée à Izmir (ouest), a-t-il ajouté.

Anatolie avait précédemment annoncé l'arrestation de 32 personnes, mentionnant également la province de Gaziantep (sud).

Ces raids font suite à la disparition de neuf suspects membres du Hezbollah turc, organisation sans lien avec le Hezbollah libanais, qui devaient être jugés pour une série de meurtres, mais ont été libérés récemment en vertu d'une nouvelle loi qui limite la détention préventive à dix ans.

Un mandat d'arrêt a été délivré contre eux vendredi, ces suspects ne s'étant pas présentés à la police, mais il a été impossible de les retrouver, selon Anatolie.

Ils pourraient avoir fui vers l'Iran ou la Syrie, selon les médias turcs.

Actif surtout dans le sud-est de la Turquie, le groupe est considéré par les autorités turques comme une organisation terroriste qui cherche à remplacer l'Etat laïc par un régime islamiste.

Son chef a été tué en janvier 2000 dans des affrontements avec la police.

Puis quelque 70 cadavres de victimes du Hezbollah, qui auraient été enlevés et torturés, avaient été découverts dans des charniers dans le pays.

Le système judiciaire turc, fréquemment critiqué pour sa lenteur, garde les suspects en prison pendant de nombreuses années, avec des procédures qui durent parfois plus d'une décennie. (AFP, 15 jan 2011)

Nouvelles restrictions contre l'alcool, les laïcs dénoncent

Les nouvelles restrictions apportées par les autorités sur la consommation d'alcool en Turquie, dirigée par un gouvernement islamo-conservateur, ont suscité la polémique, le camp laïc dénonçant une atteinte aux libertés individuelles, rapporte mercredi la presse.

L'autorité turque de régulation du marché des tabacs et alcools (TAPDK) à publié la semaine dernière une directive controversée imposant certaines restrictions supplémentaires à la vente d'alcool et du tabac, notamment en ce qui concerne la publicité.

Mehmet Küçük, le président de TAPDK a expliqué sur la chaîne NTV que la directive visait notamment "à protéger les jeunes" des effets néfastes de l'alcool et affirmé qu'elle "n'a aucune dimension idéologique".

Les produits alcoolisés devront être placés dans un endroit spécifique des commerces de détail et la vente de bouteilles de moins de 20cl sera interdite.

L'alcool sera banni aussi des concerts et des festivals de musique réservés aux jeunes dans un pays où pourtant l'achat de boissons alcoolisées est autorisé à partir de 18 ans.

Les boissons alcoolisées ne pourront en outre être données sous forme de cadeau ou à titre de promotion d'une marque.

La presse libérale et le principal parti d'opposition pro-laïc, celui républicain du peuple (CHP) ont déploré une "atteinte à la démocratie".

"Nous voyons qu'une mentalité oppressive tente de contrôler la Turquie", a estimé Mehmet Akif Hamzaçebi, un dirigeant du CHP, cité par l'agence Anatolie.

"L'objectif est clair: rendre difficile la vie des gens voulant boire un coup et les forcer à changer leur mode de vie", selon un éditorialiste du journal à sensibilité laïque Hürriyet.

Depuis l'arrivée au pouvoir en 2002 du Parti de la justice et du développement (AKP, issu de la mouvance islamiste), la question de la consommation d'alcool en Turquie cristallise les tensions entre laïcs et musulmans conservateurs.

Hüseyin Celik, un porte parole de l'AKP, a rejeté mercredi devant la presse les critiques, affirmant que la directive n'était en rien différente de celles appliquées par d'autres pays du monde, notamment les Etats-Unis.

Selon des études, les lieux de consommation se sont réduits, en Anatolie surtout et dans les grandes villes, en raison de la "pression du quartier", exercée par ceux qui veulent imposer un mode de vie musulman et les restrictions bureaucratiques imposées par les autorités locales et gouvernementales. (AFP, 12 jan 2011)

Des islamistes extrémistes libérés en vertu d'une nouvelle loi

Un tribunal d'Istanbul a libéré de prison mardi huit personnes connues pour leur extrémisme islamiste en vertu d'une nouvelle loi qui limite à dix ans l'incarcération des détenus en l'absence de condamnation, a rapporté l'agence de presse Anatolie.

Parmi ces détenus figure Haci Inan, chef supposé de l'"aile militaire" du Hezbollah turc, une organisation islamiste illégale qui n'a pas de parenté avec ses homonymes libanais et iranien, arrêté et écroué en mai 2.000, précise l'agence.

La disposition sur la procédure pénale qui est entrée en vigueur le premier jour de l'an stipule qu'une personne inculpée et incarcérée pour appartenance à une organisation criminelle notamment ne peut être détenue au delà de dix ans et exige que la procédure judiciaire qui la vise se termine dans ce délai maximum.

La Turquie est souvent épinglée par les organisations internationales pour la lenteur et la longueur excessive de ses placements en détention et procès.

Dix autre membres présumés du Hezbollah turc, dont deux dirigeants, ainsi que cinq membres présumés du Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK) ont été relâchés tard lundi d'une prison de Diyarbakir (sud-est) en vertu de cette loi réformée qui pourrait concerner 57.000 détenus, dont des mafieux présumés, selon la presse.

Organisation islamiste fondée dans les années 1980, le Hezbollah turc est aujourd'hui démembré par des opérations de police. Son chef a été abattu par la police à Istanbul en 2000.

Les forces de sécurité ont alors mis au jour un vaste réseau pratiquant le kidnapping, la torture et le grand banditisme, derrière la volonté affichée d'instaurer en Turquie un régime à l'iranienne. (AFP, 4 jan 2011)

Hizbullah leaders released under newly amended law

Controversy surrounding a new law restricting the length of time a suspect can be kept under arrest while awaiting or standing trial and which went into effect at the beginning of this year continues the grow with the release of 10 key members of Hizbullah on Monday who were standing trial for the brutal killing of 188 people.

Hizbullah higher-ups Edip Gümüş, Mehmet Varol, Mustafa İpek, Sinan Yakut and Şehmus Kınay were released from Diyarbakır Prison on Monday, while other Hizbullah members Cemal Tutar, Fuat Balca, Mahmut Demir, Kemal Gülşen and Abdülkerim Kaya, who have not completed their compulsory military service, were taken to a recruitment office.

The suspects will still have to check in with a police station every day. They are also banned from international travel. The Hizbullah suspects were greeted by a large and festive crowd yesterday in front of Diyarbakır Prison shortly after their release. Gümüş thanked the crowd, saying God would not let their support and love for him and his friends go unrewarded.

Gümüş thanked the crowd, saying God would not let their support and love for him and his friends go unrewarded. Tutar, who is accused of being in charge of Hizbullah’s armed operations, has been in jail for 10 years. Prosecutors accused him of killing 73 people in 98 separate attacks. Gümüş has also been in jail for 10 years, with the prosecutors saying he was responsible for the deaths of 42 people in 35 separate attacks. Demir, a hit man for Hizbullah, was accused of killing 24 people under orders from Hizbullah leaders. He was also released yesterday.

The Turkish Hizbullah uses a brutal method called “the hogtie” to kill its enemies, used widely by the Lebanese and more internationally known Hezbollah. Hizbullah most often uses the hogtie as a method of torture in which the hands are tied behind the back and the feet are tied together, with one end of the rope around the victim’s neck. The tension on the neck-rope can only be relieved if the victim keeps their neck, back and legs arched; eventually, the victim tires and strangles, which often amounts to a long and painful death.

The 10 defendants are accused of 188 deaths, including those of writer Konca Kuriş and former Democracy Party (DEP) deputy Mehmet Sincar. They were sentenced to life in prison on Dec. 30, 2009 in a verdict that came out of the main Hizbullah trial which had been going on for 10 years on charges of attempting to bring down the constitutional regime and replace it with an Islamic theocracy. The appeals process, being heard by the 9th Chamber of the Supreme Court of Appeals, is still under way, making the suspects eligible to benefit from a change to Article 102 of the Code on Criminal Procedure (CMK), which went into force on Jan. 1 after it was changed in 2005 to improve the lengthy trial periods and appeals processes in courts that cause inmates to spend long periods of time in jail without ever having been convicted.

According to Turkish law, until the verdict is approved by the Supreme Court of Appeals, the inmate is considered under arrest. Only after the approval of the Supreme Court of Appeals, which combines the functions of courts of cassation and appeals, does the inmate under arrest become a convict. Contrary to regulations in most European countries, in Turkey suspects are also considered under arrest after the local court verdict is issued but before it is approved by the Court of Cassation. There are approximately 57,000 inmates in prisons awaiting a verdict or approval from the Supreme Court of Appeals.

According to Article 102, for cases not being heard by high criminal courts, time under arrest can only last one year but can be extended for another six months under absolute necessity. For cases under the jurisdiction of high criminal courts, the maximum time under arrest is two years but can be extended under absolute necessity. However, the regulation indicates that “this extension cannot be longer than three years.”

It has been a matter of contention among jurists if the duration of arrest together with extensions should be considered a maximum of three years or if only the extensions can be three years. The Supreme Court of Appeals on Monday ended this discussion, saying a person can be imprisoned without a conviction up to 10 years in cases involving crimes against the constitutional order and terrorism.(TODAY'S ZAMAN, 5 January 2011)

Turkey's 'secular survey' stirs doubts about its faith

A planned government survey on the public’s attitude toward religious issues is prompting concern that secularism in Turkey could be eroded as experts debate the appropriateness of conducting such a poll.

“The state doesn’t carry out surveys. They are done by research institutions. It has not been a common instrument in Turkey,” former Justice Minister Hikmet Sami Türk told the Hürriyet Daily News & Economic Review on Tuesday.

“The definition of secularism, for instance, is already clear. There is no need to conduct a survey about already-known concepts. It seems the government expects a result that is in line with their views and will make it a base for drafting the new Constitution,” he said. 

The country’s Religious Affairs Directorate, which has been undergoing internal restructuring, has given the go-ahead for the survey, which is slated to begin in March. Tens of thousands of citizens will be asked their opinion on public institutions, the headscarf issue, religious classes in schools, Alevi demands, the relationship between the government and religion and the directorate’s areas of service.

The results of the survey will be examined after the general elections set to be held in June and are expected to shape the new constitution if the ruling Justice and Development Party, or AKP, is re-elected.

Speaking to daily Radikal, State Minister Faruk Çelik, who is in charge of religious affairs, said it was the government’s job to address society’s problems, listing Turkey’s “chronic problems” as its southeastern region, the Kurdish issue and its disadvantaged groups, including women, people with disabilities and young adults.

The survey, which will consist of hundreds of questions, is also expected to define the concept of a “public institution” so as to help bring some resolution to the headscarf issue. Women are not permitted to wear headscarves while working or studying at state-run institutions, including public schools.

The Daily News was unable to reach Çelik for further comment.

Secular concerns 

The debate on removing the ban on headscarves in state-run schools and government offices as well as on the definition of public institutions were renewed in October ahead of the Republic Day reception held by President Abdullah Gül at the Çankaya Palace – which is considered a public institution – when the main opposition party and military boycotted the event because of the president’s wife’s headscarf.

Deputy Prime Minister Bülent Arınç likewise said during his tenure as speaker of Parliament that it was possible to redefine secularism.

Secularism, while an unalterable article of the Constitution, will always remain in the Turkish charter, yet it can be redefined in line with the changing conditions and requirements of society, Arınç said.

For many in conservative circles, “secularism” remains loosely defined. As practiced in Turkey, secularism has often mirrored the French understanding of laicism, a largely anti-clerical discourse that subordinates religion to the state, in contrast to the Anglo-Saxon notion of secularism as the separation of religion and state.

Secular quarters in the country have long expressed concern that the government plans to change the secular nature of the Turkish Republic and that headscarves could soon become a fixture of primary and high schools, as well as government offices, if secularism is redefined. As such, many secularists are concerned the survey could become part of the larger plan articulated by Türk. 

“What types of questions will be asked? I can’t understand its purpose. Will the meaning and scope of secularism be determined in line with the survey results?” Türk asked in questioning the aim of the survey.

“The Constitutional Court annulled the wearing of headscarves in state-run universities. Maybe they will use the survey results to bring it back onto the agenda while drafting the new Constitution,” he said. 

Survey acceptable instrument

For Ekrem Ali Akartürk, a professor of constitutional law at Yeditepe University, surveys are an appropriate instrument to measure the public’s sentiment on various topics, but it is important to harmonize the public sentiment with legal principles and adhere to the limits when conducting such polls.

“The state may take the pulse of the public via surveys on the mentioned issues if it seeks an answer to the question of how people can live together. It is important to understand their inclination,” Akartürk said.

“But it is even more important to formulate this public sentiment within the legal rules. How will it be formulated within the laws if the public leans toward headscarves in universities? The legal limits and formulation of the results should be drawn clearly.”

There are some concerns about the government’s move, but it is wrong to approach every step of the government with prejudice, Akartürk said, advocating compromise.

“However, the survey should be accompanied by consultation with opposition and legal experts who specialize in this field. And all these processes should be transparent. Surveys can prove successful only if an integrated approach is embraced,” he said.

Professor Özer Sencar, head of the Ankara-based MetroPOLL survey company, which is affiliated with the ruling Justice and Development Party, or AKP, said surveys were an instrument to obtain information about the public sentiment and that there was nothing wrong in political parties applying the method to learn about the public’s view on their potential actions.

“Political parties can survey the public to see whether they will receive sufficient support from the public … on their future projects. Only human rights issues cannot and should not be the subject of surveys,” Sencar said.

“Otherwise, political parties can ask the public questions on every project they plan to carry out … to strengthen their future actions before media and public,” Sencar said.

Instead of reacting to the survey method, the opposition parties should likewise use similar surveys against the ruling party by asking the public questions on relevant topics, he said. (Hürriyet Daily News, İZGİ GÜNGÖR, January 4, 2011)

Socio-économique / Socio-economic

Trade Unions demonstration attacked by police

The march of KESK (Confederation of Public Laborer's Unions) members to parliament in Ankara which was organized to protest the so called "Law Bag” was not permitted and was attacked by police with pepper gas. The package is called "Law Bag" because a considerable number of laws have been squeezed inside.

The first act of KESK against the so called "Law Bag" has been staged today. According to the unions the "Law Bag makes the working conditions of labourers more difficult and reduces job security.

Within the context of the protest demonstrations, which are staged throughout Turkey in front of AKP (Justice and Development Party) province buildings, the demonstration in Ankara was made in Kızılay. The march intended from Kızılay to the parliament was however attacked by police with pepper gas.

The workers argued that the minimum wage was TL 600 (€ 300) and voiced their partially quite harsh criticism in slogans such as "Tayyip, you go and live on 600 lira", "Tayyip into the bag, workers to the power", "Government, take the law and forget about it" and "Resisting workers will win".

Last week DİSK President Süleyman Çelebi had read out a press release in front of the Gezi Park in Taksim. "Whenever the AKP talks about the struggle against unemployment, the encouragement by investors, public seizures for the workers and the plundering of funds established for the unemployed come to the agenda, Çelebi argued. He described the Bag Law as yet another attack on the rights of the workers.

Çelebi pointed to the fact that Turkey is one of the countries with the longest working hours in international comparison. Turkish workers work ten hours more per week than their colleagues in the rest of Europe. Wages and leave entitlement on the other hand are very low in comparison. Çelebi criticized that under the disguise of a few well-designed articles, the law comprised a number of articles seizing the workers' rights.

"The AKP government combines the exploitation of cheap labour, a way of trimming of workers' and labourers' rights, the expectations of a broad section of society and the seizure of the workers in one law. The law exiles permanent employees. It includes tax amnesty, amnesty of students (who were expelled from university) and an improvement of pensions on one hand; on the other hand the law also provides a flexibility that means more exploitation, lack of security for young people, decreased payments for trainees and apprentices and contracting. Additionally, it comprises tax reductions for managers, incitements and supports". (ANF, Berna Ozgencil, January 25, 2011)

217 Women Killed by Men in Turkey in 2010

In 2010, males of all age groups, professions and status from almost all over Turkey exposed women of all age groups, professions and status to physical, psychological, sexual, economic and emotional violence.

It seems that the reasons for violence vary - even though one basic reason solidified at a closer look: the demand of the men to dominate women. Men deemed women as their property and did not want to refrain from what they thought was the possession of their wives even after separation or divorce.

Our compilation can only reflect the incidents of violence against women that were considered "newsworthy" by journalists, editors and publication directors. However, it became clear that many eye witnesses, victims and perpetrators did not encounter violence for the first time. This was just the peak point of violence resulting in death or injuries and mostly having been continued for years.

At least 42 percent of violent incidents happened in an environment that was aware of the victim being threatened - the victims had previously applied to the police or prosecution because their lives were in danger, because they had been threatened or exposed to violence. According to the tally sorted out by bianet by reviewing newspapers, internet sites, and news agencies throughout the whole year of 2010, males killed at least 217 women and three children; 164 women and 4 children were injured.

At least 381 women and children were harassed, 207 women and children were raped. The majority of victims of harassment and rape were children. 23 women died of alleged suicide or under suspicious circumstances. At least 646 men and boys were taken into custody for alleged murder, injury, harassment and rape. They were either arrested or a search for them was initiated.

Harassment and rape by teachers or family members makes a significant ratio in our compilation which might stem from the fact that the "identity of the perpetrator" is always considered newsworthy. On the other hand, these numbers are important since they show how widespread harassment and rape were at school, at home and in public areas. It also revealed that women and children were harassed or raped by males they knew and trusted.

It was not always possible to monitor the legal procedures regarding murders, injuries, harassment and rape by skimming through the different kinds of media mentioned. However, the data compiled suggested that perpetrators of harassment and injury in particular were often released by the prosecution or the court.

If the courts decided for punishment on the grounds of "harassment", they generally postponed the pronouncement of the judgement since sentences remained below two years. The news also included items about demonstrations organized by women against the fact that perpetrators were acquitted because medical reports of the Forensic Medicine Institute were delayed.

Our compilation does not include data regarding psychological, economic and emotional violence against women since this was not reflected in the news. However, considering the correlation between all sorts of violence it is of course possible to say that all incidents reported in 2010 also involved psychological, verbal and economic violence. It should also be emphasized that women exposed to psychological, verbal and economic violence are left in a week position in terms of establishing a new life far away from the violent environment.

Dispersion of violence according to cities and regions

Read the proportional data related to violence against women and children and incidents of injuries, harassment and rape in cities and regions considering the age of the victims, the perpetrators' professions, their relation to the victims and the reasons for violence as follows:

The highest numbers of incidents or women murders or injuries in 2010 were registered for the cities of Istanbul and Adana. In Istanbul, men killed 17 women and children and wounded eight women and children. In Adana, eight children and women were killed and eight women and children were injured by men.

According to the news reviewed, the most incidents of harassment happened in Samsun. 16 women and children were harassed in Samsun, ten in Bursa and six in Kayseri. Bursa showed the highest number of rape with 14 incidents, followed by Samsun with eleven. The most incidents of murder, injury, rape and harassment were reported for the Marmara region.

25 percent of all incidents of death in 2010 happened in the Marmara region, 19 percent in Central Anatolia, 17 percent in the Mediterranean region, 15 percent in the Aegean region, ten percent in South-Eastern Anatolia, eight percent in the Black Sea region and six percent in Eastern Anatolia. The Marmara region is also leading the bill considering incidents of injuries with 26 percent, followed by the Mediterranean with 19 percent, the Black Sea coast with 16 percent, Central Anatolia with 14 percent, 13 percent in the Aegean, eight percent in Eastern Anatolia and four percent in South-Eastern Anatolia. 26 percent of all incidents of harassment were reported for the Marmara region, 19 percent each for the Black Sea region and the Mediterranean, 16 percent for Central Anatolia, nine percent for the Aegean, seven percent for South-Eastern Anatolia and four percent for Eastern Anatolia. As far as incidents of rape are concerned, 28 percent of all reported cases happened in the Marmara region, 20 percent in the Mediterranean, 18 percent in the Aegean, 16 percent in the Black Sea region, seven percent in South-Eastern Anatolia, six percent in Central Anatolia and five percent in Eastern Anatolia.

Women mostly killed or injured by their husbands

Most women murders in 2010 were committed by their husbands followed by their boy-friends, fathers, ex-husbands and brothers. Among the males who killed women were also other relatives, their grooms, children, ex-boy-friends as well as step fathers, fiancées and step brothers.

50 percent of all women murdered in 2010 were killed by their husbands, 13 percent by their boy-friends, eleven percent by their fathers, eight percent by their former husbands, four percent by their brothers and other relatives, three percent by their former boy-friends and two percent by their grooms or children. 1 percent was killed by the boy-friends or friends of their daughters, one percent by their step fathers, 0.5 percent by their fiancées and step brothers.

The husbands were also ranking at the top of the list for injuring women. They were followed by the women's fathers, boy-friends, ex-husbands, relatives, step fathers, brothers, grooms, children, former boy-friends, former fiancées, boy-friends of their daughters, acquaintances or friends.

46 percent of the women were wounded by their husbands. In 15 percent of all reported cases, the father was the perpetrator; nine percent were injured by their boy-friends, seven by their ex-husbands, five by a relative or the step father, four percent by their brothers, three percent by their grooms, followed by 1 percent that was wounded by their children, former boy-friends, boy-friends of their daughters, former grooms, acquaintances and friends. (BIA, Burçin BELGE, 25 January 2011)

Istanbul, Capitale européenne de la culture 2010, boudée par les touristes

L'accession d'Istanbul au titre de Capitale européenne de la Culture 2010 n'a pas porté ses fruits en termes d'attraction de touristes étrangers, leur nombre ayant même baissé de 7,31% par rapport à l'année précédente, ont affirmé mercredi des professionels du secteur.

Alors que le nombre d'entrées de visiteurs étrangers en Turquie a progressé de 5,23%, à 28,49 millions, il a régressé de 7,31% à Istanbul, pour atteindre 6,96 millions, a annoncé le président de la Fédération des hôteliers de Turquie (TÜROFED), cité par l'agence de presse Anatolie.

La ville espérait attirer, avec quelque 520 événements culturels et restaurations de monuments historiques, jusqu'à 10 millions de touristes étrangers, contre 7,5 millions en 2009.

L'agence Istanbul-2010, en charge de la mise en oeuvre du programme de capitale culturelle, disposait d'un budget de 270 millions d'euros.

Istanbul a été désignée par l'Union européenne en 2006 comme capitale européenne de la culture 2010, un statut qu'elle a partagé avec les villes allemande de Essen et hongroise de Pécs.

A titre de comparaison, la région industrielle allemande de la Ruhr, où est située Essen, a connu en 2010 une progression de 13,4% du nombre de ses visiteurs, à 10,5 millions, dont 18,1% d'étrangers.

Les villes estonienne de Tallinn et finlandaise de Turku sont les capitales européennes de la culture 2011. (AFP, 19 jan 2011)

187.000 femmes partagent leur mari avec une seconde épouse

En Turquie, pays musulman mais laïc qui aspire à intégrer l'Union européenne, 187.000 femmes partagent leur mari avec une deuxième épouse, par le biais d'un mariage religieux, alors que la polygamie est illégale, selon un rapport dont l'AFP a pu consulter les conclusions mardi.

Cette pratique a cours principalement dans le sud-est de la Turquie, zone pauvre et aux traditions féodales, peuplée majoritairement de Kurdes, mais aussi dans l'ouest industrialisé, précise une étude de deux démographes turques de l'Université ankariote de Hacettepe.

Le rapport a été présenté la semaine dernière à une commission parlementaire sur l'égalité des chances pour les hommes et les femmes.

Une majorité d'hommes prennent une deuxième épouse lorsque la première ne peut pas avoir d'enfant ou qu'elle n'a pas eu de garçon.

Plus de 7 millions de femmes, sur une population totale de 73 millions d'habitants, se seraient mariées sur décision de leur parents, c'est-à-dire par un mariage arrangé, et près de 5,5 millions de femmes se sont mariées avant l'âge légal, qui est de 18 ans, souligne l'étude.

450.000 femmes, pour la plupart dans le sud-est anatolien, sont liées à leur époux par un mariage religieux, en principe interdit en l'absence d'un mariage civil, et ne disposent donc d'aucun des droits conférés à une épouse légitime.

La Turquie a multiplié les réformes en faveur des femmes pour renforcer ses chances d'adhérer un jour à l'UE. Mais en pratique et dans les mentalités, beaucoup reste à faire pour réduire les discriminations dont sont victimes les femmes, selon les organisations féministes. (AFP, 18 jan 2011)

Unaesthetic Atatürk monuments remain taboo in Turkey

Those who visit Turkey may be surprised by the number of Atatürk monuments around the country. From village schools to state institutions and public parks, Atatürk monuments have become instruments shaping modern Turkey’s landscape. Sculptor Aylin Tekiner’s book ‘Atatürk Sculptures’ discusses what these monuments symbolize and how their construction has become an industry in itself

For those who live in and visit Turkey, Atatürk monuments appear as the most common figures in public spaces. From the famous Taksim Square monument to smaller, simpler examples in state institutions and schools, the presence of Turkey’s founder is felt even in the most remote parts of the country.

On any given day, people can be found taking photos of the “Cumhuriyet” (Republic) monument that stands in the middle of Istanbul’s central Taksim Square.

“I live in Kastamonu (in northwestern Turkey) and this is the first time I am visiting Istanbul with my wife,” said schoolteacher İrfan Subaşı. “I think this monument is the most significant thing about this area. It is also very educational for tourists who don’t know who Atatürk is.”

Another passerby, Ayşen Kuleli, said she thinks the monument goes unnoticed too often. “People who walk here everyday forget about it,” she said. “But still I think it is a powerful one, I wish all the Atatürk monuments looked like this. Some really look pointless. I don’t know if we really need them all.”

The widespread presence of Atatürk’s image is exactly what interested sculptor Aylin Tekiner in writing a book on Atatürk monuments. Titled “Atatürk Sculptures: Cult, Aesthetics, Politics,” which is also the subject of her doctoral thesis, Tekiner’s book sheds light on how these monuments function as symbols of modern Turkish iconography.

“There are nearly 1,000 Atatürk monuments across Turkey,” Tekiner told the Hürriyet Daily News & Economic Review. “As a sculptor, I was already questioning what these monuments mean, but then I realized it is a political question rather than an aesthetic one.”

Cult object

Tekiner’s book not only narrates how Atatürk sculptures and monuments have become instruments for expanding the state’s presence, but also how the production of these monuments have turned Atatürk into a cult object.

“The idea of installing monuments of people in public spaces did not exist in the Ottoman Empire,” Tekiner said. “The making of Atatürk monuments was definitely a new tool for visualizing the ideology of the modern state. Still, after a while it turned him into a cult figure.”

After the first Atatürk monument was built in Istanbul’s Sarayburnu district in 1926 by Austrian sculptor Heinrich Krippel, every city in Turkey started erecting Atatürk monuments. The monuments were placed in strategically important places like public squares and newly developed urban areas.

According to art historian Zerrin İren Boynudelik from Istanbul Yıldız Technical University, the use of public space in Turkey is problematic. “For us, public space is not really spared for people to use and freely express themselves. Instead it is space just spared for the use of the state,” she told the Daily News.

Tekiner said the use of monuments in public space gained momentum even when the ruling government changed.

“In 1950, although Atatürk’s CHP (Republican People’s Party) lost the elections, the ruling Democrat Party, or DP, kept adding monuments. They also wanted to own the cultural heritage of Atatürk,” she said.

The protection of Atatürk’s image became so strict that in 1951 the DP passed a law that punished anyone who damaged, insulted or swore at Atatürk’s image with three years of jail.

According to writer and art critic Hasan Bülent Kahraman, the law led to Atatürk monuments becoming untouchable objects.

“After that year, the monuments lost their value as objects of art and completely turned into cult objects,” Kahraman said.

Tekiner agreed. “The law really turned Atatürk monuments into unquestionable objects and changed how people look at them. Today there are so many aesthetically unpleasant monuments that need to be removed, but people are scared to even touch them,” she said.

Indeed, the removal of aesthetically unpleasant Atatürk monuments was debated a few years ago, when Culture and Tourism Minister Ertuğrul Günay said that some Atatürk monuments are not true representations of the man.

There are many opponents of removing the statues, however, and some have started a Facebook group called “Atatürk Monuments Cannot be Removed” to protest such an idea.

"However damaged they are, they are the symbol of our state," group member Şahin İnan told the Daily News. Removing them from their original place is disrespectful to the Turkish Republic," he said.

The Monument Industry

According to Tekiner's book, the rate of Atatürk monuments being erected sped up after the 1980 military coup.

“Before the coup, there were already monuments in almost every city. But after 1980, hundreds of new monuments were ordered and sent especially to eastern parts of the country.”

Indeed, in 1981, which was Atatürk’s 100th birthday, truckloads of Atatürk monuments were distributed across the country.

“This period also saw mass production of the monuments,” Tekiner said. “With the new techniques, the monuments lost their individuality and just became copies of each other.”

Necati Inci is a sculptor whose name is associated with many of the copycat monuments. İnci said he has made more than 500 Atatürk monuments so far.

“The 80s was a different time,” İnci told the Daily News. “Then, we didn’t even have time to respond to all the orders.”

İnci said he gets about 25 orders a year. “It depends on the time of the year. If there is an election or a school opening, then there are more orders.”

Still, he is critical when it comes to why there are so many Atatürk monuments.

“I don’t think they are expressions of love and respect. Some officials order them to cover their mistakes or to ingratiate themselves," İnci said. “I think this is the biggest disrespect.”

Absurd Examples

In the book “Atatürk Sculptures: Cult, Aesthetics, Politics” there are some absurd examples of how sculptures of Atatürk have figured in some parts of Turkey.

In an incident in 2001, an Atatürk monument in Mersin, Turkey’s south, was caught in a flood and drifted out to sea. A few days later, the same monument was found in neighboring Antalya – but had lost its feet.

Since it is against the law to destroy an Atatürk monument, the officials did not know what to do with it so they decided to place it in a village school, mounting it at its ankles. And thus a village school without a library or even a computer has an Atatürk monument.

In another case, a damaged Atatürk sculpture caused controversy in the town of Emirdağ, in Afyon.

The monument’s arm was broken and made it unusable, so city officials offered it to the surrounding villages but no one wanted it – so they decided to bury it.

“The mayor says he wouldn’t say where it is buried even if you put a gun to his face,” said a news report at the time. “Because they are afraid of sabotage.” (Hürriyet Daily News, IŞIL EĞRİKAVUK, January 9, 2011)

EDF souhaite construire une centrale nucléaire en Turquie

Le groupe français EDF a fait part aux autorités turques de sa volonté de construire une centrale nucléaire en Turquie, a-t-on appris mardi de sources proches du ministère turc de l'Energie.

L'offre française a été présentée au ministre turc de l'Energie Taner Yildiz lorsque celui-ci a eu un entretien "informel" avec un ministre français l'an dernier, ont précisé ces sources qui ont requis l'anonymat.

La Turquie a signé l'an dernier avec la Russie un accord d'un montant de 20 milliards de dollars pour la construction de la première centrale nucléaire civile du pays, qui sera implantée à Akkuyu (sud), sur la côte méditerranéenne.

La Turquie prévoit également de construire une deuxième centrale nucléaire à Sinop (nord), au bord de la mer Noire. Elle a signé le mois dernier avec les japonais du groupe Toshiba un protocole d'accord à cet effet mais les négociations ne sont pas pour l'instant arrivées à terme.

"Nous n'excluons personne, mais des négociations exclusives sont menées pour l'instant avec les Japonais", précise-t-on de source turque.

Si ces discussions n'aboutissent pas, la Turquie pourrait éventuellement se tourner vers EDF mais "d'autres questions" pourraient alors entrer en jeu, selon ces sources.

Celles-ci laissent entendre que l'opposition de la France à l'entrée de la Turquie à l'Union européenne et la reconnaisance par le parlement français du génocide des Arméniens pendant l'empire ottoman (1915-1917) pourraient diminuer les chances des Français.

"Pour l'instant il n'y aura pas de troisième centrale nucléaire, d'ici 2023, la Turquie entend construire deux centrales pour répondre à la demande croissante en énergie", ont ajouté ces sources.

Le ministre turc de l'Energie avait précisé en novembre que des compagnies américaines et européennes étaient considérées comme de possibles partenaires pour le deuxième projet de centrale.

Interrogé par l'AFP, EDF s'est refusé à tout commentaire. (AFP, 4 jan 2011)

Relations turco-européennes / Turkey-Europe Relations

Un film turc hostile à Israël interdit aux moins de 18 ans en Allemagne

"La vallée des Loups - Palestine", film turc hostile à Israël dont la sortie était prévue ce jeudi en Allemagne, doit être interdit aux moins de 18 ans car il est jugé "violent" et "faisant de la propagande", selon les autorités allemandes de régulation du cinéma (FSK).

"Selon la commission d'examen du FSK, le film ne peut pas être montré aux jeunes gens car il est parcouru de scènes de violence --comme un film de guerre--. D'innombrables personnes sont tuées au hasard ou sciemment", écrit le FSK sur son site internet.

"Le film a des tendances propagandistes. Il exige du spectateur d'avoir des connaissances détaillées et la capacité d'ordonner les événements politiques où la violence est montrée", ajoute le FSK.

Pera Film, distributeur du film en Allemagne basée à Cologne (ouest), a indiqué qu'il avait une centaine de copies de "La vallée des Loups", ce qui correspond à peu près au nombre de cinémas qui le diffuseraient. Pera Films
ignorait toutefois jeudi en fin de journée si des diffusions auraient lieu.

La société avait précisé mardi que le film devait être lancé en parallèle dans plusieurs pays (Allemagne, Autriche, Danemark, Belgique, Suède, Norvège...) et qu'un problème semblait n'exister qu'en Allemagne. Ce jeudi était la journée nationale de commémoration des victimes du nazisme.

Seuls l'autorité fédérale chargée de la protection de la jeunesse face aux médias (BPjM) ou un tribunal peuvent interdire un film, s'ils estiment par exemple le contenu dangereux pour ce public, avait expliqué à l'AFP Stefan Linz, du FSK. Ceux-ci ne peuvent se prononcer qu'une fois le film présentés sur les écrans.

Le film est un prolongement d'une série télévisée très populaire en Turquie, "La Vallée des loups", décrivant les aventures d'un agent secret turc épris d'action violente et de nationalisme.

Un épisode de cette série télévisée avait provoqué en janvier 2010 la colère d'Israël, qui jugeait l'épisode antisémite, et déclenché une crise diplomatique entre Israël et la Turquie.

Dans le film, l'agent Polat Alemdar et ses amis sont chargés de capturer en Palestine et d'exfiltrer l'officier israélien qui a planifié et supervisé l'assaut du 31 mai 2010 contre la flottille transportant de l'aide humanitaire pour Gaza, un personnage fictif nommé Mosche Ben Eliezer, selon le site internet de "La Vallée des Loups".

"En tentant d'atteindre Mosche, Polat voit comment sont massacrés les Palestiniens innocents. Mosche rase les villages, tue des enfants et enferme tous ceux qui viennent en aide à Polat", affirme le résumé du film.

Le 31 mai 2010, des commandos israéliens ont arraisonné une flottille pro-palestinienne de six navires qui voulait forcer le blocus maritime imposé par Israël à la bande de Gaza, contrôlée par le mouvement islamiste Hamas.

Au cours d'affrontements survenus sur le navire amiral de la flottille, le Mavi Marmara, neuf militants turcs ont été tués par les militaires israéliens, ce qui a soulevé une vague de réprobation internationale. (AFP, 27 jan 2011)

Erdogan demande des excuses à Merkel

Le Premier ministre turc Recep Tayyip Erdogan a demandé des excuses à Angela Merkel à la suite des critiques exprimées par la chancelière allemande concernant l'attitude turque dans le conflit chypriote, rapporte samedi la presse turque.

"De telles attitudes et déclarations ne correspondent pas à l'image que l'on se fait d'un dirigeant doté d'une vision et de hauteur de vue", a déclaré M. Erdogan devant les députés de son parti, selon le journal Vatan.

"Nous attendons de Mme Merkel qu'elle revoit ses connaissances en histoire et qu'elle s'excuse auprès de la partie turque, qui a fait tous les sacrifices pour un règlement dans l'île", a-t-il ajouté.

Au cours d'une visite à Chypre mardi, Mme Merkel a rendu hommage aux efforts des Chypriotes grecs pour mettre fin à la division de l'île, et a critiqué les Chypriotes turcs.

"Nous voyons les nombreux efforts que vous menez et nous voyons aussi que la partie turque n'apporte pas la réponse adéquate", a-t-elle dit devant le président de Chypre, Demetris Christofias, un Chypriote grec dont le gouvernement est seul reconnu par la communauté internationale.

Elle a aussi rappelé que la Turquie reste pénalisée, du fait de son attitude concernant la question chypriote, dans son processus d'adhésion à l'Union européenne.

"Les Turcs ont tenu parole pour le référendum. Qui ne l'a pas fait ? Les Chypriotes grecs. Et qui a été récompensé ? Les Chypriotes grecs", a déclaré M. Erdogan, faisant référence au référendum de 2004 sur un plan de l'Onu pour réunifier Chypre.

Le plan avait été approuvé par les Chypriotes turcs, et rejeté par les Chypriotes grecs. Peu après, Chypre, représentée par les Chypriotes grecs, rejoignait l'UE, les Chypriotes turcs restant à la porte de l'Europe.

M. Erdogan a critiqué l'UE, coupable à ses yeux de ne pas avoir tenu sa promesse d'alors de remédier à l'isolement économique de l'entité turque autoproclamée, la République turque de Chypre du Nord (RTCN).

Il a affirmé qu'Ankara ne changerait pas ses vues concernant Chypre contre la promesse d'une accession plus rapide à l'UE, selon Vatan.

En 2006, l'UE a gelé huit des 35 "chapitres" qui doivent être conclus pour une adhésion de la Turquie, du fait du refus d'Ankara d'autoriser les navires et aéronefs chypriotes grecs à utiliser les ports turcs.

Chypre est divisée depuis 1974, lorsque la Turquie a envahi le nord de l'île à la suite d'un coup d'Etat fomenté par des nationalistes chypriotes-grecs et visant à rattacher le pays à la Grèce. (AFP, 15 jan 2011)

Le chef de la diplomatie turque dénonce le "manque de vision" de l'Europe

Le chef de la diplomatie turque Ahmet Davutoglu a déploré jeudi à Istanbul le "manque de vision" des dirigeants européens et les a appelés à "désactiver" les obstacles placés devant le processus d'adhésion de la Turquie à l'Union européenne.

"Nous attendons d'avantage de détermination de la part de l'UE. Nous attendons de l'Europe qu'elle tienne ses promesses en vue d'une pleine adhésion de la Turquie", a déclaré M. Davutoglu au cours d'une conférence de presse avec la chef de la diplomatie de l'UE, Catherine Ashton.

"Nous considérons comme un manque de vision le fait de ralentir à ce point le processus d'adhésion de la Turquie, alors qu'un tel besoin se fait sentir d'une action commune de l'Europe et de la Turquie en faveur de la paix régionale et mondiale", a-t-il ajouté.

Le ministre a en particulier déploré l'attitude du bloc européen par rapport à la question de Chypre.

Des pans entiers des pourparlers entre la Turquie et l'UE sont bloqués du fait de l'impasse dans les négociations en vue d'une réunification de l'île de Chypre et du refus d'Ankara d'ouvrir ses ports et aéroports aux navires et avions chypriotes grecs, pourtant issus d'un pays membre de l'UE.

"Nous voulons que les critères politiques qui ont récemment été mis en place pour l'ouverture de chapitres (de négociations) soient immédiatement désactivés et que le processus européen de la Turquie soit géré sainement", a souligné M. Davutoglu.

Il a également qualifié d'"inacceptable" le fait que la Turquie ne bénéficie pas des mêmes avantages en termes de visa que certains pays balkaniques, évoquant une "discrimination négative" de l'UE à l'encontre de son pays.

Mme Ashton a pour sa part tenté de rassurer les Turcs sur la bonne volonté du bloc européen.

"Nous voulons vraiment faire en sorte que nous ayons le bon dialogue stratégique avec la Turquie. Vous êtes un pays candidat (...) mais de mon point de vue, dans le domaine de la politique étrangère vous êtes aussi un partenaire très, très important dans notre travail à travers le monde", a-t-elle dit.

La Turquie a entamé des négociations d'adhésion avec l'UE en 2005, mais plusieurs pays européens, comme l'Allemagne et la France, sont hostiles à une pleine adhésion de ce pays. (AFP, 13 jan 2011)

Angela Merkel à Chypre pour encourager les efforts de réunification de l'île

La chancelière allemande Angela Merkel a exprimé mardi sa solidarité avec Chypre, divisée comme l'Allemagne autrefois, et appelé les habitants à trouver eux-mêmes la voie pour réunifier l'île, lors d'une visite à Nicosie, la première d'un chef de gouvernement allemand.

"Je comprends personnellement ce que la division d'un pays signifie", a déclaré Mme Merkel, qui a grandi dans l'ancienne Allemagne de l'Est, lors d'une conférence de presse avec le président chypriote-grec Demetris Christofias.

La chancelière, qui a évoqué des "similarités mais aussi beaucoup de différences" entre Chypre et l'Allemagne, finalement réunifiée en 1990, a souligné que la solution se trouvait dans les mains des communautés chypriotes grecque et turque.

"Le chemin doit être trouvé par la population de Chypre elle-même", a déclaré Mme Merkel, tout en promettant le soutien de l'Allemagne, entrée début janvier au Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies.

Saluant les efforts de M. Christofias, elle a souligné que Berlin userait de son influence et de son expérience pour aider Chypre à trouver un accord et améliorer la coopération entre l'Union européenne et l'Otan, compliquée par la division de Chypre.

M. Christofias, dont le pays prendra en 2012 la présidence tournante de l'UE, a accusé la Turquie de faire peu d'efforts pour qu'une solution soit trouvée.

"Les actions et l'attitude la Turquie montrent tout sauf une volonté de trouver une solution", a-t-il dit.

La visite de travail de cinq heures de Mme Merkel à Nicosie a été saluée comme "historiquement importante" et "politiquement significative" par le gouvernement chypriote et les médias.

Sa visite survient à la veille d'une nouvelle rencontre entre le président chypriote-grec et Dervis Eroglu, leader chypriote-turc, après une longue pause dans les négociations de paix, relancées en septembre 2008 sous l'égide de l'ONU mais qui n'ont pour l'instant pas donné de grands résultats.

Chypre est divisée depuis l'invasion en 1974 du nord de l'île par la Turquie en réponse à un coup d'Etat fomenté par des nationalistes chypriotes-grecs, soutenus par Athènes, et visant à rattacher le pays à la Grèce.

Mme Merkel avait déclaré en Allemagne, lors d'une visite du Premier ministre turc Recep Tayyip Erdogan en octobre, que son déplacement à Nicosie serait "une opportunité (...) de voir si l'Allemagne (pouvait) jouer un rôle utile pour résoudre les difficultés existantes".

La question chypriote est "importante pour nous tous, notamment pour les questions de coopération de sécurité entre l'UE et l'Otan. Les deux parties y ont intérêt, mais il faut que les deux côtés fassent un geste", avait-elle indiqué.

La Turquie, membre de l'Otan, n'est pas membre de l'UE, et vice-versa pour Chypre. (AFP, 11 jan 2011)

Course of Turkey’s EU membership talks will become clearer in 2011

Negotiations between Turkey and the European Union, which started off with great hopes after a bumpy 46-year period, are at the brink of paralysis. This is the first time a single chapter has not been opened under a term presidency since the negotiations began on Oct. 3, 2005.
 
Only 13 of the 35 chapters have been opened and only one has been closed. If a solution to the Cyprus issue is not found within a short time, membership talks will come to a standstill or, as Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu said, the EU will have to make a strategic decision and choose one of two roads. Either it will let negotiations with Turkey halt because of Cyprus, or it will put pressure on the Greek side to find a solution.

There is an overwhelming probability that 2011 will be a historic turning point like 1959, when Turkey applied to become a member of the European Economic Community (EEC), or 1963, when the Ankara Agreement was signed, 1987 when Turkey applied to become a member of the EU, 1999 when Turkey was recognized as a candidate and 2005 when negotiations started.

Looking at the way the Cyprus talks are heading, the attitude Germany and France have toward Turkey, the deep economic crisis in the EU and the rapidly increasing Islamophobia in Europe, it is difficult to say that 2011 looks promising for Turkey-EU relations. Considerations that appear to be in favor of Turkey include its dynamic economy and its continued contribution to stability in the region.

Behind closed doors, just about “everyone” in Brussels says it was a very big mistake to accept the Greek side into the EU as a representative of the entire island before the problem was solved. Even though a small number of honest European officials have professed this mistake in front of the camera, the outcome has not changed since the Greek Cypriots became a member on May 1, 2004. The Greek side used the privileges of their membership as much as they could to prevent Turkey’s membership and to obtain the maximum advantage from negotiations. While the Direct Trade Regulation promised by the EU has “died,” talks on 14 chapters have been frozen due to the Cyprus issue. Once chapters are opened, they are not closed until problems are solved.

UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has requested that the leaders of both sides come to Geneva at the end of January with concrete proposals. The inability of the EU’s only communist president, Dimitris Christofias, to take bold steps on reaching a solution, the property demands of Greek Cypriots and their belief that the EU will always be behind them have all had a negative effect on their flexibility in talks. For the short term, all hopes are pinned on Ban’s “skillful diplomacy.” The US still hasn’t appointed a special envoy to Cyprus, while France and Germany still haven’t changed their attitude toward Turkey and on top of everything, the Greek side will hold parliamentary elections in May 2011 and Turkey will hold general elections in June. In light of these facts, the number of people in Brussels who think the Cyprus issue can be resolved do not exceed the fingers of one hand.

Germany-France duo still vehemently opposes Turkey

Germany and France, the EU’s two locomotive countries, have not softened their opposition to Turkey in the least. Behind closed doors, German Chancellor Angela Merkel explains that she shares French President Nicolas Sarkozy’s sentiment about Turkey; in other words, she says there is no place for Turkey in Europe. When we take into consideration the rise of Islamophobic racism in France -- which will hold presidential elections in 2012 -- and Merkel and Sarkozy’s continued leadership, it is unlikely that Turkey’s EU process will ease up. If Sarkozy is re-elected in 2012, then even if the Cyprus problem is solved, Turkey will encounter an obstacle even harder to resolve.

The EU, which was envied by other countries not too long ago, is currently facing a deep economic depression. Even though the EU remains the largest region of prosperity in the world, it is afraid that the economic crisis which began in Greece and continued in Ireland will jump to Portugal and Spain and weaken its common currency, the euro. The consecutive economic crises on the one hand and the rapid growth of BRIC countries (Brazil, Russia, India and China) are gradually undermining the “unshakable confidence” in Europe. A substantial portion of Europeans concerned about the future are turning to Islamophobic racist parties that suggest “closing up” Europe.

Europe is perhaps experiencing one of its most “racist” periods ever since the fascist wave of the 1930s. The party of Dutch Islamophobic racist Geert Wilders, which advocated the banning of the Quran, won 24 seats in the 150-seat parliament in the June 9, 2010 elections, becoming the third biggest party in the country. An Islamophic racist party won seats in parliament for the first time in Sweden. While Switzerland banned the construction of minarets in the country, German Central Bank executive board member Thilo Sarrazin wrote a book in which he claimed Turks and Arabs were pulling down the average intelligence of the German nation. The discourse of racist parties that vehemently oppose Turkey’s membership is spreading quickly and winning increasing approval, making it all the more difficult for those who support Turkey’s membership in the short and medium term. One of the most important common aspects Islamophobic racist parties share is opposition to Turkey’s membership. One of the main reasons why central right parties in countries like Germany, France, Austria, the Netherlands and Belgium oppose or show reluctance to Turkey’s membership is because they want to prevent votes from slipping to racist parties.

‘We need Turkey’

While it is difficult to make optimistic analyses about the speed of Turkey’s membership process in 2011, it must be stressed that there are also important members who say Europe needs Turkey. Countries that support Turkey’s membership highlight Turkey’s young population, its economic development rate -- which is close to BRIC countries -- its new foreign policy and its position as a country that generates stability in the region. The most appealing argument that the foreign affairs ministers of England, Italy, Sweden and Finland used in an article published in The New York Times on Dec. 10 is that according to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), Turkey will have the second largest economy in Europe in 2050. The four foreign affairs ministers pointed to Turkey’s “very exceptional” place in the areas of energy, trade and security and called on the EU to keep its promises.

What will happen in 2011?

The number of chapters that can be opened to talks has been reduced to three -- competition, social policy and employment and public procurement. Hungary, which will take the term presidency on Jan. 1, is expected to open the chapter on competition within a few months. The remaining two chapters, public procurement and social policy and employment are both very challenging chapters. Candidates generally prefer to open the chapter on public procurement last, in other words once a date for membership is on the horizon. With the chapter on social policy and employment, there are serious objections from both Turkish employers and trade unions. It is unlikely that these two chapters will be opened in the near future.

If progress is not made on the Cyprus issue in 2011, negotiations are destined to stop. As for solving the Cyprus issue, that depends on the intervention of the EU’s leading figures, such as the UK, France and Germany. But each of these leading figures have other priorities. Besides, France and Germany are hiding behind Cyprus anyway. (TODAY’S ZAMAN, Selçuk GULTASLI, 2 January 2011)  

Turquie-USA/ Turkey-USA

US Ambassador Cable Proves Torture at Turkish Military Base

The government of Turkey allowed the US American Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to use the Incirlik Base (eastern Mediterranean coast) for illegal interrogations since 2002.

This was now confirmed by US American diplomatic cables published on WikiLeaks despite the fact that the Turkish Department of Foreign Affairs had previously denied it.

As reported by the German newspaper Die Welt, the CIA used the Incirlik Base for 24 flights between 2002 and 2006. The referring document was issued by Ross Wilson, then US American Ambassador to Ankara.

The USA apparently brought alleged "terror suspects" from different parts of the world to the base and interrogated them under torture. The application that was developed after 9/11 was being criticized by international rights organizations.

In their 2006 report, Amnesty International announced that the CIA was using 14 European countries, among them also Turkey. At the same time, Dick Marty, Rapporteur for the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly, published a report that defined the Incirlik base as a point of preparation for torture.

Tan was contradicted

Namık Tan, spokesman of the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, had commented the report in his weekly press conference and advised the journalists "not to rely" on it.

"As everybody knows -the government of the Republic of Turkey, the people or the state did not play any role at all in this process at any time. And they will not do so in the future. It is mentioned in the reports of Amnesty International and other institutions or people - not at least in the report of Dick Marty as the Rapporteur of the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly on Legal Affairs and Human Rights - but I advise you not to rely on it", Tan had declared.

Tan had also announced that it was impossible for the USA to use the Incirlik Base without the permission of Turkey.

Incirlik base "prepared for torture"

The Incirlik Base is located 10 kilometres east of Adana, a city in southern Turkey. It was opened in 1954 for the joined use by the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) and the US American Air Force. It currently accommodates 4,000 members of staff and provided support to the US for operations in the region. It was also used in the course of operations during the Iraqi invasion into Kuwait in 1991.

The use of the base by the USA is annually renewed by a classified decree. The base also holds nuclear warheads and is part of the US American missile shield project.

In 2008, Michael Hayden, Head of the CIA, admitted that suspects had been tortured in Incirlik after 9/11. After Barack Obama won the presidential elections, an investigation was launched into the applications of the CIA. (BIA, Erhan ÜSTÜNDAĞ, 18 January 2011)

Les Etats-Unis et Israël, principales menaces pour les Turcs

Les Etats-Unis et Israël constituent les principales menaces pour la Turquie déclarent une majorité de Turcs, selon un sondage réalisé et diffusé mercredi par l'Institut Metropoll.

43% des sondés considèrent que les Etats-Unis sont la première menace étrangère pour leur pays musulman mais laïque, allié de Washington au sein de l'Otan depuis 1952, selon le sondage réalisé en décembre sur un échantillon représentatif de 1.504 personnes.

Vient ensuite Israël, selon 24% des gens interrogés. 63% estiment que leur pays doit geler ses liens avec l'Etat hébreu tandis que 28% pensent au contraire que ceux-ci doivent être approfondis.

L'Iran, soupçonné par les grandes puissances occidentales de fabriquer l'arme atomique, est loin d'être une menace car seulement 3% des sondés y croient.

La Grèce voisine et avec laquelle la Turquie continue d'avoir de sérieux litiges, notamment en mer Egée et à Chypre, et ce en dépit d'un climat de coopération depuis plusieurs années, vient en dernière place avec 2% des sondés affirmant penser qu'elle constitue une menace.

Depuis l'occupation d'Irak en 2003, une certaine antipathie américaine se fait sentir dans la société turque. Pour ce qui en est d'Israël, les rapports avec pays, autrefois allié stratégique régional, se sont nettement dégradés depuis l'offensive israélienne contre la bande de Gaza en 2008/2009, dénoncée par les dirigeants turcs.

L'attaque israélienne le 31 mai d'un ferry turc, navire amiral d'une flottille humanitaire pour Gaza, sous blocus Israélien, a entraîné ces relations dans une crise encore plus profonde.

La Turquie a rappelé son ambassadeur et réclame des excuses et compensations pour les neuf Turcs tués pendant ce raid, ce qu'Israël refuse.

La position perçue pro-iranienne et anti-israélienne du gouvernement islamo-conservateur turc du Premier ministre Recep Tayyip Erdogan entraîne des interrogations sur le cap traditionnellement pro-occidental du pays.

Le gouvernement d'Ankara assure qu'il reste attaché à l'Occident, tout en se présentant comme une force régionale à la recherche de nouveaux marchés. (AFP, 5 jan 2011)

No end in sight to solving NATO-EU-Turkey ‘entrianglement’

NATO Secretary-General Anders Fogh Rasmussen (L), seen here with Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu, wants the EU and Turkey to put their disagreements aside to pave the way for more EU-NATO cooperation.
Looking from Ankara and listening to Turkish officials, proposals floated in some European Union capitals to resolve the deadlock in deepening defense cooperation between NATO and the EU, complicated by disputes over Cyprus, seem rather naïve because what is seen as a gesture on one side, the EU capitals, is considered an obligation to be fulfilled by the other side, Ankara.
 
“Greek Cyprus, representing the entire island as a full member of the EU, blocks Turkish participation in European defense institutions such as the European Defense Agency [EDA]. Turkey, a NATO member, responds by obstructing the Greek Cypriot government’s use of NATO facilities and NATO cooperation with Greek Cyprus on defense and security issues.” The above paragraph is used in almost all news reports to summarize the essence of the deadlock. However, it just explains the actual situation since 2004, while Ankara’s main argument is based on arrangements dating back to 2002.

Ankara says an agreement reached at the EU Copenhagen Summit in December 2002 to allow the EU to have political and military arrangements in place to access NATO assets and operational planning capabilities, the so-called “Berlin-Plus” arrangements, provides the framework for such cooperation between the two bodies. Under Berlin-Plus, the EU can draw on NATO military assets in defined cases.

“According to the Nice Implementation Document, the EU has some liabilities to fulfill vis-à-vis non-EU member countries which are members of NATO, like Turkey,” a senior diplomat recalled while speaking with Sunday’s Zaman. He was referring to the “ESDP [European Security and Defense Policy]: Implementation of the Nice Provisions on the Involvement of the non-EU European Allies” document adopted by the EU in October 2002 and that served as the basis of the December 2002 NATO-EU Joint Declaration and the decision of the December 2002 European Council session in Copenhagen that the Berlin-Plus arrangements would apply only to EU members that also belonged to NATO or Partnership for Peace (PfP).

“Consultations with Turkey during peace time was one of the three commitments the EU made to Turkey through that document. We have asked for such consultation two times, in cases concerning Iraq and Georgia, both in our close neighborhood. It didn’t happen in any of the cases. The other two commitments are our membership in the EDA and the signing of an agreement for an exchange between Turkey and the EU of classified information which would, for example, pave the way for Turkish participation in the planning of the ESDP, which was renamed the Common Security and Defense Policy [CSDP] with the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty,” the diplomat, speaking under the customary condition of anonymity, explained to Sunday’s Zaman.

Practical or ill-formed

In a recent interview with Today’s Zaman, Belgian Ambassador to Turkey Pol De Witte said NATO Secretary-General Anders Fogh Rasmussen had recently urged EU leaders to find “pragmatic solutions” to break the deadlock, proposing that the European bloc conclude an arrangement between Turkey and the EDA.

At the time, Rasmussen reportedly said Ankara would have to recognize that all EU members participate in EU-NATO cooperation, a clear reference to Greek Cyprus. Echoing Rasmussen’s assumption, Ambassador De Witte said Turkey’s participation in the EDA would be a “practical step.”

“Such practical steps could contribute to more confidence and gestures of this kind could in turn lead to a genuine EU-NATO strategic partnership,” De Witte said. He gave an affirmative response when asked whether he expected Turkey “to respond with another gesture if 26 member states persuade Greek Cypriots to hold back their veto against Turkey’s EDA membership.”

But this is not how the issue is seen by Ankara. “Those three commitments made by the EU at the time are a package and it is not possible for us to separate the elements of this package,” the senior diplomat said. “This is not an issue open to bargaining. Through such proposals, the EU is in a way saying: ‘Sorry, we shook hands but we are not able to fulfill the requirements of that handshake. And you should give us additional things in exchange for us fulfilling our commitments’.”

The veteran diplomat recalled how both Turkey and Norway were at the time members of the Western European Armaments Group (WEAG), the organization responsible for cooperation in the field of armaments within the framework of the Western European Union (WEU). Since the absorption of the WEAG functions within the EDA, Norway has been able to conclude an administrative arrangement with the EDA which allows it to be associated with certain activities of the agency, but this, however, is not the case with Turkey.

“At the time, the administrative arrangement concerning Turkey was blocked by the GKRY,” the diplomat said, using the abbreviation for the “Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus” in a bid to highlight that Ankara does not recognize the Greek Cypriot-controlled “Republic of Cyprus.”

“And again, at the time, it was the EU leaders who could not turn to the Greek Cypriots and say that commitments made to Turkey were part of the EU acquis by 2002, before their membership in the union, and thus these commitments had to be recognized by Greek Cypriots, too. Since then, we have shown all kinds of flexibility for further cooperation between NATO and the EU while also making significant contributions to this partnership on the ground. But this flexibility has a political limit and, accordingly, we cannot be at the same table with the GKRY within the NATO framework,” the diplomat concluded. (TODAY’S ZAMAN, Emine KART, 2 January 2011)  

Relations régionales / Regional Relations

Tension en Irak concernant l'eau provenant de Turquie

Les turbines hydroélectriques placées sur le barrage de Mossoul, dans le nord de l'Irak, ont cessé de fonctionner en raison du niveau historiquement bas du Tigre, ce qui va accroître la pénurie d'éléctricité, a indiqué jeudi un haut responsable irakien.

Adel Mahdi, conseiller au ministère de l'Electricité, a indiqué à l'AFP que le niveau de l'eau dans le barrage n'atteignait que 298 mètres, ajoutant que "c'est la première fois depuis la construction du barrage en 1984 qu'il est si bas".

"La production de la centrale hydroélectrique, qui fournit normalement 1.175 mégawatts, est aujourd'hui égale à zéro, car les turbines ont besoin d'un niveau minimal d'eau de 307 mètres pour fonctionner", a-t-il ajouté.

Le barrage est alimenté par de l'eau provenant de Turquie, d'Iran et des montagnes d'Irak, a-t-il expliqué. Le Tigre et l'Euphrate ont leur source en Turquie, et l'Euphrate passe par la Syrie. Les barrages érigés par ces deux pays handicapent considérablement l'Irak, qui, à plusieurs reprises, a demandé sans réels résultats à son voisin du nord d'augmenter le débit.

L'Irak craint les conséquences de l'achèvement par la Turquie d'un nouveau barrage controversé, nommé "Aliso", dont la construction a débuté en 2006: s'il est achevé, "c'en est fini du Tigre en Irak", a déploré M. Mahdi.

Par ailleurs, selon ce responsable, la centrale électrique de Haditha, située sur l'Euphrate, à 210 km à l'ouest de Bagdad, fonctionne à moins de 50% de sa capacité, également à cause du manque d'eau lié aux barrages turcs.

Selon lui, les Irakiens devraient souffrir un nouvelle fois cet été de coupures d'électricité, avec seulement 8 heures de courant par jour car l'accroissement de la production ne sera pas suffisant pour satisfaire une demande en augmentation de 10%.

Selon lui, il ne faut pas s'attendre à une amélioration avant 2013, lorsque les projets en cours devraient pouvoir fournir 10.000 mégawatts supplémentaires. Actuellement, la demande est de 15.000 mégawatts, alors que la production n'est que de 8.500 mégawatts.

Cette pénurie de courant a des conséquences dramatiques pour les habitants mais également pour les industries et l'agriculture. Des manifestations violentes ont eu lieu durant l'été 2010 pour protester contre le manque d'électricité. (AFP, 27 jan 2011)

La commission d'enquête israélienne disculpe l'Etat hébreu

Une commission d'enquête israélienne a, sans surprise, disculpé dimanche l'Etat hébreu après le raid meurtrier de ses commandos de marine contre une flottille d'aide internationale au large de la bande de Gaza le 31 mai 2010.

Selon le rapport préliminaire de la commission israélienne, composée de six membres dont deux observateurs internationaux, le blocus maritime du territoire palestinien et l'assaut des soldats israéliens pour empêcher la flottille humanitaire de se rendre à Gaza sont "conformes au droit international".

La mort de neuf passagers turcs durant l'assaut avait provoqué une très grave crise dans les relations entre Israël et la Turquie, et soulevé une vague de réprobation internationale.

Le Premier ministre israélien Benjamin Netanyahu s'est félicité des conclusions de la commission israélienne qui "prouvent clairement que le blocus de Gaza est légal et que les soldats (israélien) ont agi en légitime défense".

En Turquie, le Premier ministre Recep Tayyip Erdogan a rejeté le rapport de la commission d'enquête israélienne qui a blanchi Israël dimanche dans le raid meurtrier sur un navire humanitaire turc, en mai au large de Gaza, affirmant qu'il n'a "aucune crédibilité".

"Quelle valeur peut avoir un rapport préparé et commandé dans le même pays ? (Israël) (...) Nous allons suivre cette affaire. Ce rapport n'a aucune crédibilité", a-t-il dit à des journalistes à Ankara, cité par l'agence de presse Anatolie.

D'autre part, le rapport de la commission d'enquête turque sur l'assaut israélien qui a coûté la vie à neuf Turcs dans un navire d'aide s'approchant de Gaza en mai 2010, accuse Israël de recours "excessif" et "disproportionné" à la force, selon des conclusions préliminaires.

Selon les conclusions préliminaires de ce rapport, dont l'AFP s'est procuré une copie, "l'armée israélienne a fait usage d'une force excessive contre le Mavi Marmara", vaisseau amiral turc de la flottille qui se dirigeait vers Gaza, sous blocus israélien, où ont été tués les Turcs.

"La force utilisée pour intercepter le Mavi Marmara dépasse les limites de ce qui est approprié et nécessaire (...) l'usage de la force ne peut être qu'en dernier recours", souligne le document.

Selon les passagers auditionnés, les commandos de marine ont ouvert le feu aussitôt après leur hélitreuillage sur le pont du ferry.

La commission d'enquête, qui a auditionné des activistes turcs et étrangers du convoi, critique "la nature disproportionnée de l'attaque dans les eaux internationales", et estime que l'Etat hébreu doit payer des compensations pour les familles des victimes, "aux termes du droit international".

Le rapport israélien a été fustigé également par le Hamas, au pouvoir à Gaza, et critiqué par les ONG israéliennes de défense des droits de l'Homme qui ont dénoncé "la cécité morale et légale" d'Israël.

La députée arabe israélienne Hanine Zoabi, qui se trouvait à bord de la flottille, a affirmé que la commission Tirkel avait été "de parti pris dès le départ" de l'enquête, de par le choix des juges, des observateurs internationaux, selon elle pro-israéliens, et des questions posées aux témoins.

M. Netanyahu, son ministre de la Défense Ehud Barak et le chef d'état-major Gaby Ashkenazi, entre autres, ont comparu devant les rapporteurs israéliens.

"L'imposition d'un blocus maritime sur la bande de Gaza, compte tenu des raisons sécuritaires et des efforts d'Israël de remplir ses obligations humanitaires est légal et conforme au droit international", affirme la commission dirigée par le juge Yaacov Tirkel.

Et le recours à la force lors de l'arraisonnement du navire-amiral de la flottille pour Gaza, le ferry turc Mavi Marmara, a également été "légal" au regard du droit international, ajoute le rapport.

La commission justifie le blocus et le raid dans les eaux internationales par la nécessité "d'empêcher l'acheminement par voie maritime d'armes et de terroristes dans la bande de Gaza", rappelant que des "milliers de roquettes et d'obus de mortier ont été tirés" depuis 2001 contre le sud d'Israël à partir de ce territoire.

Elle souligne l'opposition "très violente" à laquelle les soldats israéliens ont été confrontés lors de l'abordage, de la part de militants de l'organisation humanitaire turque de tendance islamiste IHH.

La commission déplore les "conséquences regrettables en pertes de vie humaines et en blessures", relevant que neuf militaires israéliens ont été blessés, dont deux par balles, au cours des affrontements.

Le mandat de la commission Tirkel, fixé en juin dernier par le gouvernement de Benjamin Netanyahu, était limité à vérifier la conformité au droit international de l'arraisonnement et de l'embargo maritime.

Elle n'était pas habilitée à enquêter sur le processus de prise de décisions ni à recommander des sanctions personnelles contre les dirigeants politiques et militaires qui avaient préparé, ordonné ou conduit le raid.

En septembre dernier, le Conseil des droits de l'Homme de l'ONU a avalisé un rapport concluant à l'existence de "preuves" pour "appuyer des poursuites" contre Israël après l'abordage.

Mais Israël est davantage inquiet de la publication attendue du rapport de la commission de l'ONU mandatée par le secrétaire général de l'ONU Ban Ki-moon et présidée par l'ex-Premier ministre néo-zélandais Geoffrey Palmer. (AFP, 23 jan 2011)

Nucléaire iranien: les discussions d'Istanbul s'achèvent sur un échec

Les discussions d'Istanbul sur le nucléaire iranien, entre l'Iran et les grandes puissances qui craignent que Téhéran ne se dote de l'arme atomique, se sont achevées sur un échec samedi, et aucune réunion nouvelle n'est prévue dans ce dossier hypersensible.

La chef de la diplomatie de l'UE, Catherine Ashton, intermédiaire des grandes puissances sur le nucléaire iranien, s'est dite "déçue" des conclusions des discussions qui ont eu lieu pendant deux jours à Istanbul.

Le négociateur en chef iranien, Said Jalili, a pour sa part réaffirmé le droit de son pays de poursuivre l'enrichissement d'uranium, qui selon les Occidentaux, pourrait permettre à l'Iran de progresser dans la fabrication de l'arme atomique.

"Nous avions espéré engager des discussions sur des avancées concrètes, et nous avons déployé tous les efforts pour que cela soit possible. Je suis déçue de dire que cela n'a pas été possible", a déclaré Mme Ashton à la presse, à l'issue des discussions du groupe des 5+1 (les cinq membres permanents du Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU: Etats-Unis, Russie, Chine, France et Grande-Bretagne, plus l'Allemagne) et l'Iran.

"Il est essentiel que l'Iran démontre que son programme nucléaire est de nature pacifique", a souligné la diplomate.

La ministre française des Affaires étrangères, Michèle Alliot-Marie a estimé à Amman que l'attitude de l'Iran, avec des "conditions préalables qui étaient totalement inacceptables", avait "tout bloqué".

Ces conditions "concernaient la levée des sanctions et le droit à l'enrichissement (d'uranium). Ceci a tout bloqué", a dit la ministre.

Le ministre britannique des Affaires étrangères, William Hague, a lui aussi jugé "extrêmement décevante" l'attitude iranienne.

Mme Ashton a indiqué qu'"aucune nouvelle discussion" n'était prévue avec Téhéran sur son programme nucléaire.

La précédente réunion, tenue début décembre à Genève après 14 mois d'interruption des discussions, avait relancé l'espoir d'une dynamique, avec l'annonce du rendez-vous d'Istanbul.

Indication supplémentaire de l'échec de ces pourparlers, aucune réunion bilatérale n'a eu lieu pendant ces deux jours entre la délégation américaine et celle de l'Iran, selon un diplomate occidental, en dépit de l'insistance des Six pour la tenue d'une telle rencontre.

Tant Mme Alliot-Marie que M. Hague ont estimé toutefois qu'il était encore possible de trouver une solution diplomatique. "La porte reste ouverte à de futures discussions", a souligné le ministre britannique.

Dans sa déclaration, Mme Ashton a expliqué que les "Six" avaient proposé une "version réactualisée de l'accord d'échange de combustible TRR (destiné au Réacteur de recherche de Téhéran) ainsi que des moyens d'améliorer la transparence par des mesures de contrôle de l'AIEA (Agence internationale pour l'énergie atomique) acceptées par la communauté internationale".

"Nous avions l'espoir d'avoir une discussion constructive et détaillée" de ces propositions.

"Mais il est apparu clairement que la partie iranienne n'y était pas disposée, sauf à accepter des conditions préalables concernant l'enrichissement et les sanctions", a-t-elle ajouté.

L'Iran a affirmé pendant ces deux jours qu'il était hors de question d'évoquer une suspension de ces activités d'enrichissement, et qu'il demandait la levée des sanctions internationales à son encontre.

Conformément au Traité de non-prolifération (TNP) nucléaire, l'Iran "a le droit au cycle de combustion, y compris l'enrichissement de l'uranium", a déclaré M. Jalili à l'issue des discussions.

"Ce droit doit être reconnu", a estimé le négociateur iranien, qui a affirmé que si les grandes puissances reconnaissaient ce droit et notamment "cette logique" à son pays, "nous sommes prêts à des pourparlers, même demain".

Mme Ashton s'est entretenue vendredi après-midi en tête-à-tête avec le négociateur en chef du nucléaire iranien Said Jalili, un échange qui s'est avéré "pas concluant", selon un diplomate occidental proche des discussions.

Le programme nucléaire iranien a été condamné par six résolutions du Conseil de sécurité, dont quatre assorties de sanctions économiques et politiques. Plusieurs pays, dont les Etats-Unis, ont adopté leurs propres sanctions. (AFP, 22 jan 2011)

L'Iran refuse de suspendre l'enrichissement d'uranium

L'Iran, réuni vendredi à Istanbul avec les grandes puissances pour des discussions sur le nucléaire, a réaffirmé qu'il refuse de renoncer à enrichir l'uranium, et un diplomate occidental a qualifié un entretien crucial tenu dans l'après-midi de "pas concluant".

La chef de la diplomatie de l'Union européenne, Catherine Ashton, s'est entretenue en tête-à-tête avec le négociateur en chef du nucléaire iranien Said Jalili, un échange qui s'est avéré "pas concluant", a déclaré à la presse ce diplomate occidental proche des discussions.

Mme Ashton est l'intermédiaire du groupe des Six (Etats-Unis, Russie, Chine, France, Grande-Bretagne, Allemagne), qui exige des garanties sur le programme nucléaire de l'Iran, soupçonné de chercher à se doter de l'arme atomique.

L'entretien a duré une heure et demie, et "on a beaucoup parlé, mais les positions restent les mêmes", a expliqué ce diplomate.

Le négociateur iranien a déclaré que son pays veut que son droit à l'enrichissement de l'uranium soit reconnu, et a demandé aussi la levée des sanctions internationales contre l'Iran, comme préconditions à un début de discussions sur un échange de combustible, selon ce diplomate.

"Honnêtement, on peut dire que l'entretien (bilatéral) n'a pas été concluant", a-t-il ajouté.

Plus tôt dans la journée, un haut diplomate iranien avait assuré qu'il n'était pas question de parler à Istanbul d'une suspension de l'enrichissement.

"Nous ne permettrons absolument pas que les discussions abordent la question de nos droits fondamentaux, comme la question d'une suspension de l'enrichissement" d'uranium, avait déclaré à la presse Abolfazl Zohrevand, adjoint du négociateur en chef iranien Said Jalili.

L'Iran poursuit "avec vigueur" ses "activités d'enrichissement" d'uranium malgré les sanctions internationales, avait déclaré samedi dernier Ali Akbar Salehi, le chef du programme nucléaire iranien.

Concernant un échange de combustible, les grandes puissances recherchent un accord révisé sur ce point, par rapport à la proposition de 2009, "comme point de départ pour bâtir la confiance", selon le même diplomate occidental.

L'Iran a rejeté en 2009 un projet du groupe de Vienne (Etats-Unis, Russie, France) d'envoi en Russie de 1.200 kg d'uranium iranien faiblement enrichi pour obtenir en contrepartie de la Russie et de la France du combustible pour le réacteur de recherche médicale de Téhéran.

En mai 2010, l'Iran a présenté avec la Turquie et le Brésil une contre-proposition prévoyant d'envoyer en Turquie 1.200 kg de son uranium pour faire l'échange. Les grandes puissances ont ignoré cette offre.

Par ailleurs, le groupe des "Six" fait pression sur l'Iran pour que la délégation de ce pays accepte de rencontrer de manière bilatérale celle des Etats-Unis, à Istanbul, a par ailleurs déclaré ce diplomate occidental.

"Les Six ne peuvent pas faire de progrès tant qu'il n'y a pas de bilatérale avec les Etats-Unis", a-t-il ajouté.

"Mon sentiment profond est que si les Iraniens refusent de se réunir avec les Américains", les grandes puissances "se retireront de la table pour ces discussions" d'Istanbul, a-t-il ajouté.

Il a précisé ultérieurement que l'Iran n'avait pas explicitement refusé une telle rencontre.

Le programme nucléaire iranien a été condamné par six résolutions du Conseil de sécurité, dont quatre assorties de sanctions économiques et politiques. Plusieurs pays, dont les Etats-Unis, ont adopté leurs propres sanctions.

Les précédentes discussions entre l'Iran et les Six remontent à début décembre, à Genève. (AFP, 21 jan 2011)

La Turquie poursuit ses avancées en direction des Arabes

Le régime islamo-conservateur turc poursuit activement ses avancées politiques et économiques dans le monde arabe, sur fond d'enlisement croissant de la candidature de la Turquie à l'Europe, pourtant partenaire traditionnel de ce pays membre de l'Otan.

La diplomatie turque en direction des Arabes, que certains ont qualifié de "néo-ottomane", s'est démultipliée cette semaine: tandis que le Premier ministre Recep Tayyip Erdogan visitait le Koweit et le Qatar, le président Abdullah Gül était au Yémen.

Et jeudi, c'est le Premier ministre libanais Saad Hariri qui s'est déplacé à Ankara pour chercher l'appui de M. Erdogan dans la recherche d'une solution à la grave crise politique dans son pays, apportant la preuve des prétentions affichées par Ankara: il faut, de plus en plus, compter avec la Turquie au Proche Orient.

A M. Gül, l'histoire, la culture et même la religion. Il a rendu hommage au Yémen aux dizaines de milliers de soldats ottomans tués durant la Première guerre mondiale, et, affirme Ibrahim Kalin dans le journal pro-gouvernemental Today's Zaman, "on n'a pas été étonné de le voir, lui et sa suite, pleurer dans les rues du Yémen."

A Sanaa, M. Gül a aussi visité une école de la confrérie turque de Fethullah Gülen, et remercié les autorités locales d'avoir autorisé cet établissement.

Dans ses déplacements à l'étranger, M. Gül inaugure régulièrement ces écoles confessionnelles, créées à l'initiative de M. Gülen, le chef d'une très puissante communauté que les milieux laïcs turcs accusent de collusion avec le pouvoir.

M. Gül et les dirigeants yémenites ont également supprimé les visas entre les deux pays, politique déjà appliquée par la Turquie à la Libye, la Syrie, la Jordanie ou le Liban.

L'an dernier, Ankara, Amman et Beyrouth ont décidé la création d'une "zone de libre circulation des biens et des personnes". Ankara a insisté sur le fait qu'il ne s'agit pas d'une solution de remplacement à une adhésion turque à l'Union européenne.

La candidature turque à l'UE, avec laquelle la Turquie réalise plus de la moitié de ses échanges, fait du surplace, du fait de la question de Chypre et du barrage opposé par l'Allemagne ou la France, à une pleine adhésion turque.

Tandis que M. Gül était au Yémen, M. Erdogan était dans le Golfe avec "la plus importante délégation d'hommes d'affaires" jamais réunie à l'étranger, selon Ibrahim Kalin, qui note que rien qu'au Koweit, ces entrepreneurs ont tenu un total de "2.000 réunions d'affaires".

L'intérêt est double dans le monde arabe, note Semih Idiz, du journal Milliyet. "La Turquie a besoin d'investir et d'exporter ses produits manufacturés, et elle a besoin d'importer de l'énergie", dont elle est en grande partie dépourvue.

Les échanges commerciaux entre la Turquie et les monarchies du Conseil de coopération du Golfe ont explosé: de 1,5 milliard de dollars (1,2 md d'euros) en 1999 à 17,5 mds de dollars (13,5 md d'euros) en 2008.

Au plan politique, la visite de M. Hariri à Ankara témoigne d'un rôle croissant de la Turquie, qui entretient aujourd'hui des liens étroits avec la Syrie et l'Iran, deux acteurs clé de la scène libanaise.

Avec son coup de colère contre Israël à la suite de l'offensive lancée sur Gaza par l'Etat hébreu en décembre 2008, M. Erdogan s'est aussi forgé une stature de champion de la cause palestinienne, soutenue trop mollement à ses yeux par les Arabes.

Et une nouvelle dégradation, fin mai, des relations jadis fortes entre la Turquie et Israël après le drame du ferry Mavi Marmara -neuf Turcs tués par un commando israélien- a renforcé cette image. (AFP, 14 jan 2011)

Hariri évoque la crise au Liban avec le Premier ministre turc à Ankara

Le Premier ministre libanais Saad Hariri a évoqué vendredi la crise politique dans son pays avec son homologue turc Recep Tayyip Erdogan à Ankara, a rapporté l'agence de presse Anatolie.

M. Hariri, arrivé dans la nuit dans la capitale turque en provenance de Paris où il a été reçu par le président Nicolas Sarkozy, s'est entretenu pendant deux heures à huis clos avec M. Erdogan.

Dans l'entourage de M. Erdogan, on avait fait état dans un premier temps de la possibilité d'une conférence de presse conjointe, mais finalement les deux dirigeants ne se sont pas adressés aux journalistes qui attendaient la fin de leur entrevue.

M. Hariri a ensuite quitté Ankara à bord de son jet privé pour retourner à Beyrouth, après plusieurs jours d'absence.

Lors d'un discours devant des responsables de son Parti de la justice et du développement (AKP, issu de la mouvance islamiste), M. Erdogan a affirmé que la Turquie jouerait un "rôle actif" pour un dénouement pacifique de la crise gouvernementale au Liban.

"On ne peut pas tolérer que le Liban s'enlise de nouveau dans une instabilité politique", a-t-il dit, cité par Anatolie. A cet effet, a-t-il poursuivi, la Turquie entreprendra des démarches auprès de la Syrie et de l'Iran notamment, qui sont influents au Liban.

"Toutes les parties (au conflit interne) doivent agir avec grande responsabilité et doivent prendre en compte, par dessus tout, les intérêts du Liban", a estimé le Premier ministre turc.

Le Liban est plongé dans une crise ouverte après la démission du gouvernement des ministres du Hezbollah et l'effondrement du gouvernement de Saad Hariri sur fond de divisions autour de l'enquête sur l'assassinat de Rafic Hariri, le père de Saad.

Des difficultés sont attendues pour la formation d'un nouveau gouvernement en raison de la poursuite du bras de fer autour du Tribunal spécial pour le Liban (TSL), chargé d'enquêter et de juger les responsables de l'assassinat de l'ancien Premier ministre Rafic Hariri en 2005.

L'Arabie saoudite et la Syrie ont échoué dans leurs efforts pour trouver un compromis entre les deux camps.

"La stabilité du Liban est très importante pour la stabilité de la région (...) Nous considérons tous les Libanais comme des amis de la Turquie", avait déclaré jeudi le chef de la diplomatie turque, Ahmet Davutoglu.

A la suite d'entretiens avec son homologue saoudien mercredi, M. Davutoglu avait déclaré qu'Ankara était prêt à aider à une réconciliation entre les parties libanaises.

La Turquie, membre de l'Otan, s'efforce de jouer un rôle croissant dans le monde arabe, depuis l'arrivée au pouvoir du parti islamo-conservateur du Premier ministre Erdogan, en 2002. (AFP, 14 jan 2011)

La Turquie pour un renforcement de la coopération avec les pays arabes

Le Premier ministre turc Recep Tayyip Erdogan a exhorté mardi à Koweït les pays arabes à renforcer leur coopération avec Ankara et à oublier les conflits du passé.

"Les Arabes sont nos frères", a déclaré M. Erdogan dans un discours passionné à l'ouverture d'une conférence de deux jours sur les relations arabo-turques.

"Nous devons travailler ensemble. En joignant nos forces, nous pouvons surmonter tous les problèmes. Nous pouvons résoudre le problème de la Palestine et ceux d'Iran et d'Afghanistan", a-t-il ajouté.

"En nous unissant, nous pouvons faire beaucoup. Nous n'avons pas besoin d'une partie tierce pour réformer et améliorer nos relations. En Turquie, nous vous ouvrons grand nos coeurs", a-t-il encore dit.

Le gouvernement de M. Erdogan a considérablement amélioré l'image et la popularité de la Turquie dans le monde arabe, notamment après le coup de colère du Premier ministre turc contre Israël à la suite de l'offensive lancée par l'Etat hébreu en décembre 2008 contre la bande de Gaza.

"Parce que nous parlons de Kaboul, de Bagdad, de Gaza et de la Palestine, nous avons été durement critiqués (...) et certains ont dit que nous n'avions pas de place au sein de l'Union européenne", a-t-il dit.

M. Erdogan a invité les pays arabes à oublier les différends et conflits du passé car "ils étaient basés sur des mensonges".

Il s'en est pris à ceux qui lient l'islam au terrorisme, une grande insulte aux musulmans selon lui.

M. Erdogan conduit à Koweït une délégation de 500 personnes, formée notamment d'hommes d'affaires, pour consolider les liens économiques et politiques avec le riche émirat pétrolier du Golfe.

Lundi, au premier jour de sa visite, un mémorandum d'entente sur la coopération industrielle a été signé par les deux pays.

La coopération bilatérale s'est développée ces dernières années, le fonds souverain de l'émirat, Kuwait Investment Authority (KIA) ayant porté ses investissements en Turquie à 1,7 milliard de dollars (1,3 milliard d'euros).

Au niveau régional, les échanges commerciaux entre la Turquie et les monarchies du Conseil de coopération du Golfe (CCG) ont été estimés à 17,5 milliards de dollars (13,5 milliards d'euros) en 2008, contre 1,5 milliard de dollars (1,2 milliard d'euros) en 1999.

Outre le Koweït, le CCG regroupe l'Arabie saoudite, Bahreïn, les Emirats arabes unis, Oman et le Qatar. (AFP, 11 jan 2011)

En Turquie, l'arrivée de chrétiens d'Irak fuyant les violences s'intensifie

L'arrivée en Turquie, pays presque exclusivement musulman, de chrétiens d'Irak fuyant les violences chez eux s'est intensifié depuis la sanglante attaque contre une église à Bagdad, le 31 octobre.

Au Haut-commissariat pour les réfugiés des Nations Unies (HCR), le nombre de demandes d'asile de membres de cette communauté a plus que doublé en trois mois, passant de 183 en octobre à 428 en décembre.

Selon les registres de l'archevéché chaldéen catholique d'Istanbul, principal intermédiaire entre ces exilés et les autorités turques, quelque 150 familles -- plus de 600 personnes -- sont arrivées en Turquie en décembre, soit presque autant que durant toute l'année 2009.

"Au cours des derniers mois de 2010, nous avons connu une vague encore plus forte que celle de 2008", explique Mgr François Yakan, l'évêque chaldéen d'Istanbul. En 2008, 12.000 chrétiens avaient pris la route de l'exil rien qu'à Mossoul, où ils étaient la cible de violences.

Le prélat ne cache pas son inquiétude face à la dégradation de la situation en Irak.

"Ce qui nous inquiète c'est que dans les villes du nord de l'Irak aussi, les chrétiens ont commencé à avoir peur. (Parmi les nouveaux réfugiés), il y a des gens qui viennent de Kirkouk, Erbil, Zakho, Souleymanieh. Ce sont des gens qui jusque-là vivaient tranquilles", explique le prélat.

La région autonome kurde du nord de l'Irak servait même de refuge à de nombreux chrétiens fuyant les villes plus exposées de Bagdad et Mossoul.

L'attaque de la cathédrale syriaque catholique de Bagdad par un groupe d'Al-Qaïda le 31 octobre, qui a coûté la vie à 44 fidèles et deux prêtres, a bien sûr joué un rôle important dans cette nouvelle vague d'exode, estime Gizem Demirci, militant de l'association d'aide aux réfugiés Asam.

"Après l'attaque, nous avons commencé à voir beaucoup de nouveaux venus. Nous avons constaté qu'ils venaient sans avoir faits de préparatifs, sans économies, ils avaient peur et ils sont partis", déclare la jeune femme.

"Par ailleurs, nous avons commencé à accueillir d'avantage de mineurs (...) dont la famille est encore en Irak mais qui n'a assez d'argent que pour envoyer un fils ou une fille", ajoute-t-elle.

Sandra, 21 ans, est, elle, arrivée en Turquie avec sa famille à la mi-novembre, en provenance de Bagdad.

L'attaque de la cathédrale a terrorisé la jeune fille. "A tout moment, ça pouvait être notre tour, celui de notre église. Certains de nos voisins ont été tués dans cet attaque", commente-t-elle.

C'est cependant une menace plus directe qui a décidé son père, cuisinier, à choisir l'exode.

"Nous étions à la maison, avec ma mère et ma soeur, vers 22H30. Des hommes sont entrés et nous ont fait coucher par terre. Ils nous ont dit: Soit vous devenez musulmans, soit vous partez. Sinon, on vous tue", relate Sandra.

Pour elle, qui rêve désormais d'Australie, pas question d'un retour en Irak. "Revenir pour quoi, pour se faire tuer?", lâche-t-elle.

A 61 ans, Israël Hannah a lui aussi abandonné tout espoir de revoir un jour son pays, où l'incendie de son épicerie a eu raison de sa résistance.

La Turquie n'est qu'une étape vers une nouvelle vie, probablement en Amérique du Nord ou en Australie. Pourtant, il savoure déjà sur les rives du Bosphore un sentiment qu'il n'avait pas connu depuis trois décennies, entre guerres et attentats: la sécurité.

"On se sent libre, tout le temps. Chaque dimanche, à n'importe quelle occasion, on va à l'église ou on visite ceci ou cela. On se sent en sécurité et on remercie Dieu", affirme le Chaldéen, encore surpris d'avoir pu fêter Noël au grand jour, au milieu de voisins musulmans. (AFP, Nicholas CHEVIRON, 7 jan 2011)

L'exaspération des médias kurdes en Irak face aux plaintes pour diffamation

Cibles de dizaines de plaintes en justice pour diffamation, de nombreux médias du Kurdistan irakien dénoncent une campagne d'intimidation des autorités de cette région autonome, et une atteinte à la liberté de la presse.

Ahmed Mera, rédacteur en chef de Lvin, a recensé pas moins de 27 plaintes en justice contre son magazine, parmi lesquelles "au moins sept à caractère politique" qui ont été déposées par le Parti démocratique du Kurdistan (PDK) du président de la région, Massoud Barzani.

Elles portent sur différents articles publiés par Lvin, dont un qui traitait du salaire de M. Barzani.

"Le but du PDK est clair", accuse-t-il. "Il entend limiter les libertés au Kurdistan, faire reculer la démocratie et, au final, nous faire taire."

"On perd notre temps dans les tribunaux, et c'est leur but, nous empêcher de faire notre travail", poursuit-il.

Une opinion partagée par son confrère Kamal Rauf, dont le journal Hawlati est visé par neuf plaintes différentes. "Leur but est clairement d'intimider les médias, et donc de les influencer."

L'organisation Reporters sans frontières (RSF) s'est également alarmée mi-décembre de l'inflation du nombre de plaintes, "alors que Massoud Barzani (...) s'est clairement exprimé en faveur de la liberté de la presse, lors du Congrès de son parti" en décembre."

"Et ce ne sont plus uniquement les médias non partisans qui se trouvent dans la ligne de mire. Aujourd'hui, les directeurs de publications passent leur temps dans les couloirs des tribunaux", indique RSF dans un rapport intitulé "Kurdistan irakien: des procès comme s'il en pleuvait".

Cette cascade de plaintes, en entravant le travail des journalistes vise à "limiter la liberté de la presse", selon Rahma Gharib, directeur de Metro, une organisation kurde de défense de la liberté de la presse.

Car les procédures judiciaires sont parfois longues. C'est le cas de celle qui avait été déposée le 25 juillet par le secrétaire du bureau politique du PDK contre l'hebdomadaire Roznama, et qui n'a pas été jugée.

Le PDK réclame selon l'Observatoire de la liberté de la presse en Irak un milliard de dollars de dommages et intérêts à cette publication qui appartient au chef du parti d'opposition Goran (changement), Nicherwan Moustafa.

Elle avait publié le 20 juillet un article sur la contrebande du pétrole entre le Kurdistan et l'Iran affirmant que ce trafic rapportait "des millions de dollars" aux deux partis traditionnels kurdes, le PDK et l'Union patriotique du Kurdistan (UPK) du président irakien Jalal Talabani

Le mois dernier, le magazine Rega a écopé d'une amende de 35 millions de dinars (environ 30.000 dollars) pour un article demandant la démission de M. Barzani, qu'il accusait de ne pas être en mesure de protéger le Kurdistan.

L'article portait sur l'affaire Sardasht Osmane, un journaliste auteur d'articles très critiques contre les dirigeants kurdes et la corruption, et assassiné dans des conditions troubles en mai.

Contacté par l'AFP, un porte-parole du PDK a justifié "le grand nombre de plaintes contre les journalistes" par la nécessité pour le PDK de "se défendre des accusations parues dans la presse".

Ari Harsin a aussi démenti que les critiques de M. Barzani ou des membres de sa famille soient interdites. "Le PDK défend l'indépendance de la presse", a-t-il affirmé.

L'UPK a de son côté indiqué qu'elle préférait éviter la résolution en justice des contentieux.

"Nous tentons de répondre par voie de presse aux articles critiques à l'égard de l'UPK", a affirmé Azad Jandiani, un de ses porte-parole. "Nous préférons traiter par le dialogue les tensions qui peuvent exister." (AFP, 3 jan 2011)

Ankara appelé à démasquer les auteurs du rapt d'un haut gradé disparu

Un influent député iranien a pressé la Turquie de démasquer les "ravisseurs sionistes" de l'ancien vice-ministre iranien de la Défense, Ali Reza Asghari, disparu à Istanbul en 2007, a rapporté dimanche l'agence de presse Fars.

"La Turquie doit révéler les noms des terroristes du Mossad (les services de renseignement israéliens)", a déclaré Alaeddine Bouroujerdi, chef de la commission de sécurité nationale et de la politique étrangère au Parlement iranien.

"Ceux qui avaient eu un rôle dans l'enlèvement de (Ali Reza) Asghari en Turquie doivent être présentés et le crime sioniste sera ainsi démasqué", a ajouté ce député.

La Turquie qui s'est rapprochée ces dernières années des pays arabes et de l'Iran doit accueillir fin janvier les discussions entre l'Iran et le groupe 5+1 (Etats-Unis, France, Grande-Bretagne, Russie, Chine et Allemagne).

Des médias iraniens avaient rapporté vendredi que l'Iran avait demandé l'aide du secrétaire général de l'ONU Ban Ki-moon pour connaître le sort d'Ashgari, après des informations de presse sur sa possible mort dans une prison israélienne.

Des responsables iraniens ont multiplié ces derniers jours les déclarations alarmistes sur le sort de M. Asghari après la publication d'un article dans la revue en ligne Eurasia News sur sa possible mort dans une prison israélienne.

L'article en question citait en outre une information d'un journal israélien sur le "suicide" de M. Asghari en prison. Selon Eurasia News, cette information avait été retirée du site du journal en question, le Yedioth Aharonoth, peu après sa publication car elle était sous censure.

Selon des médias occidentaux, M. Asghari avait disparu lors d'un séjour privé en Turquie en février 2007, mais selon sa famille, sa disparition remonte à décembre 2006.

A l'époque, le Washington Post, avait affirmé que M. Asghari avait volontairement fait défection et ferait preuve de "coopération" avec les services de renseignement américains.

La presse israélienne avait quant à elle suggéré que son "rapt" aurait pu être l'oeuvre du Mossad, ce qu'avait démenti vivement le ministre de la Défense de l'époque Amir Peretz. (AFP, 2 jan 2011)


Chypre et la Grèce / Cyprus and Greece

Ankara dénonce les propos du président grec

Le ministère turc des Affaires étrangères a dénoncé vendredi des propos du président grec Karolos Papoulias assimilant les Turcs à des "barbares", affirmant qu'ils pourraient porter atteinte au climat de réconciliation entre la Turquie et la Grèce.

"Ces déclarations visent à déformer les réalités historiques
(...) et ne sont pas dignes d'une personne assumant de telles responsabilités", souligne un communiqué.

Le "barbare" turc a "massacré" Grecs et Arméniens au début du XXe siècle, a déclaré mardi le président grec en accueillant son homologue arménien Serge Sarkissian, en visite à Athènes.

"Nous avons été massacrés par le même barbare", a-t-il déclaré.

"Il est normal d'attendre des gens de responsabilité de s'abstenir de faire des déclarations qui pourraient nuire à l'atmosphère en cours entre les deux pays", a ajouté Ankara.

Ankara et Athènes ont entrepris une normalisation de leurs rapports, mais les relations butent toujours sur la délimitation du plateau continental et de l'espace aérien en mer Egée, ainsi que la question de Chypre.

La Turquie et l'Arménie sont, elles, divisées par la question des massacres d'Arméniens sous l'Empire ottoman (1915-1917), qu'Erevan entend voir reconnaître comme un génocide.

Les deux pays ont signé en octobre 2009 deux protocoles prévoyant des relations diplomatiques et la réouverture de leur frontière commune. Mais le processus s'est enlisé dans des accusations mutuelles. (AFP, 21 jan 2011)

Le président grec invoque l'histoire et les "massacres" par le "barbare" turc

Le "barbare" turc a "massacré" Grecs et Arméniens au début du XXe siècle, a déclaré mardi le président grec Karolos Papoulias en accueillant son homologue arménien Serge Sarkissian, en visite à Athènes.

"Nous avons été massacrés par le même barbare", a déclaré le président grec à M. Sarkissian qui a entamé mardi une visite de trois jours en Grèce.

"Beaucoup de choses ont changé" depuis le début du XXe siècle et les massacres d'Arméniens et de Grecs établis sur les bords de la mer Noire, a cependant ajouté M. Papoulias, 81 ans.

"Si nous n'avions pas à supporter le fardeau de l'équilibre militaire (avec la Turquie), nous n'aurions pas besoin du Fonds monétaire international", a-t-il poursuivi, en référence au plan d'aide de l'Union européenne et du FMI à la Grèce, étranglée par une dette publique abyssale.

La Grèce a entrepris une normalisation de ses rapports avec la Turquie, mais les relations butent toujours sur la délimitation du plateau continental et de l'espace aérien en mer Egée, ainsi que la question de Chypre.

Athènes argue de cette tension persistante pour renvoyer à plus tard une baisse radicale de son très important budget de défense, en dépit de la grave crise financière traversée par le pays.

La Turquie et l'Arménie sont, elles, divisées par la question des massacres d'Arméniens sous l'Empire ottoman (1915-1917), qu'Erevan entend voir reconnaître comme un génocide. Les deux pays ont signé en octobre 2009 deux protocoles prévoyant des relations diplomatiques et la réouverture de leur frontière commune. Mais le processus s'est enlisé dans des accusations mutuelles. (AFP, 18 jan 2011)

Echanges aigres-doux et voeux de coopération gréco-turque

Le Premier ministre turc et son homologue grec Recep Tayyip Erdogan ont échangé des critiques vendredi lors d'une conférence de diplomates turcs à Erzurum, dont M. George Papandreou était l'invité, tout en insistant sur la détente entre les deux pays.

Ils se sont donné l'un l'autre du "cher ami" lors de ce séminaire retranmis à la télévision.

"Nous rencontrons des difficultés notables... Construire la confiance n'est pas facile", a déclaré M. Papandreou, selon ses propos traduits par un interprète. Il a souligné que huit avions militaires turcs avaient pénétré l'espace aérien grec pas plus tard que mercredi.

"Qu'est-ce que la Turquie tente de prouver ? Sommes-nous vraiment condamnés à la tension ? Si je le pensais, je ne serai pas là aujourd'hui. Je crois en M. Erdogan...Je crois que nous pouvons obtenir la confiance et la paix", a-t-il ajouté.

M. Papandreou a aussi dénoncé la présence militaire de la Turquie dans le nord de Chypre : "Aussi longtemps que l'occupation de la Turquie continuera, les problèmes d'adhésion de la Turquie à l'Union européenne vont continuer".

Et il a exhorté Ankara à faire preuve d'un "nouveau dynamisme" dans les réformes en vue du respect des normes européennes.

Malgré une amélioration notable des relations bilatérales depuis 1999, les deux pays demeurent divisés sur leurs prétentions territoriales en mer Egée et à Chypre, divisée entre les deux communautés depuis 1974.

Prenant la parole après M. Papandreou, le Premier ministre turc Recep Tayyip Erdogan a accusé l'UE de discrimination envers la Turquie.

L'UE "teste notre patience... Si vous ne voulez pas de la Turquie, dites-le ouvertement... Nous garderons patience jusqu'à un certain point, mais notre patience s'épuise", a-t-il dit.

Il a aussi critiqué la Grèce pour ne pas avoir autorisé sa minorité turque à élire des représentants religieux.

"Je n'ai aucun doute dans la sincérité de mon cher ami (Papandreou). Comme nous avons décidé de nous réconcilier, nous devons y parvenir", a-t-il dit. (AFP, 7 jan 2011)

La Grèce veut clôturer sa frontière avec la Turquie face aux migrants

La Grèce se prépare à clôturer sa frontière terrestre avec la Turquie, principale porte d'entrée de l'immigration irrégulière en Europe, a annoncé samedi le ministre grec chargé de l'Immigration, Christos Papoutsis.

"La société grecque a dépassé ses limites en matière de capacité d'accueil des migrants clandestins. La Grèce n'en peut plus (...). Aux frontières terrestres, nous planifions la création d'une clôture pour bloquer l'immigration irrégulière", a déclaré le ministre à l'agence de presse grecque Ana.

C'est la première fois que M. Papoutsis fait état d'un tel projet, alors que la frontière terrestre gréco-turque, qui court sur quelque 150 km, est devenue le principal point de passage des sans-papiers dans l'Union européenne avec près de la moitié des entrées illégales détectées.

De janvier à début novembre, 32.500 interceptions ont été effectuées sur son seul tronçon de 12,5 km où le fleuve d'Evros, fait un saillant en territoire turc. En contrepartie, les interceptions ont décru de près de 80% sur les îles proches des côtes turques, auparavant visées par les réseaux de passeurs.

S'affirmant débordée, la Grèce a obtenu de ses partenaires que soient déployés le long de l'Evros en novembre plus de 200 garde-frontières de l'agence européenne Frontex. En novembre, selon Frontex, leur présence avait fait chuter de 44% le nombre des entrées irrégulières repérées, passées de quelque 250 à environ 140 par jour.

M. Papoutsis n'a pas fourni à l'Ana plus de précisions sur la forme que prendrait la "clôture", alors que le Haut-commissariat de l'ONU pour les réfugiés (HCR) rappelle régulièrement la Grèce à son devoir d'accueillir les candidats à l'asile, parmi lesquels figurent nombre des arrivants irréguliers, notamment Afghans, Irakiens et Somaliens. (AFP, 1 jan 2011)


Immigration / Migration

L'avocat d'un jeune détenu kurde qui s'était pendu demande une enquête

L'avocat d'un détenu kurde qui s'est pendu dans la nuit de dimanche à lundi à la maison d'arrêt de Gradignan (Gironde) a demandé mercredi au procureur de Bordeaux l'ouverture d'une information judiciaire sur les circonstances de ce suicide, a-t-il indiqué à l'AFP.

"La famille de Mehmet Aydeniz veut savoir ce qui s'est passé avant ce suicide" a indiqué Me Alexandre Novion au cours d'un point presse, affirmant avoir alerté "à plusieurs reprises en vain" la justice sur l'état psychologique de son client.

Le 7 janvier, ce jeune Kurde de 24 ans qui résidait en Allemagne avec sa femme et ses trois enfants, avait été condamné à six ans de prison pour trafic de stupéfiants. Il avait été interpellé et placé en détention provisoire en septembre 2008 et avait fait alors plusieurs tentatives de suicide.

Dans un rapport daté de mars 2009 et qu'a pu consulter l'AFP, un expert psychiatre indique que "sur les sept tentatives de suicide invoquées, deux seulement méritent ce qualificatif".

Me Novion s'insurge contre ce rapport selon lequel les "tentatives de pendaison en présence d'un tiers (...) ont de bonnes chances d'être vouées à l'échec", alors même que le jeune homme s'est pendu en présence d'un codétenu avec la ceinture d'un peignoir.

"Ce rapport psychiatrique a eu des conséquences épouvantables et tous les appels au secours de ce garçon, sa détresse, ses tentatives de suicide, ont été pris pour du bluff", tempête l'avocat bordelais.

Le jour de sa condamnation, Mehmet Aydeniz avait essayé une fois de plus de mettre fin à ses jours en avalant des médicaments. Il avait été "immédiatement renvoyé dans sa cellule après un simple lavage d'estomac" et laissé "sans surveillance particulière", souligne Me Novion.

"Il faut aller plus loin que la simple enquête préliminaire pour mort suspecte qui est en cours et que l'on puisse savoir pourquoi Mehmet Aydeniz est mort dans de telles circonstances", ajoute-t-il.

L'administration pénitentiaire contactée par l'AFP a indiqué "ne pas connaître ce dossier". (AFP, 19 jan 2011)

Deux migrants meurent noyés à la frontière gréco-turque

Deux migrants se sont noyés en tentant d'entrer clandestinement en Grèce par le fleuve Evros, qui marque la frontière terrestre avec la Turquie que les Grecs veulent clôturer face à l'immigration irrégulière, a indiqué vendredi l'agence de presse grecque Ana.

Les corps des deux hommes ont été retirés du fleuve jeudi, a précisé l'agence, sans précisions sur leur identité.

Il s'agit des premières victimes enregistrées pour 2011, après la mort dans les mêmes conditions de 44 migrants en 2010, selon la section grecque du Haut-commissariat pour les réfugiés de l'ONU (HCR).

S'affirmant débordée par le trafic de migrants à cette frontière, la Grèce vient d'annoncer sa volonté d'en grillager le tronçon de 12,5 km où le fleuve Evros, faisant saillant en territoire turc, n'y constitue pas un obstacle naturel.

La Commission européenne a émis des réserves sur ce projet alors que quelque 200 garde-frontière européens de l'agence chargée de la surveillance des frontières (Frontex) sont déployés depuis novembre dans la zone, à l'appel d'Athènes.

Diverses organisations grecques de protection des droits de l'homme ont mis en garde contre un verrouillage exposant les migrants à de plus grands dangers, remettant en cause le droit d'asile, et jugé inefficace au vu des capacités d'adaptation des réseaux de passeurs.

Le ministre français des Affaires européennes, Laurent Wauquiez, dont le pays coopère avec la Grèce en matière de lutte contre l'immigration irrégulière, a pour sa part salué jeudi dans un entretien au quotidien français La Croix les efforts d'Athènes pour stopper les flux en provenance de Turquie, sans se prononcer sur les solutions "techniques" retenues.

La frontière de l'Evros, qui court sur plus de 150 km, est devenue le principal point de passage des sans-papiers dans l'Union européenne avec près de la moitié des entrées illégales détectées. Pour les onze premiers mois de l'année, 43.000 interceptions y ont été effectuées, selon les derniers chiffres officiels grecs.

Ankara ne s'oppose pas au projet grec de clôture sur la frontière

La Turquie a déclaré vendredi comprendre le projet de la Grèce d'ériger une clôture le long d'une partie de leur frontière commune pour lutter contre l'immigration irrégulière.

"Ce ne serait pas juste d'appeler ça un mur. Ce n'est qu'une barrière. Nous avons discuté de la question et nous avons pleinement confiance l'un dans l'autre", a déclaré le Premier ministre turc Recep Tayyip Erdogan, au cours d'une conférence de presse télévisée commune avec son homologue grec Georges Papandréou.

Les deux dirigeants se sont rencontrés à Erzurum (est de la Turquie) où M. Papandréou était invité à une conférence de diplomates turcs.

M. Erdogan a indiqué qu'il avait été impressionné d'apprendre que la Grèce hébergeait près d'un million d'immigrants en situation irrégulière, dont la plupart ont transité par la Turquie.

"Les chiffres sont très, très élevés et cela a influencé mon opinion", a-t-il dit.

M. Papandréou a fait valoir de son côté que cette clôture ne visait pas les citoyens turcs. "Nous discutons d'un problème commun... Nous coopérons sur cette question et nous avons eu une discussion très constructive".

"Je suis confiant dans le fait que nous allons pousser notre coopération plus avant... Nous devons convaincre les Européens que nous avons une coopération très étroite et très sérieuse avec la Turquie sur la question de l'immigration clandestine", a poursuivi le chef du gouvernement grec. (AFP, 7 jan 2011)

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